RPK
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India needs pause when driving East
India is now afoot to give a major impetus to its Look East policy, when it kicked start a flurry of diplomatic activities with Southeast Asian countries in the last two months, and, of late, with Japan. High on New Delhis agenda is scaling up economic, energy and strategic ties with these countries, as it deems its diplomatic ideologies in the region are broadly similar to theirs--they all expect to find each other and boost relationship in the context of a rising China and its growing regional influence.
India and Vietnam agreed in September to jointly explore oil resources in the South China Sea, despite Chinas indisposition and amid strains in their ties with China. Early in October, India and Afghanistan declared the establishment of strategic and cooperative partnership between them. Recently, India signed defense pacts respectively with Chinas neighboring Vietnam and Myanmar.
The intensification of defense cooperation will also be high on the agenda of India, as it expects Chinas small neighbors would rather look to it to balance what is said Chinas increased assertiveness in the region, and view it as an increasingly important player in evolving an inclusive regional architecture in Asia.
That also explains why New Delhi is interested in selling to Vietnam. the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, an Indo-Russian joint venture. India has already been assisting Hanoi in bolstering its naval and air force capabilities. Vietnam has allowed India access to the Nha Trang Port, which is situated close to the strategic Cam Ranh Bay.
More significantly, scared by China's muscle-flexing, India plans to recruit and deploy another 100,000 soldiers along the disputed borders with China and the Chinese southwestern Tibet. The troop increase will come over the next five years, as part of a $13 billion modernization program that will mark the largest expansion of the Indian army throughout the sub-continental countrys 60-year history.
Earlier this month, New Delhi gave the green light for the Indian military to deploy Brahmos cruise missiles south of Tibet in India's first tactical missile deployment targeting China, according to the Indian Express. This is, many observers see, awfully disrupting the volatile tranquility along the China-India border.
Further, India has for years been actively seeking proximity with Japan - but Tokyo expressed little interest. This has changed slowly but surely amid a shifting regional landscape and momentum in bilateral ties of late.
It appears that both could see potentials to enter a glowing partnership when addressing the shared concerns: wariness about a rising China; an aging Japan is desperate for new markets, which a youthful India could provide. India, for its part, needs Japanese know-how for infrastructure projects.
Chinas rise might have given them a nudge: China vexes Japan in the East China Sea, while Beijing's growing influence in India's neighborhood, especially in Pakistan, causes anxiety to New Delhi.
On top of that, warmer ties between India and Japan have been given a nudge by the United States. Washington has been eyeing Chinas increasingly assertive posture and has grown more wary about Chinese regional diplomacy over the past years, considering its comeback strategy to Asia.
In reality, India could and would seek after its secure existence and peaceful development as an emerging power. There is nothing to be said against its overtures to others for strategic cooperation. But if it intended to estrange and antagonize its neighbor by taking it as an imaginary enemy and get unwisely involved in affairs which fall within others backyards, it would hold its national strategies as hostage and put at stake its own national interests.
It is highly advisable for New Delhi to think twice about the pitfalls in making its foreign policies
why to Phase?
India is now afoot to give a major impetus to its Look East policy, when it kicked start a flurry of diplomatic activities with Southeast Asian countries in the last two months, and, of late, with Japan. High on New Delhis agenda is scaling up economic, energy and strategic ties with these countries, as it deems its diplomatic ideologies in the region are broadly similar to theirs--they all expect to find each other and boost relationship in the context of a rising China and its growing regional influence.
India and Vietnam agreed in September to jointly explore oil resources in the South China Sea, despite Chinas indisposition and amid strains in their ties with China. Early in October, India and Afghanistan declared the establishment of strategic and cooperative partnership between them. Recently, India signed defense pacts respectively with Chinas neighboring Vietnam and Myanmar.
The intensification of defense cooperation will also be high on the agenda of India, as it expects Chinas small neighbors would rather look to it to balance what is said Chinas increased assertiveness in the region, and view it as an increasingly important player in evolving an inclusive regional architecture in Asia.
That also explains why New Delhi is interested in selling to Vietnam. the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, an Indo-Russian joint venture. India has already been assisting Hanoi in bolstering its naval and air force capabilities. Vietnam has allowed India access to the Nha Trang Port, which is situated close to the strategic Cam Ranh Bay.
More significantly, scared by China's muscle-flexing, India plans to recruit and deploy another 100,000 soldiers along the disputed borders with China and the Chinese southwestern Tibet. The troop increase will come over the next five years, as part of a $13 billion modernization program that will mark the largest expansion of the Indian army throughout the sub-continental countrys 60-year history.
Earlier this month, New Delhi gave the green light for the Indian military to deploy Brahmos cruise missiles south of Tibet in India's first tactical missile deployment targeting China, according to the Indian Express. This is, many observers see, awfully disrupting the volatile tranquility along the China-India border.
Further, India has for years been actively seeking proximity with Japan - but Tokyo expressed little interest. This has changed slowly but surely amid a shifting regional landscape and momentum in bilateral ties of late.
It appears that both could see potentials to enter a glowing partnership when addressing the shared concerns: wariness about a rising China; an aging Japan is desperate for new markets, which a youthful India could provide. India, for its part, needs Japanese know-how for infrastructure projects.
Chinas rise might have given them a nudge: China vexes Japan in the East China Sea, while Beijing's growing influence in India's neighborhood, especially in Pakistan, causes anxiety to New Delhi.
On top of that, warmer ties between India and Japan have been given a nudge by the United States. Washington has been eyeing Chinas increasingly assertive posture and has grown more wary about Chinese regional diplomacy over the past years, considering its comeback strategy to Asia.
In reality, India could and would seek after its secure existence and peaceful development as an emerging power. There is nothing to be said against its overtures to others for strategic cooperation. But if it intended to estrange and antagonize its neighbor by taking it as an imaginary enemy and get unwisely involved in affairs which fall within others backyards, it would hold its national strategies as hostage and put at stake its own national interests.
It is highly advisable for New Delhi to think twice about the pitfalls in making its foreign policies
why to Phase?