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and this thread also needs to recall massacre in Nellie in 1983 Indian ethnic cleansing of Bengali speaking Muslims
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and this thread also needs to recall massacre in Nellie in 1983
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There are many thread on that so please do not derail this thread.
Its not about Pakistan.
Its about India and Bangalis.
everyone hates traitors they supported our enemy in the 1962 war.They tried to wreck the nuke deal.
It is not the border problem it is the fencing which has not been done.
Search for greener pastures on the immigrants part is also a problem
for us
Who else?
Thanks Jana. yes we should cover those ethnic cleansing and mass killing by india.
Ok then how come the percentage of minorities in BD have reduced since 1971 while it has increased in India....
There is no answer to it is there?
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Nellie: Indias forgotten massacre
HARSH MANDER
A weak and partisan State leaves each of its citizens weak and vulnerable, as the Mumbai attacks and the gruesome Nellie massacres demonstrate
And so the stories flowed, like a deluge of muddied waters of grief long unaddressed and denied gushing from a breached dam.
The burden of memories: From left, Noon Nahar Begum, Alekjaan Biwi and Hazara Khatun.
A lifetime is much too short to forget.
It was November 26, 2008, the day that was to become etched in Indias history for the audacious and traumatic terrorist commando attack on the countrys commercial capital Mumbai. I happened to be on that day at a location as distant as possible from Mumbai psychologically, politically and socially at Nellie in Assam, the site of one of free Indias most brutal forgotten massacres in 1983. I had been invited by the survivors to sit with them as they recalled and commemorated the events that had unfolded in this distant impoverished corner of the country 25 years earlier.
Journey into the past
We gathered in the soft sunshine of early winter in an open courtyard. A crowd quickly gathered: the older men with checked lungis and beards could easily be distinguished as people of East Bengali Muslim origin. The women and younger men dressed like anyone from an Assamese village. There were the initial courtesies of traditional welcome, as they offered us customary white Assamese scarves with exquisite red embroidery.
Senior officials of the State government who accompanied me had gently dissuaded me from the visit, questioning the wisdom of re-opening wounds of painful events of such a distant past. People have moved on long ago, they assured me. What purpose then would our visit serve? It would only revive memories that have long been buried. The same advice came from many non-official friends who worked in development organisations in the State. They added that the visit would stir issues that were too bitterly contested in the region. But the survivors persisted in their resolve that they wanted to be heard. It was impossible for me to refuse them.
Enormous suffering
On February 18, 1983, in the genocidal massacre organised in Nellie, just 40 km from Guwahati , 2,191 Muslim settlers originally from Bangladesh were slaughtered, leaving 370 children orphaned and their homes in 16 villages destroyed. As the survivors spoke one by one before our gathering a quarter century later, all of us who heard them including officials, academics, social workers were completely stunned, and shamed, by the enormity and immediacy of their suffering today, which retained an urgency as though they had only very recently suffered the unspeakable cruelties that they gave words to, not 25 years earlier. The bodies of many were twisted and deformed by inadequately treated injuries from the assaults by machetes and daggers; others pulled back their clothes to expose frightening scars of the attacks of a generation earlier.
Hazara Khatun, with scars of a dagger attack on her face that she survived in 1983, sat on the ground before us and pointed to her empty lap. I was cradling my child here, she said in a low voice. They chopped him into two, down the middle. Another widow Alekjaan Biwi, was far less calm. Her body was twisted, and we could all see that she had lost her psychological equilibrium. Eleven members of her family were slaughtered in the massacre, and she acted out for us how the mob had attacked them, how she had cowered and hidden herself, how she was discovered and wounded, and how she survived even though scarred and deformed for life. I have no one in the world, she concluded quietly.
Deluge of grief
In his early thirties, Mohammed Monoruddin began to cry inconsolably as soon as he sat before us. My brothers, sisters were all killed, hacked into pieces, he recalled. I was seven years old then. I saw my parents slaughtered in front of me. I saw another woman being killed and her child snatched from her hands and thrown in fire. I wept in terror all day. The CRPF came in the evening and rescued me. Later we came to know that our house was torched. Nothing was left. All our belongings and stores of rice were gone in the fire. My elder brother, who was in Nagaon, brought me up. But I feel so lonely.
Many others spoke of their loneliness. Noon Nahar Begum was 10 years old, and when the killings started, she tried to run away but was attacked and badly wounded. She was hospitalised for two months, and her mother and four siblings were murdered. They were butchered here in the place where we are standing today, she said, adding: I have found no peace of mind for the last 25 years. I need justice for my peace. Justice is important because it was such a terrible crime. I feel lonely and miss my family Babool Ahmad, a tailor, was two years old when he lost his parents. He was brought up by his grandparents, whereas his sisters were raised in an SOS village.
And so the stories flowed, like a deluge of muddied waters of grief long unaddressed and denied gushing from a breached dam. The forgotten massacre in Nellie in 1983 established a bloody trail of open State complicity in repeated traumatic bouts of ethnic cleansing and massacres both in Assam and in India. It was followed by similar State-enabled carnages, in Delhi in 1984, Bhagalpur in 1989, Mumbai in 1993 and climaxed in Gujarat in 2002.
Series of incidents
Assam in turn has seen a series of violent ethnic clashes between various oppressed communities, each bitterly and ferociously ranged against other ethnic groups which may be as dispossessed, if not more so. The accord brokered by government with militant Bodos in 1993 assured them autonomous control over regions where their population was in a majority. The government therefore itself laid the foundations for ethnic cleansing. Bengali Muslims were driven out of their settlements by murderous attacks and the torching of their homes in 1993, and this scenario was repeated for Santhal and Munda tribals (called Adivasis) many of whom are descendants of tea garden labour imported by the British two centuries ago in 1996. Thousands of them continue to languish today in camps, some for 15 years, as they are still terrified to return home. Assam remains a tinder box of ethnic hatred, with recent attacks on Bihari migrant labour, Jharkhand agitators in Guwahati, bomb explosions and recent clashes between Bodos and Bengali Muslims this year, which left many dead and thousands in camps seething with hate.
The worth of lives
The government gave the survivors of Nellie compensation for each death of as little as 5,000 rupees, contrasted for instance with Rs. 7 lakhs that have been paid to survivors of the Sikh carnage of a year later in 1984. Six hundred and eighty eight criminal cases were filed in connection with Nellie organised massacre and of these 310 cases were charge-sheeted. The remaining 378 cases were closed due to the police claim of lack of evidence. But all the 310 charge-sheeted cases were dropped by the AGP government as a part of Assam Accord; therefore not a single person has even had to face trial for the gruesome massacre. Some lives are clearly deemed by the State of being of little worth compared to others.
The Mumbai terrorist attack of 2008 has witnessed an upsurge of understandable public anger, because a partisan and weak State leaves each of us unsafe. But States have long failed abjectly and shamefully to protect ordinary citizens and uphold justice. The lives lost in Mumbais Taj Hotel are precious. But the lives extinguished in distant hamlets of Nellie and indeed the streets of Delhi, Bhagalpur, Gujarat and Malegoan are no less valuable. A day must come when our rage and our compassion responds equally to each of these tragedies. We can be safe only by standing and caring together.
The Hindu : Magazine / Columns : Nellie: India’s forgotten massacre
HARSH MANDER
A weak and partisan State leaves each of its citizens weak and vulnerable, as the Mumbai attacks and the gruesome Nellie massacres demonstrate
And so the stories flowed, like a deluge of muddied waters of grief long unaddressed and denied gushing from a breached dam.
The burden of memories: From left, Noon Nahar Begum, Alekjaan Biwi and Hazara Khatun.
A lifetime is much too short to forget.
It was November 26, 2008, the day that was to become etched in Indias history for the audacious and traumatic terrorist commando attack on the countrys commercial capital Mumbai. I happened to be on that day at a location as distant as possible from Mumbai psychologically, politically and socially at Nellie in Assam, the site of one of free Indias most brutal forgotten massacres in 1983. I had been invited by the survivors to sit with them as they recalled and commemorated the events that had unfolded in this distant impoverished corner of the country 25 years earlier.
Journey into the past
We gathered in the soft sunshine of early winter in an open courtyard. A crowd quickly gathered: the older men with checked lungis and beards could easily be distinguished as people of East Bengali Muslim origin. The women and younger men dressed like anyone from an Assamese village. There were the initial courtesies of traditional welcome, as they offered us customary white Assamese scarves with exquisite red embroidery.
Senior officials of the State government who accompanied me had gently dissuaded me from the visit, questioning the wisdom of re-opening wounds of painful events of such a distant past. People have moved on long ago, they assured me. What purpose then would our visit serve? It would only revive memories that have long been buried. The same advice came from many non-official friends who worked in development organisations in the State. They added that the visit would stir issues that were too bitterly contested in the region. But the survivors persisted in their resolve that they wanted to be heard. It was impossible for me to refuse them.
Enormous suffering
On February 18, 1983, in the genocidal massacre organised in Nellie, just 40 km from Guwahati , 2,191 Muslim settlers originally from Bangladesh were slaughtered, leaving 370 children orphaned and their homes in 16 villages destroyed. As the survivors spoke one by one before our gathering a quarter century later, all of us who heard them including officials, academics, social workers were completely stunned, and shamed, by the enormity and immediacy of their suffering today, which retained an urgency as though they had only very recently suffered the unspeakable cruelties that they gave words to, not 25 years earlier. The bodies of many were twisted and deformed by inadequately treated injuries from the assaults by machetes and daggers; others pulled back their clothes to expose frightening scars of the attacks of a generation earlier.
Hazara Khatun, with scars of a dagger attack on her face that she survived in 1983, sat on the ground before us and pointed to her empty lap. I was cradling my child here, she said in a low voice. They chopped him into two, down the middle. Another widow Alekjaan Biwi, was far less calm. Her body was twisted, and we could all see that she had lost her psychological equilibrium. Eleven members of her family were slaughtered in the massacre, and she acted out for us how the mob had attacked them, how she had cowered and hidden herself, how she was discovered and wounded, and how she survived even though scarred and deformed for life. I have no one in the world, she concluded quietly.
Deluge of grief
In his early thirties, Mohammed Monoruddin began to cry inconsolably as soon as he sat before us. My brothers, sisters were all killed, hacked into pieces, he recalled. I was seven years old then. I saw my parents slaughtered in front of me. I saw another woman being killed and her child snatched from her hands and thrown in fire. I wept in terror all day. The CRPF came in the evening and rescued me. Later we came to know that our house was torched. Nothing was left. All our belongings and stores of rice were gone in the fire. My elder brother, who was in Nagaon, brought me up. But I feel so lonely.
Many others spoke of their loneliness. Noon Nahar Begum was 10 years old, and when the killings started, she tried to run away but was attacked and badly wounded. She was hospitalised for two months, and her mother and four siblings were murdered. They were butchered here in the place where we are standing today, she said, adding: I have found no peace of mind for the last 25 years. I need justice for my peace. Justice is important because it was such a terrible crime. I feel lonely and miss my family Babool Ahmad, a tailor, was two years old when he lost his parents. He was brought up by his grandparents, whereas his sisters were raised in an SOS village.
And so the stories flowed, like a deluge of muddied waters of grief long unaddressed and denied gushing from a breached dam. The forgotten massacre in Nellie in 1983 established a bloody trail of open State complicity in repeated traumatic bouts of ethnic cleansing and massacres both in Assam and in India. It was followed by similar State-enabled carnages, in Delhi in 1984, Bhagalpur in 1989, Mumbai in 1993 and climaxed in Gujarat in 2002.
Series of incidents
Assam in turn has seen a series of violent ethnic clashes between various oppressed communities, each bitterly and ferociously ranged against other ethnic groups which may be as dispossessed, if not more so. The accord brokered by government with militant Bodos in 1993 assured them autonomous control over regions where their population was in a majority. The government therefore itself laid the foundations for ethnic cleansing. Bengali Muslims were driven out of their settlements by murderous attacks and the torching of their homes in 1993, and this scenario was repeated for Santhal and Munda tribals (called Adivasis) many of whom are descendants of tea garden labour imported by the British two centuries ago in 1996. Thousands of them continue to languish today in camps, some for 15 years, as they are still terrified to return home. Assam remains a tinder box of ethnic hatred, with recent attacks on Bihari migrant labour, Jharkhand agitators in Guwahati, bomb explosions and recent clashes between Bodos and Bengali Muslims this year, which left many dead and thousands in camps seething with hate.
The worth of lives
The government gave the survivors of Nellie compensation for each death of as little as 5,000 rupees, contrasted for instance with Rs. 7 lakhs that have been paid to survivors of the Sikh carnage of a year later in 1984. Six hundred and eighty eight criminal cases were filed in connection with Nellie organised massacre and of these 310 cases were charge-sheeted. The remaining 378 cases were closed due to the police claim of lack of evidence. But all the 310 charge-sheeted cases were dropped by the AGP government as a part of Assam Accord; therefore not a single person has even had to face trial for the gruesome massacre. Some lives are clearly deemed by the State of being of little worth compared to others.
The Mumbai terrorist attack of 2008 has witnessed an upsurge of understandable public anger, because a partisan and weak State leaves each of us unsafe. But States have long failed abjectly and shamefully to protect ordinary citizens and uphold justice. The lives lost in Mumbais Taj Hotel are precious. But the lives extinguished in distant hamlets of Nellie and indeed the streets of Delhi, Bhagalpur, Gujarat and Malegoan are no less valuable. A day must come when our rage and our compassion responds equally to each of these tragedies. We can be safe only by standing and caring together.
The Hindu : Magazine / Columns : Nellie: India’s forgotten massacre
humblehobbes
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Genocide that’s never been acknowledged-II
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V SUNDARAM | Fri, 29 Feb, 2008 , 03:35 PM
.
In explosive book THE PROLONGED PARTITION AND ITS POGROMS-Testimonies on Violence against Hindus in East Bengal 1946-64, A J Kamra has given a graphic heart-rending account of events and barbarities perpetrated on the Hindus and Buddhists of East Bengal during and after the Partition of India.
Active Image
In narrating this sad story of organized Hindu Genocide in East Bengal in and after 1947, the author has succeeded in describing the events as they occurred. The statements of the various leaders in India and Pakistan have been given to enable us to reflect on their thinking and actions and the part they played during the genocide of Hindus. He has focussed his particular attention on the main actors in this tragedy—Mahatma Gandhi, Mohamed Ali Jinnah, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhai Patil, Rajaji and Lord Mount Betton His book is full of extracts from many sources and it is but natural to quote them, for it is nearly five decades ago that the tragedy occurred, and most of these sources are not easily accessible otherwise. The Hindu Genocide of 1964 in East Bengal was no different from that of 1947 and 1950.
Kamra clearly brings out the fact that the East Bengal Hindus fought and sacrificed as much as any one, in the cause of India’s freedom from British rule. In fact it is they who started the battle for independence in 1905, when the British decided on the Partition of Bengal. He quotes from Prof. Samar Guha’s book Non-Muslims Behind the Curtain of East Pakistan: “The whole of India owes a great deal to East Bengal. Vande Mataram as a National Slogan was first Christened by the sacred blood of martyrs in East Bengal. Gallows of every prison of East Bengal bear sacred memory of national martyrs. ....During 1930-34, more than 10000 Hindu youths of East Bengal were put to confinement as detenus or internees for a period varying from five to ten years. During 1930s every East Bengal Hindu was looked upon as a revolutionary suspect by the British. In every meddle class non-Muslim family of East Bengal at least one member will be found who had to face detention, internment or some other Police Zulum (repression) either in revolutionary or in civil disobedience movement.”
The Hindus of East Bengal fully supported the Second Partition of Bengal on 15 August, 1947, in the larger interests of the country, knowing fully well that otherwise they would be left hostages in the hands of the Muslims of Pakistan. At that time, Pundit Nehru, Sardhar Patel and other leaders gave assurances that the Government of India who would be eve vigilant to the safety and security of the East Bengal Hindus. We can see from this book under review that all of them were only playing a ‘political drama’ through their pious and vaporous oral assurances from time to time which afforded no protection to the besieged Hindus of East Bengal.
Between 15 August 1947 and 15 August 1948, within an year of the establishment of the new State of Pakistan, a virtual reign of terror was let loose upon the Hindus in the cities and rural areas all over East Pakistan. Hindus were given the hated appellation of Zimmis and Kafirs and were continuously terrorized by the National Guards, the Police, the Ansars (‘helpers’
, the Muslim League and the Muslim Mobs consisting of migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to Bangladesh and of the native Bangla Muslims. The State in East Pakistan organized a systematic campaign of Mullahs extolling Islam as the best religion and exhorting the Hindus to embrace Islam. Hindus were not recruited to the Police. Hindus had no representation in the National Guards, an Armed Force of the Government. Nor did they have any place among the Ansars, a territorial force composed of 300 000 Muslims. The Hindus of East Bengal were represented by less than 3 per cent in the Junior Posts in the Civil Services. Against this background Kamra has concluded “The Hindus of East Bengal have been subjected to Genocide time and again during the last 50 years. Any imaginary or perceived threat to the Muslims of India is enough excuse for the Muslims of Bangladesh to commit atrocities on the Hindus. Their lives and the honour of their women are always in danger. They have been constantly subjected to arson, murder, torture and rape. Their lands and their properties have been forcibly occupied. No other people in the century has suffered and endured so much and for so long as the Hindus and Buddhist of Bangladesh. Their suffering at the hands of the Muslims is comparable to the suffering of the Jews under the Nazis which has received the rightful attention all over the world but the suffering of the Hindus of Bangladesh has received scant attention both in India and abroad. By and large, the English media and the ruling circles in India have connived at this vast human tragedy, for fear of repercussions in India and in pursuit of the policy of appeasement of the Muslims followed by Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress Government from 15 August 1947 till today.”
The population of Hindus in Bangladesh ought to have reached a level of 30 Lakhs but it stands only at a level of less than 10 Lakhs today. Keeping this background in view, Kamra asks the following questions: How many Hindus and Buddhists are left in Bangladesh? How many Hindus and Buddhists are left in Bangladesh? Where have the other millions of Hindus and Buddhists disappeared? According to Kamra, millions of them have been murdered, many millions have been forced to fleet to India, hundreds of thousands have disappeared or have been forcibly converted to Islam. Albiruni’s description of the effect of Mahamud of Ghazni’s invasion of India applies once more to Bangladesh: The Hindus became like atoms of dust scattered in all directions with nobody to cry for them or even caring to know what has happened to them.” It is only the poorer sections of Hindus and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are left in Bangladesh, for they have nowhere else to go. They are condemned to live in perpetual slavery and terror in that accursed land, till they too are squeezed out through the on going State Sponsored Pogrom of Ethnic Cleansing of Hindus—a modern term for Genocide.
Active Image
Hindu genocide in Bangladesh today
A Hindu being beaten by Muslims in a mosque in Bangladesh. He was captured outside the mosque while going home. After Friday prayers were over, the Muslims came out and grabbed the first Hindu they could. Mr Vimal Patak a Bangladeshi born Hindu was beaten to death with sticks as the Muslim mullas (priests) chanted “kill the Kafir!” (non-muslim). With folded hands he begged for his life and died a brutal (2) http://img59.imageshack.us/img59/1709/bangalihinduit3.jpg (4) http://www.faithfreedom.org/Gallery/BangaliHindu.jpg (6) http://www.faithfreedom.org/Gallery/BangaliHindu.jpg
(7) http://photos1.blogger.com/img/171/1459/320/BangaliHindu.jpg
Kamra’s account is based on different sources including personal experience. The main source of his information relates to reports published in Amrita Bazaar Pathrika during that dark period. This was perhaps the only paper in the country which gave details of what was going on in East Bengal. To quote Kamra once again in this context: Most of our papers published only what our Government wanted them to publish, the rest had to be suppressed at the Altar of Secularism in order not to hurt the Muslim sensibilities. They were some exceptions, brave and fearless editors like Durga Das of the Hindustan Times in Delhi and Tushar Kanti Ghosh of The Amrita Bazaar Pathrika..... Tushar Kanti Ghosh was the son of the famous Sisir Kumar Ghosh, the Shinni Babu, who along with his brothers established the Amrita Bazaar Pathrika. Tushar Ghosh will be remembered as one of India’s great patriotic Editors. He wrote fearlessly and truthfully. Amrita Bazaar Pathrika was perhaps the only paper of the country that gave news of the atrocities on the Hindus and Buddhists in East Pakistan and later in Bangladesh. Most of the other paper in the country deliberately suppressed the news”.
Miscreants sprayed bullets on Prof. Muhuri in Chittogong
Sample Image
Miscreants sprayed bullets on Professor Muturi in Chittogong
On the morning of (Friday) 16 November, 2003 Prof Muhuri was killed by Islami Chatra Shabir members in Chittagong.Also watch the video:www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y67jdc488pMIslam-embracing, Christianity-coveting and Hindu-hating Congress Party and Government since 15 August, 1947, cannot know the stand in the way of fearless scholars and journalists attempting to ascertain the basic truth about the Partition and Bangladesh Hindu Genocide. More number of Hindus died during the Partition Holocaust than the number of Jews in the Jewish Holocaust. The Hindus, Buddhists and people of goodwill all over the world must be made aware of the great and never ending human tragedy so that we can all join together to take concerted action at all possible levels to save the helpless, neglected, forgotten and betrayed Hindu and Buddhist humanity trapped in Bangladesh. Kamra has rightly observed: “It must also come about that one day we build a Holocaust Museum and Library to the memory of these victims.”
News Today
V SUNDARAM | Fri, 29 Feb, 2008 , 03:35 PM
.
In explosive book THE PROLONGED PARTITION AND ITS POGROMS-Testimonies on Violence against Hindus in East Bengal 1946-64, A J Kamra has given a graphic heart-rending account of events and barbarities perpetrated on the Hindus and Buddhists of East Bengal during and after the Partition of India.
Active Image
In narrating this sad story of organized Hindu Genocide in East Bengal in and after 1947, the author has succeeded in describing the events as they occurred. The statements of the various leaders in India and Pakistan have been given to enable us to reflect on their thinking and actions and the part they played during the genocide of Hindus. He has focussed his particular attention on the main actors in this tragedy—Mahatma Gandhi, Mohamed Ali Jinnah, Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhai Patil, Rajaji and Lord Mount Betton His book is full of extracts from many sources and it is but natural to quote them, for it is nearly five decades ago that the tragedy occurred, and most of these sources are not easily accessible otherwise. The Hindu Genocide of 1964 in East Bengal was no different from that of 1947 and 1950.
Kamra clearly brings out the fact that the East Bengal Hindus fought and sacrificed as much as any one, in the cause of India’s freedom from British rule. In fact it is they who started the battle for independence in 1905, when the British decided on the Partition of Bengal. He quotes from Prof. Samar Guha’s book Non-Muslims Behind the Curtain of East Pakistan: “The whole of India owes a great deal to East Bengal. Vande Mataram as a National Slogan was first Christened by the sacred blood of martyrs in East Bengal. Gallows of every prison of East Bengal bear sacred memory of national martyrs. ....During 1930-34, more than 10000 Hindu youths of East Bengal were put to confinement as detenus or internees for a period varying from five to ten years. During 1930s every East Bengal Hindu was looked upon as a revolutionary suspect by the British. In every meddle class non-Muslim family of East Bengal at least one member will be found who had to face detention, internment or some other Police Zulum (repression) either in revolutionary or in civil disobedience movement.”
The Hindus of East Bengal fully supported the Second Partition of Bengal on 15 August, 1947, in the larger interests of the country, knowing fully well that otherwise they would be left hostages in the hands of the Muslims of Pakistan. At that time, Pundit Nehru, Sardhar Patel and other leaders gave assurances that the Government of India who would be eve vigilant to the safety and security of the East Bengal Hindus. We can see from this book under review that all of them were only playing a ‘political drama’ through their pious and vaporous oral assurances from time to time which afforded no protection to the besieged Hindus of East Bengal.
Between 15 August 1947 and 15 August 1948, within an year of the establishment of the new State of Pakistan, a virtual reign of terror was let loose upon the Hindus in the cities and rural areas all over East Pakistan. Hindus were given the hated appellation of Zimmis and Kafirs and were continuously terrorized by the National Guards, the Police, the Ansars (‘helpers’
, the Muslim League and the Muslim Mobs consisting of migrants from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh to Bangladesh and of the native Bangla Muslims. The State in East Pakistan organized a systematic campaign of Mullahs extolling Islam as the best religion and exhorting the Hindus to embrace Islam. Hindus were not recruited to the Police. Hindus had no representation in the National Guards, an Armed Force of the Government. Nor did they have any place among the Ansars, a territorial force composed of 300 000 Muslims. The Hindus of East Bengal were represented by less than 3 per cent in the Junior Posts in the Civil Services. Against this background Kamra has concluded “The Hindus of East Bengal have been subjected to Genocide time and again during the last 50 years. Any imaginary or perceived threat to the Muslims of India is enough excuse for the Muslims of Bangladesh to commit atrocities on the Hindus. Their lives and the honour of their women are always in danger. They have been constantly subjected to arson, murder, torture and rape. Their lands and their properties have been forcibly occupied. No other people in the century has suffered and endured so much and for so long as the Hindus and Buddhist of Bangladesh. Their suffering at the hands of the Muslims is comparable to the suffering of the Jews under the Nazis which has received the rightful attention all over the world but the suffering of the Hindus of Bangladesh has received scant attention both in India and abroad. By and large, the English media and the ruling circles in India have connived at this vast human tragedy, for fear of repercussions in India and in pursuit of the policy of appeasement of the Muslims followed by Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress Government from 15 August 1947 till today.” The population of Hindus in Bangladesh ought to have reached a level of 30 Lakhs but it stands only at a level of less than 10 Lakhs today. Keeping this background in view, Kamra asks the following questions: How many Hindus and Buddhists are left in Bangladesh? How many Hindus and Buddhists are left in Bangladesh? Where have the other millions of Hindus and Buddhists disappeared? According to Kamra, millions of them have been murdered, many millions have been forced to fleet to India, hundreds of thousands have disappeared or have been forcibly converted to Islam. Albiruni’s description of the effect of Mahamud of Ghazni’s invasion of India applies once more to Bangladesh: The Hindus became like atoms of dust scattered in all directions with nobody to cry for them or even caring to know what has happened to them.” It is only the poorer sections of Hindus and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are left in Bangladesh, for they have nowhere else to go. They are condemned to live in perpetual slavery and terror in that accursed land, till they too are squeezed out through the on going State Sponsored Pogrom of Ethnic Cleansing of Hindus—a modern term for Genocide.
Active Image
Hindu genocide in Bangladesh today
A Hindu being beaten by Muslims in a mosque in Bangladesh. He was captured outside the mosque while going home. After Friday prayers were over, the Muslims came out and grabbed the first Hindu they could. Mr Vimal Patak a Bangladeshi born Hindu was beaten to death with sticks as the Muslim mullas (priests) chanted “kill the Kafir!” (non-muslim). With folded hands he begged for his life and died a brutal (2) http://img59.imageshack.us/img59/1709/bangalihinduit3.jpg (4) http://www.faithfreedom.org/Gallery/BangaliHindu.jpg (6) http://www.faithfreedom.org/Gallery/BangaliHindu.jpg
(7) http://photos1.blogger.com/img/171/1459/320/BangaliHindu.jpg
Kamra’s account is based on different sources including personal experience. The main source of his information relates to reports published in Amrita Bazaar Pathrika during that dark period. This was perhaps the only paper in the country which gave details of what was going on in East Bengal. To quote Kamra once again in this context: Most of our papers published only what our Government wanted them to publish, the rest had to be suppressed at the Altar of Secularism in order not to hurt the Muslim sensibilities. They were some exceptions, brave and fearless editors like Durga Das of the Hindustan Times in Delhi and Tushar Kanti Ghosh of The Amrita Bazaar Pathrika..... Tushar Kanti Ghosh was the son of the famous Sisir Kumar Ghosh, the Shinni Babu, who along with his brothers established the Amrita Bazaar Pathrika. Tushar Ghosh will be remembered as one of India’s great patriotic Editors. He wrote fearlessly and truthfully. Amrita Bazaar Pathrika was perhaps the only paper of the country that gave news of the atrocities on the Hindus and Buddhists in East Pakistan and later in Bangladesh. Most of the other paper in the country deliberately suppressed the news”.
Miscreants sprayed bullets on Prof. Muhuri in Chittogong
Sample Image
Miscreants sprayed bullets on Professor Muturi in Chittogong
On the morning of (Friday) 16 November, 2003 Prof Muhuri was killed by Islami Chatra Shabir members in Chittagong.Also watch the video:www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y67jdc488pMIslam-embracing, Christianity-coveting and Hindu-hating Congress Party and Government since 15 August, 1947, cannot know the stand in the way of fearless scholars and journalists attempting to ascertain the basic truth about the Partition and Bangladesh Hindu Genocide. More number of Hindus died during the Partition Holocaust than the number of Jews in the Jewish Holocaust. The Hindus, Buddhists and people of goodwill all over the world must be made aware of the great and never ending human tragedy so that we can all join together to take concerted action at all possible levels to save the helpless, neglected, forgotten and betrayed Hindu and Buddhist humanity trapped in Bangladesh. Kamra has rightly observed: “It must also come about that one day we build a Holocaust Museum and Library to the memory of these victims.”
News Today
pmukherjee
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1. My dear friend, India did not inherit any land from the British. Indians have been living on this land for 5000 years. The British just assumed control of this land for about 300 years. 300 years is just a drop in the ocean of India's history. The British were the outsiders who had come to India with the express intention of economic exploitation. Yes they governed our country for a while. Thought I would set the record straight.
2. Coming to the topic of the thread, yes, there were minorities living in this land. You are right there. But this land did not involve present day India alone. The minorities lived in Pakistan and Bangladesh also. Unfortunately, these minorities have nearly vanished from Pakistan and Bangladesh. Substantial minorities exist in India only at this point of time. Now I am not blaming you for ethnic clensing. But dont you think it a little surprising that someone like you speaks about ethnic clensing in India when the minorities left in BD can be counted on finger tips.
3. Incidently, India has every right to repell aliens and illegals. If the Myanmarese infiltrated BD in large numbers, wouldn't BD want to throw them out? Would that amount to ethnic clensing? Why do you always play the religious card? When none exists? Is it to garner support from friends in Pakistan? BTW, there is a very strong feeling in Pak to build a border fence to keep out the Afghans who create meschief. Maybe you also see ethnic clensing happening on the Durrand Line in the near future???
This is the surprising part...the minorities in BD and Pakistan have disappeared while their proportion wrt to population in India has actually increased but India is the one carrying out ethnic cleaning.?
Of course they have no answer to this question so they ignore it.
IndiaNews98
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No point arguing with Idune. He's one of those people who spends all his time on google search engine digging up negative news about India.
The topic of this thread dates from 2003. That should tell you something about his intentions.
The topic of this thread dates from 2003. That should tell you something about his intentions.
What a fantasy! BD is going to go under water--------------, it will be too late to build a fence then. What a wishful thinking by an unbelieving Hindu bigot! What a way of saying nasty things! What a way of insulting another nation! Hitler could not say any better.
humblehobbes
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Well! Eastwatch! I would rather you reply to my news item about Hindu Massacre. Reminds me of something about stones, glasshouses
We too have Godhra, just in case someone wants to mention it.
We too have Godhra, just in case someone wants to mention it.
It is not wishful thinking...and don't blame India.If global warming occurs(I believe the theory) then the west would be responsible for it.
sensenreason
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hmmm thats a tough one ! Last I heard to 'win' elections you need 'votes' and what easier target than an illegal migrant who gets to live a slum (still better than the migrants homeland...which is why he migrated in the first place)...on second thoughts...not that tough to figure.
People who are your voters are certainly your citizens. The citizens of a JAT PAT infested India live less like dogs in our country. India is not a foreign country in the conventional sense, so we all know the living standard of average Indians. We always go and see what it is.
40% of your people live at $1 per day, but you are bragging as if you are europeans. Raise the living standard of your average citizens and then say ill of others. Most people in India use open latrines in rural India. BD living standard is quite higher than the living standard of India. Big country does not automatically guarantee a big living standard. Get away with your caste system, your living standard will rise.
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