He travelled 1st Class to Dubai .............. where he got "funding". Who funded him is anybody's guess. I head Dawood has great connections there
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He travelled 1st Class to Dubai .............. where he got "funding". Who funded him is anybody's guess. I head Dawood has great connections there
isupportaap
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How BJP Killed Its Chances in Delhi
(Siddharth Varadarajan is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Public Affairs and Critical Theory, Shiv Nadar University)
As Arvind Kejriwal's campaign in Delhi surges ahead, it is hard to miss the desperation and panic that has taken hold of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its national leadership.
The party's local leaders - many of whom resent the manner in which the high command imposed Kiran Bedi as their Chief Ministerial candidate - may have reconciled themselves to defeat, or at best a slender victory margin, but Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, who realize the stakes involved, are making every effort to stop the Aam Aadmi Party from winning. So far, however, their '3M strategy' of throwing Modi, Money and Mud into the fray has not had the desired effect.
Despite the crores spent on saturation advertising, the campaign rallies addressed by the PM and his 'hawala at midnight' allegation against AAP, Kejriwal's party is comfortably ahead in virtually all opinion polls.
How did the BJP's script go so terribly wrong? After all, it won the largest number of seats in Delhi December 2013 and all seven Lok Sabha seats last May. Given the prestige and popularity enjoyed by Modi, this election was meant to be a cakewalk. Especially since the AAP had the handicap of Kejriwal's ill-advised decision to resign from the Chief Minister's post after 49 days in office, which coloured the public's perception of the party and its ability to govern.
If the BJP finds itself fighting with its back to the wall, it has only itself to blame.
The first mistake Modi and Shah made was to delay the holding of assembly elections. Even though it was clear that a government could not be formed without engineering defections from the AAP and Congress, the BJP used its influence over the Lieutenant Governor to string out the process. What the BJP hoped to gain is not clear, but the delay clearly helped the AAP re-establish itself as a fighting force.
Fuelled by its victories in Haryana, Maharashtra and Jharkhand, the BJP then made its second mistake: to avoid declaring a strong Chief Ministerial candidate and rely instead on the 'Modi wave' to see it through. Though this strategy did not work so well in Maharashtra, where the party failed to win a majority, or Jharkhand, where an expensive alliance with the All-Jharkhand Students Union was needed, the Haryana result emboldened the BJP to play the Modi card to the hilt in Delhi. Where earlier the party had a strong and credible de facto CM candidate like Harsh Vardhan, voters this time around were encouraged to back a faceless campaign and trust in the magic of the 'Modi sarkar'.
When this strategy came a cropper - the very first rally addressed by Modi turned out to be a flop - the BJP brass changed tack and decided to project a credible local face to counter the appeal of Kejriwal. The selection of Kiran Bedi seemed at first to be a masterstroke. But as the former police officer hit the election trail, it became apparent that her attractiveness did not extend beyond the party's traditional middle class vote bank. Indeed, the goofiness of some of her pronouncements has alienated even middle class supporters, while her imperiousness has rubbed party cadres and local leaders the wrong way.
The BJP has tried to correct this third mistake by committing a fourth - getting Modi and senior party leaders to make personalized attacks on Kejriwal and to accuse the Aam Aadmi Party of money laundering and hawala. The allegations might have had credibility if the BJP did not itself take more than 60 per cent of its declared contributions in cash without providing any details about the donors. In the absence of any attempt by the Enforcement Directorate, the Income Tax authorities or the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence to probe the shell companies that are supposed to have donated Rs. 2 crore to the AAP last April, many in Delhi will likely treat the allegations as a desperate smear campaign.
The Modi card may also now be facing diminishing returns, as voters tire of seeing the Prime Minister's face at every street corner and in every newspaper, and of hearing his voice on the radio.
The election in Delhi is significant because it represents a pure political contest between the BJP and a rival that is strong and not discredited by corruption, or hobbled by anti-incumbency. If the BJP loses, the result will provide proof of concept for a model of politics that could also emerge elsewhere in India. Modi has so far remained unvanquished, winning every election battle he has led since 2002. Losing Indraprastha will destroy the aura of invincibility that has stood him so well for 12 years.
Even if Modi manages to win Delhi for the BJP, the fact that he had to fight so hard ought to make him stop and think about what he is doing wrong. The campaign by the Sangh Parivar against a family-oriented film with a strong positive message like PK, or the communal statements of Sangh activists and leaders, is not something that attracts young voters with aspirations for a better life. Yet the Prime Minister has kept quiet, reinforcing the belief that he backs their divisive agenda. His failure to actually do things on the ground for the poor has also reinforced the perception that the BJP is a party of the rich and elite. If Modi does not fix these two problems quickly, his political ride is likely to be uphill from here on.
(Siddharth Varadarajan is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Public Affairs and Critical Theory, Shiv Nadar University)
As Arvind Kejriwal's campaign in Delhi surges ahead, it is hard to miss the desperation and panic that has taken hold of the Bharatiya Janata Party and its national leadership.
The party's local leaders - many of whom resent the manner in which the high command imposed Kiran Bedi as their Chief Ministerial candidate - may have reconciled themselves to defeat, or at best a slender victory margin, but Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, who realize the stakes involved, are making every effort to stop the Aam Aadmi Party from winning. So far, however, their '3M strategy' of throwing Modi, Money and Mud into the fray has not had the desired effect.
Despite the crores spent on saturation advertising, the campaign rallies addressed by the PM and his 'hawala at midnight' allegation against AAP, Kejriwal's party is comfortably ahead in virtually all opinion polls.
How did the BJP's script go so terribly wrong? After all, it won the largest number of seats in Delhi December 2013 and all seven Lok Sabha seats last May. Given the prestige and popularity enjoyed by Modi, this election was meant to be a cakewalk. Especially since the AAP had the handicap of Kejriwal's ill-advised decision to resign from the Chief Minister's post after 49 days in office, which coloured the public's perception of the party and its ability to govern.
If the BJP finds itself fighting with its back to the wall, it has only itself to blame.
The first mistake Modi and Shah made was to delay the holding of assembly elections. Even though it was clear that a government could not be formed without engineering defections from the AAP and Congress, the BJP used its influence over the Lieutenant Governor to string out the process. What the BJP hoped to gain is not clear, but the delay clearly helped the AAP re-establish itself as a fighting force.
Fuelled by its victories in Haryana, Maharashtra and Jharkhand, the BJP then made its second mistake: to avoid declaring a strong Chief Ministerial candidate and rely instead on the 'Modi wave' to see it through. Though this strategy did not work so well in Maharashtra, where the party failed to win a majority, or Jharkhand, where an expensive alliance with the All-Jharkhand Students Union was needed, the Haryana result emboldened the BJP to play the Modi card to the hilt in Delhi. Where earlier the party had a strong and credible de facto CM candidate like Harsh Vardhan, voters this time around were encouraged to back a faceless campaign and trust in the magic of the 'Modi sarkar'.
When this strategy came a cropper - the very first rally addressed by Modi turned out to be a flop - the BJP brass changed tack and decided to project a credible local face to counter the appeal of Kejriwal. The selection of Kiran Bedi seemed at first to be a masterstroke. But as the former police officer hit the election trail, it became apparent that her attractiveness did not extend beyond the party's traditional middle class vote bank. Indeed, the goofiness of some of her pronouncements has alienated even middle class supporters, while her imperiousness has rubbed party cadres and local leaders the wrong way.
The BJP has tried to correct this third mistake by committing a fourth - getting Modi and senior party leaders to make personalized attacks on Kejriwal and to accuse the Aam Aadmi Party of money laundering and hawala. The allegations might have had credibility if the BJP did not itself take more than 60 per cent of its declared contributions in cash without providing any details about the donors. In the absence of any attempt by the Enforcement Directorate, the Income Tax authorities or the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence to probe the shell companies that are supposed to have donated Rs. 2 crore to the AAP last April, many in Delhi will likely treat the allegations as a desperate smear campaign.
The Modi card may also now be facing diminishing returns, as voters tire of seeing the Prime Minister's face at every street corner and in every newspaper, and of hearing his voice on the radio.
The election in Delhi is significant because it represents a pure political contest between the BJP and a rival that is strong and not discredited by corruption, or hobbled by anti-incumbency. If the BJP loses, the result will provide proof of concept for a model of politics that could also emerge elsewhere in India. Modi has so far remained unvanquished, winning every election battle he has led since 2002. Losing Indraprastha will destroy the aura of invincibility that has stood him so well for 12 years.
Even if Modi manages to win Delhi for the BJP, the fact that he had to fight so hard ought to make him stop and think about what he is doing wrong. The campaign by the Sangh Parivar against a family-oriented film with a strong positive message like PK, or the communal statements of Sangh activists and leaders, is not something that attracts young voters with aspirations for a better life. Yet the Prime Minister has kept quiet, reinforcing the belief that he backs their divisive agenda. His failure to actually do things on the ground for the poor has also reinforced the perception that the BJP is a party of the rich and elite. If Modi does not fix these two problems quickly, his political ride is likely to be uphill from here on.
Jason bourne
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isupportaap
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BJP MP says he is powerful enough to 'make or break the government'
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Member of Parliament from Unnao, Sakshi Maharaj, on Tuesday ruffled some feathers with some controversial words.
“I know I am a powerful man. I can make or break the government,” he said.
The MP has been previously charged with rioting and inciting communal violence. The battle for the BJP government’s direction is particularly acute for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, because he and his party are ideologically rooted in Hindutva, a concept sometimes defined in strident opposition to Muslims and Christians.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the powerful ideological wing of the BJP, supports lawmakers like Maharaj who are working to make India a Hindu nation, said a senior RSS official who asked not to be named.
Sakshi Maharaj has created uproar by describing Mahatma Gandhi's Hindu nationalist assassin as a patriot, saying Hindu women should give birth to four children to ensure the religion survives and by calling for Hindus who convert to Islam and Christianity to be given death penalty.
In December, PM Narendra Modi had told lawmakers their behaviour was hurting the party and warned them not to cross the ‘Lakshman Rekha’, according to party officials briefed on the meeting.
But Sakshi Maharaj is defiant. He mimes rowing a boat to illustrate what will happen if PM Modi's government ignores Hindu nationalist demands.
“Modi will have to be a boatman: one oar must focus on the economy and the other must concentrate on the Hindu agenda,” says Maharaj. He twirls his bejeweled fingers in the air, explaining that otherwise the boat will spin in circles.
For the first time since the successful Lok Sabha election last year, some BJP lawmakers have started rebelling against Modi’s focus on mending the economy and governance at the expense of promoting Hinduism.
This is testing the authority of a leader who captured power to a degree not seen since Indira Gandhi ruled India more than three decades ago.
Hardline Hindu politicians impatient with Modi's refusal to champion their cause are beginning to advance their own agendas.
Protests had erupted at the most recent Parliamentary session over a campaign by hardliners to convert Muslims and Christians to Hinduism, torpedoing key foreign investment legislation that the Opposition had earlier agreed to pass.
The prime minister had to use executive orders to drive policy, but they are seen as a stopgap measure that cannot replace reforms needed to address India’s slowing economic growth.
“Modi has a major problem with these extremist elements,” said S. Chandrasekharan, director of the South Asia Analysis Group in New Delhi.
"If he can't bring them under control they are going to sap the energy needed to carry out reforms," he said.
Modi’s ties with radical Hindus “can be best described as a game of chess”, said Ramchandra Guha, one of India's leading historians.
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Member of Parliament from Unnao, Sakshi Maharaj, on Tuesday ruffled some feathers with some controversial words.
“I know I am a powerful man. I can make or break the government,” he said.
The MP has been previously charged with rioting and inciting communal violence. The battle for the BJP government’s direction is particularly acute for Prime Minister Narendra Modi, because he and his party are ideologically rooted in Hindutva, a concept sometimes defined in strident opposition to Muslims and Christians.
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the powerful ideological wing of the BJP, supports lawmakers like Maharaj who are working to make India a Hindu nation, said a senior RSS official who asked not to be named.
Sakshi Maharaj has created uproar by describing Mahatma Gandhi's Hindu nationalist assassin as a patriot, saying Hindu women should give birth to four children to ensure the religion survives and by calling for Hindus who convert to Islam and Christianity to be given death penalty.
In December, PM Narendra Modi had told lawmakers their behaviour was hurting the party and warned them not to cross the ‘Lakshman Rekha’, according to party officials briefed on the meeting.
But Sakshi Maharaj is defiant. He mimes rowing a boat to illustrate what will happen if PM Modi's government ignores Hindu nationalist demands.
“Modi will have to be a boatman: one oar must focus on the economy and the other must concentrate on the Hindu agenda,” says Maharaj. He twirls his bejeweled fingers in the air, explaining that otherwise the boat will spin in circles.
For the first time since the successful Lok Sabha election last year, some BJP lawmakers have started rebelling against Modi’s focus on mending the economy and governance at the expense of promoting Hinduism.
This is testing the authority of a leader who captured power to a degree not seen since Indira Gandhi ruled India more than three decades ago.
Hardline Hindu politicians impatient with Modi's refusal to champion their cause are beginning to advance their own agendas.
Protests had erupted at the most recent Parliamentary session over a campaign by hardliners to convert Muslims and Christians to Hinduism, torpedoing key foreign investment legislation that the Opposition had earlier agreed to pass.
The prime minister had to use executive orders to drive policy, but they are seen as a stopgap measure that cannot replace reforms needed to address India’s slowing economic growth.
“Modi has a major problem with these extremist elements,” said S. Chandrasekharan, director of the South Asia Analysis Group in New Delhi.
"If he can't bring them under control they are going to sap the energy needed to carry out reforms," he said.
Modi’s ties with radical Hindus “can be best described as a game of chess”, said Ramchandra Guha, one of India's leading historians.
Aaptards are deluded morons and morbid liars rolled into one. You first claimed it was "business class" when it was actually a chartered flight. When the error was pointed out, you don't have the basic decency to admit yoyur mistake, but hijack thw discussion into something else. For your information, Khujliwal was running a propaganda regarding BJP funding Modi's chartered flights. The fact is two wrongs cant make it right. If Ambani paying for Modi's chartered flight is wrong, then Birlas (who own India today group) paying for Khujliwal's chartered flight is also wrong... specially during election times when Khujli was trying to stay in news on a daily basis, any event becomes a political event.
LOL. Article by Siddharth Varadarajan. Same editor who was FIRED from the Hindu for being Anti Modi and Anti BJP. Not to mention, an AMERICAN Citizen.
............ Looks like you have removed the AUTHORS name from the article. I wonder why 
The_Showstopper
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I guess the thread has been closed so posting here.
So you don't have anything to support your accusation? So just by naming some rape incidents, you want to come to a conclusion. Do you want me come up with some "brazen" rape cases where Hindus were accused? Will they qualify for me to imply that most rapes are committed by HIndus?
Naah not really. Well the convictions rates are much lesser pointing out that they are made scapegoats...
isupportaap
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LOL. Article by Siddharth Varadarajan. Same editor who was FIRED from the Hindu for being Anti Modi and Anti BJP. Not to mention, an AMERICAN Citizen.
real journalist are getting fired fake paid bjp journalist are getting hired yahe hae ache din ?
LOL..... so American journalists are "Real Journalists" ? ....... Indian Journalist are FAKE Journalist ? Is that YOUR definition of ache din ?
LaBong
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LOL....I mentioned how a person who FAKES being poor (pretence) goes on to fly 1st class and in private jets
You are AAPtard no doubt, no disguise required.
Those who "claim" to be "honest" are the ones who are NOT honest. BJP claims to be a Nationalist Political party when an Agenda to make India reach its potential. Funny how Muslims like you and Christians who used to swear by "secular" congress now swear by AAP.
No more than you have "allah hu akbar" and "AK49" tattooed on your hand and Skull cap.
Modi also travels in a US made Boeing Aircraft and a German made BMW ............. maybe as per AAPtard, Modi should ride an Elephant to work.
BTW how do you know his suite is worth Rs. 10 Lakh ? UK Media said it MAY cost 1000 Pounds which translates to 1 lakh Rs. Does you tailor charge you 9 Lakhs to stitch your suite ? Mine charges 1,500 Rs.
Or has AAPtard logic spill over to Propaganda central ?
LOL...... here is the latest.
Three out of four opinion polls show BJP ahead of AAP | Latest News & Updates at Daily News & Analysis
Ok Im now a Muslim!
Have you taken your daily Gaumutra sanghi?
The_Showstopper
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Ok Im now a Muslim!
Have you taken your daily Gaumutra sanghi?
Time for your Namaz Mr. "secular".
Funny how your replies have boiled down to One Liners
isupportaap
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Ok Im now a Muslim!
Have you taken your daily Gaumutra sanghi?
he is a known bajrangi extremist idiot here dont waste your time arguing with this extremist shanghi
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