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Indonesia extends ethnic olive branch to Papua
Papuan officers appointed to restive region’s top commands to mollify protest cries of racism, abuse and discrimination
ByJOHN MCBETH, JAKARTA
The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) now has its two highest ranking Papua-born officers in charge of the regional commands covering the easternmost provinces of West Papua and Papua, where recent riots have caused widespread damage in the region’s biggest city of Jayapura.
Analysts saw the appointment of Major-General Joppye Onesimus, 57, and Major-General Herman Asaribab, 55, to the Manokwari-based Cassowary (West Papua) and Jayapura-based Cendrawasih (Papua) commands as high-level acknowledgement that the army is part of the troubled territory’s problems.
But it remains to be seen whether the unprecedented appointments will help to mollify Papuan resentment of the long history of Jakarta’s racism, discrimination and rights abuses that lie at the heart of the unrest.
The move was not without confusion, however. Two changes were made on the same day, with one newly promoted general ending up where he started three weeks ago – staying on in Jakarta.
Although the national police are in charge of internal security, hundreds of army reinforcements have poured into the region to quell the worst disturbances in years, which have left at least six people dead.
Police have made scores of arrests in several Papuan cities and with an uneasy calm returning to much of the territory, chief security minister Wiranto has issued warnings banning further demonstrations.
The unrest was sparked by an incident in the East Java port city of Surabaya on August 19, when police and a mob of civilians shouting racist insults roughed up a group of Papuan students they accused of defiling an Indonesian flag outside their dormitory.
The worst of the riots have raged in Jayapura, with police reporting a trail of burned-out offices, shops, gas stations, restaurants, cars and motorcycles stretching from the city center to the district of Apebura on the Papua New Guinea border.
Sources familiar with the situation fear a volatile confrontation may be looming between indigenous Papuans and ethnic Buginese traders from South Sulawesi who make up the bulk of outside settlers and have suffered the most from the destruction.
A government-imposed Internet blackout remains in force across the region to prevent the spread of inflammatory messages over social media, similar to measures taken following post-election riots in Jakarta in May.
Ombudsmen say because the Information Ministry has failed to enforce the registration of pre-paid cellular numbers, it has been difficult to trace the source of hoaxes and provocative messaging that have contributed to tensions.
Inevitably, many of the protestors have demanded a referendum on independence, similar to the one that saw East Timor separate from Indonesia in 1999, a call the government has consistently refused to countenance.
Papua’s military rotation began last August 14 when TNI headquarters moved Onesimus from Manokwari, where he had served the previous three years, to Jayapura, bringing in Java-born special forces veteran Major-General Santos Gunawan Matondang, 56, to take his place.
Hours later, a new order came down transferring Matondang, a 1987 military academy classmate of Tjajanto, back to a staff job at army headquarters and replacing him with Muhammad Nur Rahmad, the region’s existing chief of staff.
The wording in the second directive suggests army commander General Andika Perkasa may have either objected to or otherwise intervened in the appointment of Matondang, whose career record shows little or no Papuan experience.
For analysts with long memories, a single-day change of command has not happened since 1998 when Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) chief Lieutenant General Johny Lumintang was abruptly removed from the job only 18 hours after his appointment.
That was in response to protests from senior Muslim officers who complained that a Christian should not be given such a key post; since the birth of the democratic era, a serving Christian officer has never been given a fourth star.
In this case – and under prevailing circumstances – a Papuan heritage appears to have taken on new importance. Onesmus was born on Yapen, an island off the northern coast of West Papua; Asaribab, an infantryman and the father of three children, hails from Jayapura.
Cassowary was added in 2016 with its own raider battalion and a second territorial battalion for security operations across what is usually the more peaceful half of the territory, mostly free of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rebel fighters.
There have been 36 commanders, several destined to become head of the armed forces and the army, since Cendrawasih was established in mid-1963, the year the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority transferred Papua’s administration to Indonesia.
Like Lumintang in the two years before his short-lived promotion, a majority of them have been Christian in keeping with the dominant religion of the two provinces, which voted overwhelmingly for Joko Widodo in last April’s divisive presidential elections.
Six of the last eight commanders going back to 2008 have either been Christian or, in one case, Balinese, but no Papuan officers had ever held the post before Onesmus finally received his second star.
Analysts question how a Papuan general’s approach may be different when he has been brought up in a military culture where separatism and efforts to sew discord are often treated harshly.
But perceptions may be important to the local populace at a time when the government is struggling to put a lid on the unrest, which by chance has been taking place at the same time as the 20th anniversary of East Timor’s bloody separation from Indonesia.
__________________________________
Interesting news
Papuan officers appointed to restive region’s top commands to mollify protest cries of racism, abuse and discrimination
ByJOHN MCBETH, JAKARTA
The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) now has its two highest ranking Papua-born officers in charge of the regional commands covering the easternmost provinces of West Papua and Papua, where recent riots have caused widespread damage in the region’s biggest city of Jayapura.
Analysts saw the appointment of Major-General Joppye Onesimus, 57, and Major-General Herman Asaribab, 55, to the Manokwari-based Cassowary (West Papua) and Jayapura-based Cendrawasih (Papua) commands as high-level acknowledgement that the army is part of the troubled territory’s problems.
But it remains to be seen whether the unprecedented appointments will help to mollify Papuan resentment of the long history of Jakarta’s racism, discrimination and rights abuses that lie at the heart of the unrest.
The move was not without confusion, however. Two changes were made on the same day, with one newly promoted general ending up where he started three weeks ago – staying on in Jakarta.
Although the national police are in charge of internal security, hundreds of army reinforcements have poured into the region to quell the worst disturbances in years, which have left at least six people dead.
Police have made scores of arrests in several Papuan cities and with an uneasy calm returning to much of the territory, chief security minister Wiranto has issued warnings banning further demonstrations.
An armed Indonesian policeman stands guard near a burning building in Papua’s Jayapura, August 29, 2019. Photo: AFP/Indra Thamrin Hatta
The unrest was sparked by an incident in the East Java port city of Surabaya on August 19, when police and a mob of civilians shouting racist insults roughed up a group of Papuan students they accused of defiling an Indonesian flag outside their dormitory.
The worst of the riots have raged in Jayapura, with police reporting a trail of burned-out offices, shops, gas stations, restaurants, cars and motorcycles stretching from the city center to the district of Apebura on the Papua New Guinea border.
Sources familiar with the situation fear a volatile confrontation may be looming between indigenous Papuans and ethnic Buginese traders from South Sulawesi who make up the bulk of outside settlers and have suffered the most from the destruction.
A government-imposed Internet blackout remains in force across the region to prevent the spread of inflammatory messages over social media, similar to measures taken following post-election riots in Jakarta in May.
Ombudsmen say because the Information Ministry has failed to enforce the registration of pre-paid cellular numbers, it has been difficult to trace the source of hoaxes and provocative messaging that have contributed to tensions.
Inevitably, many of the protestors have demanded a referendum on independence, similar to the one that saw East Timor separate from Indonesia in 1999, a call the government has consistently refused to countenance.
Papua’s military rotation began last August 14 when TNI headquarters moved Onesimus from Manokwari, where he had served the previous three years, to Jayapura, bringing in Java-born special forces veteran Major-General Santos Gunawan Matondang, 56, to take his place.
Indonesian soldiers with Papua protesters in Jayapura on September 1, 2019. Photo: AFP/Handout /Indonesian Military
But the change of command never took place and on August 30, 11 days after the riots erupted, TNI chief Air Chief Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto moved Matondang to West Kalimantan instead and appointed Asaribab as the new West Papua regional commander.
Hours later, a new order came down transferring Matondang, a 1987 military academy classmate of Tjajanto, back to a staff job at army headquarters and replacing him with Muhammad Nur Rahmad, the region’s existing chief of staff.
The wording in the second directive suggests army commander General Andika Perkasa may have either objected to or otherwise intervened in the appointment of Matondang, whose career record shows little or no Papuan experience.
For analysts with long memories, a single-day change of command has not happened since 1998 when Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) chief Lieutenant General Johny Lumintang was abruptly removed from the job only 18 hours after his appointment.
That was in response to protests from senior Muslim officers who complained that a Christian should not be given such a key post; since the birth of the democratic era, a serving Christian officer has never been given a fourth star.
In this case – and under prevailing circumstances – a Papuan heritage appears to have taken on new importance. Onesmus was born on Yapen, an island off the northern coast of West Papua; Asaribab, an infantryman and the father of three children, hails from Jayapura.
Major-General Herman Asaribab (R) was recently appointed to the Jayapura-based Cendrawasih (Papua) command. Photo: Facebook
Indonesian Papua was originally covered by the single Cendrawasih command, known as Kodam XVII, which includes a specially-trained raider infantry battalion, a cavalry unit and three engineering detachments used for road-building in difficult terrain.
Cassowary was added in 2016 with its own raider battalion and a second territorial battalion for security operations across what is usually the more peaceful half of the territory, mostly free of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rebel fighters.
There have been 36 commanders, several destined to become head of the armed forces and the army, since Cendrawasih was established in mid-1963, the year the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority transferred Papua’s administration to Indonesia.
Like Lumintang in the two years before his short-lived promotion, a majority of them have been Christian in keeping with the dominant religion of the two provinces, which voted overwhelmingly for Joko Widodo in last April’s divisive presidential elections.
Six of the last eight commanders going back to 2008 have either been Christian or, in one case, Balinese, but no Papuan officers had ever held the post before Onesmus finally received his second star.
Analysts question how a Papuan general’s approach may be different when he has been brought up in a military culture where separatism and efforts to sew discord are often treated harshly.
But perceptions may be important to the local populace at a time when the government is struggling to put a lid on the unrest, which by chance has been taking place at the same time as the 20th anniversary of East Timor’s bloody separation from Indonesia.
__________________________________
Interesting news
Nike
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Indonesia extends ethnic olive branch to Papua
Papuan officers appointed to restive region’s top commands to mollify protest cries of racism, abuse and discrimination
ByJOHN MCBETH, JAKARTA
The Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) now has its two highest ranking Papua-born officers in charge of the regional commands covering the easternmost provinces of West Papua and Papua, where recent riots have caused widespread damage in the region’s biggest city of Jayapura.
Analysts saw the appointment of Major-General Joppye Onesimus, 57, and Major-General Herman Asaribab, 55, to the Manokwari-based Cassowary (West Papua) and Jayapura-based Cendrawasih (Papua) commands as high-level acknowledgement that the army is part of the troubled territory’s problems.
But it remains to be seen whether the unprecedented appointments will help to mollify Papuan resentment of the long history of Jakarta’s racism, discrimination and rights abuses that lie at the heart of the unrest.
The move was not without confusion, however. Two changes were made on the same day, with one newly promoted general ending up where he started three weeks ago – staying on in Jakarta.
Although the national police are in charge of internal security, hundreds of army reinforcements have poured into the region to quell the worst disturbances in years, which have left at least six people dead.
Police have made scores of arrests in several Papuan cities and with an uneasy calm returning to much of the territory, chief security minister Wiranto has issued warnings banning further demonstrations.
An armed Indonesian policeman stands guard near a burning building in Papua’s Jayapura, August 29, 2019. Photo: AFP/Indra Thamrin Hatta
The unrest was sparked by an incident in the East Java port city of Surabaya on August 19, when police and a mob of civilians shouting racist insults roughed up a group of Papuan students they accused of defiling an Indonesian flag outside their dormitory.
The worst of the riots have raged in Jayapura, with police reporting a trail of burned-out offices, shops, gas stations, restaurants, cars and motorcycles stretching from the city center to the district of Apebura on the Papua New Guinea border.
Sources familiar with the situation fear a volatile confrontation may be looming between indigenous Papuans and ethnic Buginese traders from South Sulawesi who make up the bulk of outside settlers and have suffered the most from the destruction.
A government-imposed Internet blackout remains in force across the region to prevent the spread of inflammatory messages over social media, similar to measures taken following post-election riots in Jakarta in May.
Ombudsmen say because the Information Ministry has failed to enforce the registration of pre-paid cellular numbers, it has been difficult to trace the source of hoaxes and provocative messaging that have contributed to tensions.
Inevitably, many of the protestors have demanded a referendum on independence, similar to the one that saw East Timor separate from Indonesia in 1999, a call the government has consistently refused to countenance.
Papua’s military rotation began last August 14 when TNI headquarters moved Onesimus from Manokwari, where he had served the previous three years, to Jayapura, bringing in Java-born special forces veteran Major-General Santos Gunawan Matondang, 56, to take his place.
Indonesian soldiers with Papua protesters in Jayapura on September 1, 2019. Photo: AFP/Handout /Indonesian MilitaryBut the change of command never took place and on August 30, 11 days after the riots erupted, TNI chief Air Chief Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto moved Matondang to West Kalimantan instead and appointed Asaribab as the new West Papua regional commander.
Hours later, a new order came down transferring Matondang, a 1987 military academy classmate of Tjajanto, back to a staff job at army headquarters and replacing him with Muhammad Nur Rahmad, the region’s existing chief of staff.
The wording in the second directive suggests army commander General Andika Perkasa may have either objected to or otherwise intervened in the appointment of Matondang, whose career record shows little or no Papuan experience.
For analysts with long memories, a single-day change of command has not happened since 1998 when Army Strategic Reserve (Kostrad) chief Lieutenant General Johny Lumintang was abruptly removed from the job only 18 hours after his appointment.
That was in response to protests from senior Muslim officers who complained that a Christian should not be given such a key post; since the birth of the democratic era, a serving Christian officer has never been given a fourth star.
In this case – and under prevailing circumstances – a Papuan heritage appears to have taken on new importance. Onesmus was born on Yapen, an island off the northern coast of West Papua; Asaribab, an infantryman and the father of three children, hails from Jayapura.
Major-General Herman Asaribab (R) was recently appointed to the Jayapura-based Cendrawasih (Papua) command. Photo: FacebookIndonesian Papua was originally covered by the single Cendrawasih command, known as Kodam XVII, which includes a specially-trained raider infantry battalion, a cavalry unit and three engineering detachments used for road-building in difficult terrain.
Cassowary was added in 2016 with its own raider battalion and a second territorial battalion for security operations across what is usually the more peaceful half of the territory, mostly free of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rebel fighters.
There have been 36 commanders, several destined to become head of the armed forces and the army, since Cendrawasih was established in mid-1963, the year the United Nations Temporary Executive Authority transferred Papua’s administration to Indonesia.
Like Lumintang in the two years before his short-lived promotion, a majority of them have been Christian in keeping with the dominant religion of the two provinces, which voted overwhelmingly for Joko Widodo in last April’s divisive presidential elections.
Six of the last eight commanders going back to 2008 have either been Christian or, in one case, Balinese, but no Papuan officers had ever held the post before Onesmus finally received his second star.
Analysts question how a Papuan general’s approach may be different when he has been brought up in a military culture where separatism and efforts to sew discord are often treated harshly.
But perceptions may be important to the local populace at a time when the government is struggling to put a lid on the unrest, which by chance has been taking place at the same time as the 20th anniversary of East Timor’s bloody separation from Indonesia.
__________________________________
Interesting news
Our Eastern population is a good materiel for soldiery, they are very loyal if you can catch their hearts and minds, hardy fighter, natural combatant who can cope with harsh condition and fought bravely until the bitter ends. Several case of fighting and police action in Papua further cemented this fact. No wonder the Dutch keep recruit them when fighting against other area in Nusantara
Kansel
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Well,you know the technology behind K2 tho,hydropneumatic suspension,softkill APS,NERA lets lets remove autoloader and keep hydropneumatic just like altay and keep softkill aps too,if u talking about pricy thing well 32 viper is considered as pricy thing tho,alongside with boeing 737 aewc,mpa&767 tanker/mrtt
By this link http://defense-studies.blogspot.com/2015/01/pesawat-intai-maritim-baru-jadi-program.html?m=1
And this
http://defense-studies.blogspot.com/2018/05/indonesia-butuh-pesawat-intai-baru.html?m=1
In this link we didn't even mention aewc so i assume that strategic mpa (MMA) masuk ke mef 3 and aewc became new stuff i hope so.
HellFireIndo
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We have something of a "special agreement" with two countries regarding technology transfer cooperation, they are the Netherlands and South Korea, and for defense tech specifically, let's just spend money on the South Korean, if they are willing to provide technology for that then it's a good deal.
Recruits from isolated and border region have less access to good education compared to their peer in Java, therefore many of them are unable to catch up with the cram-heavy theoretical aspect of the Military School (these gramed books ofc), so TNI-Polri's solution is providing them "affirmative action" of less emphasizing on the academics, and just let them focus on the physical prowess, no wonder the result is that they dominated the physical excellence test where most Western Indonesian recruits are struggling to even getting the passing grade.
Yes, no doubt that their genetics and harsh upbringing bred good soldier material, but then TNI-Polri again and again brought up the question of hpw to make the best curriculum specifically aimed towards Eastern Indonesian recruit, as although their physical abilities is still as strong suite for drilling and PE, the academic part is what being lagging here.
Recruits from isolated and border region have less access to good education compared to their peer in Java, therefore many of them are unable to catch up with the cram-heavy theoretical aspect of the Military School (these gramed books ofc), so TNI-Polri's solution is providing them "affirmative action" of less emphasizing on the academics, and just let them focus on the physical prowess, no wonder the result is that they dominated the physical excellence test where most Western Indonesian recruits are struggling to even getting the passing grade.
Nike
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Thou there is many way to enhance our air based surveillance capability, well rounder platform like Poseidon is a nice addition but not only that they can enhance our ASW capability. But i still suggest for the airforce to find more cheaper albeit aging P3 platform and used them as part of our recon units and P3 had bombing /ground attack mission capability the same with Poseidon. Their sensor nodes can still support our ground and naval units. To complement them i suggest for our Airforce to actively lobby UK to sell us their Sentinel and going to perform JSTAR mission in our region as we need them nonetheless.
Well i do still suggest for the airforce to adding more combatant first, F 16 is my preference as they are very versatile, efficient and typical workhorse with high ratio performa
I am not suggest the recruit to pass complex officer school training course and the likes of cavalry, artillery and so on. Let them be what they excell the most, as infantry units, they can be teached as special bred infantry such as mountain units (until now i still wonder with many mountain area why Indonesia doesnt have a special mountain brigade units the likes of Alpini, many Papua ambush case happened in remote high altitude mountain area) , raider, marines and so on, and let them climb their career from those path.
With this typical of man they had, they are hardy as Scotsman or even Gurkha.
Last edited:
Kansel
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Yeah i Know P-3 is really a great choice for us but unfortunately AU is prohibited to purchase barang second (not in prime condition),in this case AU really wanted jet engined aewc,tanker and mpa, raytheon sentinel is a great choice for us atleast we need something like that,airbus a320 ISR is also a great choice for us
Well 32 viper with possibly additional 16 viper for new sqad is really great for us just need to secure LM arsenal license offer tho really need to ngelengkapin armada F16 kita
HellFireIndo
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It seems that the troops needs to bring some Riot gears with them for close quarter scenario.
trishna_amṛta
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The majority of those IG, Facebook comments came from sockpuppet accounts.
Not that easy. Removing the autoloader mean it need some redesign of the bustle and adding the ammo rack along with it blast resistance hatch. And that cost additional development.
I don't see how Rheinmetall will be willing to provide any ToT regarding AMAP-B
Sound great to me, and IMO that should be the roadmap.
P-3 combat system is too old and not suitable to deal with the threat of modern SSK.
NEKONEKO
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Only KOSTRAD for expeditionary forces? I think need some personel from paskhas too for Frontline Air Base Establishment and Management Operation.
Interesting, should we go with this expeditionary forces? If i am not mistaken with the new law(not sure if its already approved or still in "tug of war") TNI can operate outside Indonesian border.
I concur.
trishna_amṛta
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IMO we all need to view the Papua situation from different perspective, and that mean looking it from the native Papuan who live there. Don't get me wrong, I'm not saying to support their separatist agenda, but looking it from their perspective, as in what they really craving for instead of what we thought to be good for them.
This coverage from Kompas.id is pretty good,
https://bebas.kompas.id/baca/utama/2019/09/15/pesan-di-balik-kerusuhan-tanah-papua/
Excellent point of not heading into affirmative action (which is really bad for everyone)
As for mountain warfare unit, although Indonesia has plenty of mountainous terrain, those mountains with the exeption of the Sudirrman Mountain Range at Papua are mostly volcanic in nature with Mt. Kerinci being the highest at slightly over 12.400 ft. A healthy & fit enough person could operate at 10.000 ft albeit they going to need some altitude acclamation beforehand. A light infantry unit can be given mission oriented training beforehand to operate in such environment without the need to establish a specialised mountain warfare unit.
"Expeditionary" isn't exclusively mean to operate outside national border. It should be interpret more broadly as in "Expeditionary role" such as retaking a territory that has been taken by an OPFOR
Kansel
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Nah,if we use manual loader cuma dudukan amunisinya berubah as i said just like altay maybe we can keep softkill aps tho
Nike
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You need to see my points from Army perspective, the Air Force is projected outward by nature and Navy got their share of Marines Corps and armada (thus very outward thinking too by nature) . Army got Kodam and Kostrad, Kostrad is projected as our hammer and our fist by the Army. To projected them as expeditionary forces is to have an independen units capable to excecute any task within or outside our National border without care of protecting homefront. To have a corps sized units to perform such task will demand a lot of logistick and support units in which Kodam units can be tasked upon. Thats why Army is adamant of such idea and combined with their goals to have an interlinked units, supported by C4ISR capability with sizeable conventional forces (armor, artillery and infantry units) and able to work with other branch (Marines, Navy and Airforce), the army want their own share of modernization and Kostrad is the tip of such reform by choice
Kucing itu imut
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Hasil puluhan tahun kena leech. Desa sebelah tambang terbesar nggak punya listrik.
Wajar saja mereka minta referendum dengan pembangunan papua puluhan tahun yang seperti itu. Yang tidak wajar adalah jika warga Jakarta meminta referendum.
Their demand for referendum is logical and normal. Or rather, it's weird if they didn't ask for referendum. They're justified for asking it
Nike
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Well, past is past, the current generation task is to giving more investment on them and not repeat such basic mistakes anymore. New Order era is kinda stupid at some of their policies
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