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radialv
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xi...xiii...si umno ternyata stupid ya...whoever you are...i believe that your brain are very small
Nike
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Police to tighten security measures during Chinese New Year
Kamis, 15 Februari 2018 19:16 WIB - 0 Views
Reporter: antara
Illustrasi. Imlek Semawis Market, an annual event held in Chinatown Semarang, Central Java, to welcome the Lunar New Year. (ANTARA PHOTO/R. Rekotomo) ()
Depok, W Java (ANTARA News) - National Police Chief Police General Tito Karnavian has instructed all regional police chiefs to heighten security measures around their local places of worship in the run-up to the Chinese New Year celebration.
"They know what they need to do based on experiences from the previous years, but we will enhance security measures," he stated in Depok, West Java, on Thursday.
He had also instructed the regional police chiefs to map out potentially vulnerable areas.
"I have urged them to look at the maps and identify possible areas that are prone to being sensitive, as they could change from time to time," he added.
Apart from several monasteries, some shopping centers and crowded areas will also be under intensive surveillance during the Chinese New Year celebrations by deploying more police personnel.
The first day of the New Chinese Year 2569 will fall on Friday, Feb 16, marking the beginning of the Year of Dog.
The celebrations will begin on the first day of the Chinese calendar and end on the 15th, which is often referred to as Cap Go Meh.
Reported by Anita Permata Dewi
(UU.KR-ARC/B/KR-BSR/A014)
Editor: Heru Purwanto
COPYRIGHT © ANTARA 2018
http://m.antaranews.com/en/news/114647/police-to-tighten-security-measures-during-chinese-new-year
Mr. Woof Woof
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Hawk replacement ?emang drama viper season 2 udah resmi?
yang season 1 emang udah selesai tapi yang season 2 kan baru nanya harga kan?baru mau casting pemain.
btw si umno lagi nyari materi baru soalnya su35 sudah ga bisa dipake lagi
Su35 is now officially replace the f5,for the future topic would be how about the hawk replacement?
another su35/rafale
Still a long time to go, may be on 2026.
Hawks are light fighters thus will be replaced with light fighters also. Due to commonality reason, since we already have T50i golden eagle so I prefer FA-50.
barjo
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uuurrraaaa!!!!!Breaking News: Su-35 Contract finally signed.
Pemerintah Sudah Tandatangani Kontrak Pembelian Sukhoi Rusia
Zulhamdi Yahmin
15 Februari 2018, 14:03 WIB
Kepala Pusat Komunikasi Publik Kementerian Pertahanan (Kemhan), Brigadir Jenderal TNI Totok Sugiharto. FOTO: Dok. Kemhan
RILIS.ID, Jakarta— Indonesia dipastikan akan segera kedatangan pesawat tempur Sukhoi-35 dari Rusia. Kepastian itu setelah pemerintah melaksanakan penandatanganan kontrak pembelian pesawat tempur yang akan menggantikan F-5 Tiger milik TNI Angkatan Udara tersebut.
Kepala Pusat Komunikasi Publik Kementerian Pertahanan (Kemhan), Brigadir Jenderal TNI Totok Sugiharto, mengonfirmasi penandatanganan kontrak tersebut telah dilaksanakan.
"Iya sudah," kata Totok kepada rilis.id, Kamis (15/2/2018).
Totok mengatakan, penandatanganan kontrak telah dilakukan, Rabu (14/2) kemarin.
"Betul, tanggal 14 kemarin," ujarnya.
Dia mengungkapkan, penandatanganan kontrak pembelian pesawat generasi 4,5 itu dilakukan di Indonesia. Pesawat yang akan datang rencananya full combat atau dengan persenjataan lengkap.
"Insya Allah full combat," ungkap perwira tinggi TNI AD bintang satu tersebut.
Seperti diketahui, pemerintah memang sejak 2014 merencanakan pembelian pesawat tempur Sukhoi-35 untuk TNI AU sebagai pengganti F-5 Tiger yang sudah tidak laik terbang. Rencananya, Indonesia akan mendatangkan Sukhoi itu sebanyak 11 unit.
http://www.rilis.id/Pemerintah-Sudah-Tandatangani-Kontrak-Pembelian-Sukhoi-Rusia
UMNOPutra
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Hahahaha....Refer to the previous "uncredibility report" on your SU-35 .. It would be better to wait until October 2018 .. That news is true or not ...
Last edited:
Star Bugs
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umno has a brain? I don't think so. Not even a tiny one.
Nike
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FROM INDONESIA
IMPOR SENJATA INDONESIA MELONJAK 677 PERSEN PADA JANUARI 2018
16 FEBRUARY 2018 DIANEKO_LC 3 COMMENTS
Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) mencatat impor Indonesia pada Januari 2018 mengalami peningkatan sebesar US$ 39 juta menjadi US$ 15,1 miliar atau 0,26 persen dibandingkan Desember 2017.
Hal ini disebabkan karena kenaikan impor non migas yang nilainya sebesar US$ 457 juta atau naik 3,65 persen. Di sisi lain impor migas justru mengalami penurunan seebsar US$ 418 juta menjadi US$ 2,1 miliar.
Kepala BPS Suhariyanto mengatakan kenaikan impor ini paling tinggi adalah kategori barang senjata dan amunisi. Banyaknya impor senjata disebabkan kebutuhan TNI dan Polri untuk memperkuat sistem pertahanan Indonesia mengalami peningkatan.
“Senjata menjadi salah satu golongan barang yang mengalami kenaikan impor di periode Januari 2018 selain Kendaraan dan bagiannya, plastik dan barang dari plastik, baham kimia organik, mesin dan pesawat listrik,” kata dia dikantornya, Kamis (15/2/2018).
BPS mencatat kenaikan impor senjata dan amunisi mencapai 677,4 persen dibandingkan Desember 2017. Nilainya pada Desember 2017 sebesar US$ 13,3 juta namun pada Januari 2018 melonjak menjadi US$ 103,4 juta.
Meski jika dibandigkan Desember 2017 mengalami penigkatan, namun jika dibandingkan Januari 2017, impor senjata dan amunisi mengalami penurunan 20,5 persen.
Photo : 5.56 Ammo (sacramento)
Sumber : Liputan6
Indonesia import in ammunition and weapons raising in january period, 103 million US dollar.
katarabhumi
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Indonesian military expects Sukhoi jets to arrive for its anniversary after inking the deal
ISMIRA LUTFIA TISNADIBRATA | Published — Friday 16 February 2018
JAKARTA: The Indonesian military is expected to welcome two Sukhoi Su-35 "Flanker-E" to its combat aircraft fleet in October, after signing a contract to buy the fighter jets from Russia.
A spokesman for the Defense Ministry, Brig. Gen. Totok Sugiharto confirmed to Arab News that the contract for 11 multirole combat aircrafts was signed in Jakarta on Feb. 14.
Rear Adm. Agus Setiadji, head of defense facilities agency at the ministry, signed on behalf of the Indonesian government with a representative from Russia’s state-owned defense product broker, Rosoboronexport.
The first two fighter jets are expected to arrive in early October, said Totok, in time to take part in the TNI parade to celebrate armed forces day on Oct. 5. TNI is the Indonesian acronym for the Indonesian Armed Forces.
“The Sukhoi jets would replace the existing F5-E Tiger jet fighters fleet,” he added.
The contract, worth $1.140 billion, was finalized following negotiations that started in 2017. It includes the signing of a bilateral deal in Moscow in August to barter coffee, tea, palm oil, cacao, spices and the commodities’ derivatives, processed fish and textiles as well as Indonesia’s defense products with the Sukhoi fleet. Indonesian state trading company PT Perusahaan Perdagangan Indonesia and Russian state conglomerate Rostec will be the agencies implementing the barter trade.
The part-barter deal will allow Indonesia to pay 50 percent of the Sukhoi jet fighter contract by exporting its commodities valued at $570 million, Trade Minister Enggartiasto Lukita said in August at a joint press conference with Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu.
“With this barter deal, Indonesia can export more commodities that we have exported before, as well as the ones that we didn’t get to export previously,” Enggartiasto said.
Under Indonesia’s defense industry law, the procurement contract for defense equipment from foreign producer is subject to at least 35 percent offset requirements. Russia has said that it will provide 35 percent offset from the contract value by providing a training for maintenance and repair of the Sukhoi fleet.
In October, then-military chief Gen. Gatot Nurmantyo said in accordance to request from the air force, that the Sukhoi jets will be equipped with air-to-air missile, air-to-ground missile, bombs, ground support equipment, simulator, spare parts and spare engines.
The Indonesian Air Force already has a full squadron of Sukhoi Su-27 SKM and Su-30 Mk2 jets.
Since the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is President Joko Widodo’s predecessor, Indonesia has been significantly increasing its defense budget to modernize its aging Armed Forces fleet and equipment and rejuvenate its defense industry.
Its spending on military equipment aims to meet the minimum essential force target by 2024 or the bare minimum of primary defense equipment to safeguard the country’s vast archipelago.
http://www.arabnews.com/node/1247831/world
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ISMIRA LUTFIA TISNADIBRATA | Published — Friday 16 February 2018
JAKARTA: The Indonesian military is expected to welcome two Sukhoi Su-35 "Flanker-E" to its combat aircraft fleet in October, after signing a contract to buy the fighter jets from Russia.
A spokesman for the Defense Ministry, Brig. Gen. Totok Sugiharto confirmed to Arab News that the contract for 11 multirole combat aircrafts was signed in Jakarta on Feb. 14.
Rear Adm. Agus Setiadji, head of defense facilities agency at the ministry, signed on behalf of the Indonesian government with a representative from Russia’s state-owned defense product broker, Rosoboronexport.
The first two fighter jets are expected to arrive in early October, said Totok, in time to take part in the TNI parade to celebrate armed forces day on Oct. 5. TNI is the Indonesian acronym for the Indonesian Armed Forces.
“The Sukhoi jets would replace the existing F5-E Tiger jet fighters fleet,” he added.
The contract, worth $1.140 billion, was finalized following negotiations that started in 2017. It includes the signing of a bilateral deal in Moscow in August to barter coffee, tea, palm oil, cacao, spices and the commodities’ derivatives, processed fish and textiles as well as Indonesia’s defense products with the Sukhoi fleet. Indonesian state trading company PT Perusahaan Perdagangan Indonesia and Russian state conglomerate Rostec will be the agencies implementing the barter trade.
The part-barter deal will allow Indonesia to pay 50 percent of the Sukhoi jet fighter contract by exporting its commodities valued at $570 million, Trade Minister Enggartiasto Lukita said in August at a joint press conference with Defense Minister Ryamizard Ryacudu.
“With this barter deal, Indonesia can export more commodities that we have exported before, as well as the ones that we didn’t get to export previously,” Enggartiasto said.
Under Indonesia’s defense industry law, the procurement contract for defense equipment from foreign producer is subject to at least 35 percent offset requirements. Russia has said that it will provide 35 percent offset from the contract value by providing a training for maintenance and repair of the Sukhoi fleet.
In October, then-military chief Gen. Gatot Nurmantyo said in accordance to request from the air force, that the Sukhoi jets will be equipped with air-to-air missile, air-to-ground missile, bombs, ground support equipment, simulator, spare parts and spare engines.
The Indonesian Air Force already has a full squadron of Sukhoi Su-27 SKM and Su-30 Mk2 jets.
Since the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is President Joko Widodo’s predecessor, Indonesia has been significantly increasing its defense budget to modernize its aging Armed Forces fleet and equipment and rejuvenate its defense industry.
Its spending on military equipment aims to meet the minimum essential force target by 2024 or the bare minimum of primary defense equipment to safeguard the country’s vast archipelago.
http://www.arabnews.com/node/1247831/world
.
katarabhumi
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Deepening the US-Indonesian Strategic Partnership
Defense Secretary Mattis’ recent visit to Indonesia was an important step forward.
By Patrick M. Cronin and Marvin C. Ott
February 17, 2018
Indonesia is a huge archipelago, the most populous predominantly Muslim country in the world, and the most consequential nation in Southeast Asia. Indonesia may have a relatively low public profile, but not as far as the Pentagon is concerned – and something important is happening when it comes to U.S. defense and security ties with Jakarta.
The history of relations between America and Indonesia has been anything but smooth. Indonesia’s founding president, Sukarno – flamboyant, narcissistic, gifted, and ultimately irresponsible – led Indonesia through the 1950s and early 1960s on a fateful political trajectory. Indonesia emerged from Dutch colonial control (and Japanese military occupation) with democratic, Western-oriented, political institutions. But actual governance proved difficult and poverty deepened despite the natural wealth of the country. Sukarno soon seized upon the international Marxist/communist, “anti-imperialist,” “revolutionary” narrative. It was political “bread and circuses” without the bread. By the early-to-mid 1960s he was publicly calling for an Indonesian alignment with China and North Korea – “the New Emerging Forces.” Domestically he became increasingly reliant on the powerful Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The results were catastrophic. In 1965, a communist-aligned coup (with Sukarno’s tacit if not active support) produced a military countercoup and a national bloodbath.
When the killing stopped, the PKI had been wiped out and Sukarno was replaced by Suharto, an army general turned President. For the next three decades Indonesia’s “New Order” regime was a classic modernizing autocracy. The World Bank provided aid, U.S.-trained economists crafted a growing export-led economy, and the military guaranteed societal stability with tight controls. Relations with the United States, which had deteriorated almost to the breaking point under Sukarno, improved dramatically – particularly in the economic realm. Defense relations were nominally friendly but not close or cordial. The Indonesian military leadership inherited more than a little of Sukarno’s suspicion that Americans harbored imperialist designs to exploit if not dominate Indonesia. Broad public resentment of America’s perceived support for Israel over the Palestinians tended to buttress such skepticism.
History often surprises and at the end of the 1990s the long-entrenched Suharto regime crumbled and was succeeded, not by chaos or civil war or another autocrat as many expected, but by a functioning constitutional democracy. It was as close to a political miracle as this world allows. At the same time, U.S.-Indonesian security relations improved as Indonesia found itself dealing with a serious homegrown Islamist terrorist threat and turned for help to U.S. law enforcement and military counterterrorist organizations. In 2004 a massive tsunami struck eastern Indonesia. In response, the U.S. Navy’s mobilized an effective rescue and relief operation that transformed Indonesian perceptions of America for the better.
By the beginning of this century U.S.-Indonesia military-to-military relations had become genuinely warm; the residual suspicions and doubts had largely melted away. Counterterrorist cooperation was substantial and effective. Congressionally imposed sanctions on the Indonesian military that dated back to severe human rights abuses at the end of the Suharto regime were being whittled away. Crucial educational opportunities for Indonesian officers at U.S. military facilities were being restored. It remained an open question, however, whether security relations between the two countries and between their military establishments could move beyond targeted areas of cooperation (counterterrorism, education) to a true strategic partnership.
In recent months, an affirmative answer to that question seems to be taking shape. That is one way to read the results of Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis’ visit last month to Jakarta. That visit took place against the backdrop of aggressive Chinese activities (naval deployments, seizure of atolls, island building and fortification) designed to provide China with effective control over as much of the South China Sea as possible.
China’s putative maritime boundary (the “nine-dash line”) encroaches on a 200-mile exclusive economic zone that extends out from Indonesia’s Natuna Islands into the South China Sea. That zone is Indonesia’s under the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. China, however, has claimed the right to send its fishing fleets into those waters. Over the last two to three years there have been numerous clashes between Chinese fishing boats, backed by maritime police, with Indonesian patrol craft. Indonesia’s president has underlined the importance of the maritime domain for the economic and security future of his country. Very recently the Indonesian government formally declared that the waters off Natuna constitute the “North Natuna Sea” – not the South China Sea. Beijing angrily rejected Indonesia’s terminology and demanded it be withdrawn.
For the United States, China’s ambitions in the South China Sea constitute a direct challenge to the long-established American military presence in the region. As the world’s established superpower faces off against Asia’s rising and rival superpower, the stakes could hardly be higher. If the United States is to maintain its maritime position in the face of China’s fierce ambitions and rapidly growing capabilities, it will almost certainly require active support from Indonesia. If Indonesia is to successfully defend its own (and broader Southeast Asian regional) maritime interests, it will surely require substantial American support. It is a very different geopolitical landscape than either country has faced over the last six decades.
Mattis, speaking in Jakarta, said the United States may now have more defense engagements with Indonesia than with any other single country in the world. He gave special emphasis to maritime cooperation and support and noted that the vast Indonesian archipelago constitutes a geopolitical hinge point between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. U.S. defense assistance is focused on strengthening Indonesia’s fledgling Coast Guard (technically, the new Maritime Security Agency or Badan Keamanan Laut, BAKAMLA) by providing training and hardware (a 50-ton Coast Guard cutter). Simultaneously, it is improving Indonesian capabilities to monitor its ocean waters (“maritime domain awareness”). Finally, in a gesture that could not be missed either in Jakarta or Beijing, Mattis referred publicly to Indonesian interests in the “North Natuna Sea.”
During the Obama administration, U.S.-Indonesia relations were elevated first to a comprehensive partnership and then a strategic partnership. During the Trump administration, the need is not to retitle the relationship but to give it strategic content. At least in the maritime domain, that strategic partnership is starting to take shape. The future direction of U.S.-Indonesian relations is clear: deeper maritime (and aerospace and cyberspace) cooperation aimed at forging a system of strong sovereign nations that contribute to a free and open Indo-Asian-Pacific commons.
Dr. Patrick M. Cronin is Senior Director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center for a New American Security and Dr. Marvin C. Ott is Visiting Professor, Johns Hopkins University, and Senior Scholar, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/deepening-the-us-indonesian-strategic-partnership/
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Defense Secretary Mattis’ recent visit to Indonesia was an important step forward.
By Patrick M. Cronin and Marvin C. Ott
February 17, 2018
Indonesia is a huge archipelago, the most populous predominantly Muslim country in the world, and the most consequential nation in Southeast Asia. Indonesia may have a relatively low public profile, but not as far as the Pentagon is concerned – and something important is happening when it comes to U.S. defense and security ties with Jakarta.
The history of relations between America and Indonesia has been anything but smooth. Indonesia’s founding president, Sukarno – flamboyant, narcissistic, gifted, and ultimately irresponsible – led Indonesia through the 1950s and early 1960s on a fateful political trajectory. Indonesia emerged from Dutch colonial control (and Japanese military occupation) with democratic, Western-oriented, political institutions. But actual governance proved difficult and poverty deepened despite the natural wealth of the country. Sukarno soon seized upon the international Marxist/communist, “anti-imperialist,” “revolutionary” narrative. It was political “bread and circuses” without the bread. By the early-to-mid 1960s he was publicly calling for an Indonesian alignment with China and North Korea – “the New Emerging Forces.” Domestically he became increasingly reliant on the powerful Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The results were catastrophic. In 1965, a communist-aligned coup (with Sukarno’s tacit if not active support) produced a military countercoup and a national bloodbath.
When the killing stopped, the PKI had been wiped out and Sukarno was replaced by Suharto, an army general turned President. For the next three decades Indonesia’s “New Order” regime was a classic modernizing autocracy. The World Bank provided aid, U.S.-trained economists crafted a growing export-led economy, and the military guaranteed societal stability with tight controls. Relations with the United States, which had deteriorated almost to the breaking point under Sukarno, improved dramatically – particularly in the economic realm. Defense relations were nominally friendly but not close or cordial. The Indonesian military leadership inherited more than a little of Sukarno’s suspicion that Americans harbored imperialist designs to exploit if not dominate Indonesia. Broad public resentment of America’s perceived support for Israel over the Palestinians tended to buttress such skepticism.
History often surprises and at the end of the 1990s the long-entrenched Suharto regime crumbled and was succeeded, not by chaos or civil war or another autocrat as many expected, but by a functioning constitutional democracy. It was as close to a political miracle as this world allows. At the same time, U.S.-Indonesian security relations improved as Indonesia found itself dealing with a serious homegrown Islamist terrorist threat and turned for help to U.S. law enforcement and military counterterrorist organizations. In 2004 a massive tsunami struck eastern Indonesia. In response, the U.S. Navy’s mobilized an effective rescue and relief operation that transformed Indonesian perceptions of America for the better.
By the beginning of this century U.S.-Indonesia military-to-military relations had become genuinely warm; the residual suspicions and doubts had largely melted away. Counterterrorist cooperation was substantial and effective. Congressionally imposed sanctions on the Indonesian military that dated back to severe human rights abuses at the end of the Suharto regime were being whittled away. Crucial educational opportunities for Indonesian officers at U.S. military facilities were being restored. It remained an open question, however, whether security relations between the two countries and between their military establishments could move beyond targeted areas of cooperation (counterterrorism, education) to a true strategic partnership.
In recent months, an affirmative answer to that question seems to be taking shape. That is one way to read the results of Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis’ visit last month to Jakarta. That visit took place against the backdrop of aggressive Chinese activities (naval deployments, seizure of atolls, island building and fortification) designed to provide China with effective control over as much of the South China Sea as possible.
China’s putative maritime boundary (the “nine-dash line”) encroaches on a 200-mile exclusive economic zone that extends out from Indonesia’s Natuna Islands into the South China Sea. That zone is Indonesia’s under the provisions of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. China, however, has claimed the right to send its fishing fleets into those waters. Over the last two to three years there have been numerous clashes between Chinese fishing boats, backed by maritime police, with Indonesian patrol craft. Indonesia’s president has underlined the importance of the maritime domain for the economic and security future of his country. Very recently the Indonesian government formally declared that the waters off Natuna constitute the “North Natuna Sea” – not the South China Sea. Beijing angrily rejected Indonesia’s terminology and demanded it be withdrawn.
For the United States, China’s ambitions in the South China Sea constitute a direct challenge to the long-established American military presence in the region. As the world’s established superpower faces off against Asia’s rising and rival superpower, the stakes could hardly be higher. If the United States is to maintain its maritime position in the face of China’s fierce ambitions and rapidly growing capabilities, it will almost certainly require active support from Indonesia. If Indonesia is to successfully defend its own (and broader Southeast Asian regional) maritime interests, it will surely require substantial American support. It is a very different geopolitical landscape than either country has faced over the last six decades.
Mattis, speaking in Jakarta, said the United States may now have more defense engagements with Indonesia than with any other single country in the world. He gave special emphasis to maritime cooperation and support and noted that the vast Indonesian archipelago constitutes a geopolitical hinge point between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. U.S. defense assistance is focused on strengthening Indonesia’s fledgling Coast Guard (technically, the new Maritime Security Agency or Badan Keamanan Laut, BAKAMLA) by providing training and hardware (a 50-ton Coast Guard cutter). Simultaneously, it is improving Indonesian capabilities to monitor its ocean waters (“maritime domain awareness”). Finally, in a gesture that could not be missed either in Jakarta or Beijing, Mattis referred publicly to Indonesian interests in the “North Natuna Sea.”
During the Obama administration, U.S.-Indonesia relations were elevated first to a comprehensive partnership and then a strategic partnership. During the Trump administration, the need is not to retitle the relationship but to give it strategic content. At least in the maritime domain, that strategic partnership is starting to take shape. The future direction of U.S.-Indonesian relations is clear: deeper maritime (and aerospace and cyberspace) cooperation aimed at forging a system of strong sovereign nations that contribute to a free and open Indo-Asian-Pacific commons.
Dr. Patrick M. Cronin is Senior Director of the Asia-Pacific Security Program at the Center for a New American Security and Dr. Marvin C. Ott is Visiting Professor, Johns Hopkins University, and Senior Scholar, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.
https://thediplomat.com/2018/02/deepening-the-us-indonesian-strategic-partnership/
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Var Dracon
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