IIndiia--IIran Rellattiions
Pastt,, Presentt and Futture
IIPCS Speciiall Reporrtt 135
H.E. Mr. Seyed Mehdi Nabizadeh Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to India
India-Iran Relations: Past, Present, and Future Transcript of the address delivered by H.E. Mr. Seyed Mehdi Nabizadeh
Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to India
The meaning of the Past, Present and Future is difficult to define in absolute terms as it can be regarded from different perspectives. The relations between India and Iran go back thousands of years, while the relations between Iran and America go back not more than 200 years. Two major events influenced India-Iran relations in the Past: the Independence of India in 1947; and the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. Before 1979, the ties between the two countries experienced some variations, but never got severed, despite their opposite alignment in the Cold War. In contrast, Iran-US relations started under the Shah regime and got immediately disconnected after 1979.
The first contacts between Iranians and Indians can be traced back to the Indo-Aryan migration from Iran to India in 1250 or even 2000 BC. During that time, the exchange was not only between the people, but also between the governments. These exchanges are reflected by the common proto-language shared by Sanskrit and Persian. More recent history saw the diffusion of Persian-language newspapers in India, especially on the eve of Indian press, when English was not yet widely spoken. Moreover, the work of Iranian writers and scholars on India and vice versa had assured a constant exchange between the two countries. Like India, Iran experienced interference of British colonialism.
The British forces controlled Southern Iran, an oil-rich region, with the help of both Indian and Iranian soldiers. The establishment of the Islamic Republic shows similarities to India’s Independence struggle. Like Mahatma Gandhi, Imam Khomeini, Founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, was a great man who changed the history, while the Islamic Revolution in Iran was intended as a non-violent movement like Indian Independence. The Revolution was democratic as it was carried out by the people and not by the elites, a fact that was supported and confirmed by the referendum that approved the Islamic Republic and by the elections that followed, as well as by the support showed by the population during the Iran-Iraq War.
The challenges that Iran-India Relations face today are dependent on several factors. The US has tried to undermine them by pressuring India to curb its ties with Iran. Also, Iran’s relationship with Pakistan as a neighbour and a Mulism country has created some misunderstandings in the past. Israel is also a complicating factor, because Iran considers it as an illegitimate entity and racial regime. Despite these obstacles, however, Iran and India share strong cultural ties which cannot be erased as in the case of political and IPCS Special Report economic relations. Also, both Iran and India are committed to anti-colonialism and nonalignment, principles that have to be reaffirmed today and generally guide Asian countries in dealing with the current multi-polar constellation. In this respect, the Non-Aligned Movement summit recently held in Teheran proved a great success – despite efforts to boycott it. Iran has been strongly looking at Asia after the Revolution, and continues to do so recognizing that the Asian Century lies ahead and that organizations and bodies like the NAM can be employed to excerpt influence within the UN. Although the current Iranian mission to India was able to deepen the relations, there is still room for futher expansion, especially in areas beyond the energy sector. A roadmap for India- Iran relations can be drawn for the next decades, as opposed to relations between Iran and the US, which has an evolving ethnic composition and thus cannot be considered as a reliable partner.
Discussion
What is Iran’s position on Kashmir? Although India considers it as a bilateral issue,
it has been discussed within the OIC. Will Iran support India in its opposition to a
multilateral approach?
Kashmir should be solved according to the people’s will. As Iran is concerned with the
well-being of Muslims in Kashmir, it believes that the state should be further developed.
As the matter is bilateral, Iran does not support outside intervention or mediation. As an
example, India signed security agreements with both the Mossad and the FBI after India’s
26/11. Such contracts do not advance peace, but rather expand Western influence.
Within the OIC, Iran has engaged in promoting peace between India and Pakistan.
How does Iran define its relations with the US? How is it trying to improve these relations, if at all?
After establishing the Islamic Republic, Imam Khomeini declared that Iran would
entertain relations with all countries except Israel and South Africa, which both were
ruled by the racist and Apartheid regimes. Iran is not opposed to relations with the US in
principle, but current US hegemonic and double-standard policies are unacceptable to
Iran. Nevertheless, business and social ties are existing even today.
Was the NAM summit successful? And how has the US tried to isolate Iran? Is China
trying to take the USSR’s place in a new bipolar constellation? How has Iran’s
nuclear program the capacity to bring stability to the region?
After the end of the Cold War there was much discussion about the need of NAM within
the new international constellation. US policies in the last ten years have shown,
however, how NAM is still important as an organization or conference equal and parallel
to the UN. Despite the sanctions, Iran was able to develop further. In fields such as
telecommunications and energy, Iran has now the capacity to own production. Also, it has
advanced on renewable energy production. Especially the latter should be included in
further cooperation between Iran and India.
The fact that the US blackmails Indian companies with the withdrawal of their contracts
in America in case of their investment in Iran has been an obstacle to stronger business
ties between Iran and India.
Should Iran and India commit themselves to a deeper educational exchange?
Many Iranian public figures have been educated in India. Since the Revolution, the
number of university students in Iran has increased greatly. University exchange is
currently present, but it can be developed further. The problem lies in regulations that do
not ease the process; nevertheless, Iran hopes that in the future these complications can
be lifted.
Are there any differences between the perspectives of Iran and India vis à vis NAM?
Iran and India share many common views about NAM, as shown in the Teheran
Declaration. Until the next summit in three years, Iran and India have to discuss how to
further progress NAM’s development.
What are the obstacles to increased cooperation in the Greater South Asian Region?
How do events like the Arab Spring affect the region?
No foreign intervention will have a positive impact on the region, as shown by
Afghanistan and Iraq. As a result of foreign misinformation divisions have been created
between communities in South Asia. Iran believes that all the groups can live peacefully
with each other, as long as this coexistence is not undermined by outside intervention.
The American mission to Afghanistan has not only failed to solve problems, but worsened
them, as in the case of opium production. If a country becomes dangerous for others, the
problem should be solved first within the neighborhood and the region.
When is the port at Chahbahar going to take off?
The port is an asset for trade across the Indian Ocean and Central Asia and has to be
expanded. There was an issue with including the port in the Chahbahar free-trade zone,
because the investing companies were opposed. Now, however, the port has been
declared a free-trade zone. It should be finalized before the joint committee meeting in
November in Tehran.
The Deccan Chronicle has reported that Iran is trying to inhibit Indian
investigations on the attack on Israeli diplomats in Delhi. How much freedom of
investigation will be allotted to the Indian police in this regard?
Iran has neither tried to put pressure on the Indian police nor has it attempted to murder
diplomats. Iran has no reason to jeopardize its good relations with India through this kind
of actions. Also, it is questionable how the Israeli foreign minister knew about an Iranian
responsibility only minutes after the attack. The allegations against Iran are part of a
misinformation campaign.
India and Iran Relations: Multi-faceted Prospects in Persian Gulf and
Indian Ocean Regions.
Ashiq. A. PhD Scholar.
Abstract
In post-Cold War Period, India and Iran re-arranged their relations and even ready to
extend the diplomatic relations into the confronting areas of both nations. India and Iran are
very crucial countries in their respective regions owing to the geo-strategic position, regional
and global status, and pragmatic foreign policy, historical and cultural richness of these
extended neighbours. India is physically located in the central part of Indian Ocean and it
enjoys overwhelming position, feasible nation and capacity to political bargaining in
international arena. Iran has pragmatic attitudes towards the almost nations except U.S and
Israel. Tehran is willing to establish beneficial diplomatic ties up with surrounding countries
of Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf regions. Iran has capacity to control oil flows, drive to
become regional power, hurdle to Western dominance in Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean
Regions. Iran acts as India’s potential gateway to Afghanistan, Central Asia, West Asia and
Northern Europe. Concurrently, for Iran, India acts as a link to the Southeast Asian region. In
single platform, both nations, India and Iran have significant place in contemporary geostrategic,
political and economic fields. Both nations have capacity to challenge supremacy of
the super powers, balance the entire region, play constructive role and ensure stability, peace
and harmony.
In this context, the first part of the paper is an attempt to analyse the major factors
emerged in the space of Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean regions due to the expansion of relation
of India and Iran. The second part of the paper will bring out the new form of concerns in
relation of India and Iran when they try to expand the relation beyond their respective regions.
The above mentioned objectives are the centrifugal parts of the present paper and it tries to
connect the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean regions through the preset contextual relations of
India and Iran.
Paradigm shift in India and Iran Relations
When the relation of India and Iran analyse could be seen much changes in various
level since the 1950. Iran acted as unlimited ally of U.S and prime support nation of Pakistan
until the formation of new government in Iran, 1979. To, India, Iran was unfavourable nation
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during in the period of Cold War because it supported Pakistan when it fought with India. Even,
the new Islamic state of Iran pursued religiously polarized activities in Kashmir. But later
period, Iran changed its attitude against India and it readied establish full-pledged diplomatic
relation with India.
Generally, India’s relation with West Asia is considered as the transaction of oil and
investment of man power and now it also continues without much change. Oil was the
backbone of India and Iran relations till the declaration of international economic sanctions on
Iran. Even though, they willed to establish Iran, India and Pakistan-IPI gas pipeline. It
considered as a historic event of India and Iran relations and now, the pipe-line work is finished
up to the region of Pakistan. The historic project of IPI would not be fulfilled completely and
in present political scenario, no much expectation the extension of pipe-line to India from
Pakistan. In this context, the question of importance of oil or energy relation between India and
Iran is not a debatable topic.
There are many reasons on the side of India and Iran for the backtrack from the
proposed oil project like Nuclear deal of India with U.S, high expense of the projects, security
threats from Non-state organizations and India’s alternative options for oil and so on. In post
9/11 brought new configuration the international politics, Indian think tanks understood that,
oil is not a priority deal with Iran in the geopolitically complicated situation. Beyond it, India
can utilize the other factors of Iran like the geo-strategic and as powerful nation in West Asia.
In fact, in all terms, Iran is an imperative and inevitable country to India and it can protect the
security and transport interests of the New Delhi as well. Moreover, both nations can play
constructive role in Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean regions. Iran can help India to become a
regional power and support to control the overwhelming of China. Iran can help India maintain
the geographical gap with Central Asian region and Northern Europe which is created by the
born of Pakistan.
Non-oil sector began influence the relation of the two nations since the second phase
of end of the Cold War. The discussion of energy ties up of India and Iran in present time is no
more importance in the light of New Delhi cut down huge oil business with Tehran. Recently,
Iran slipped to sixth place on the list of India’s oil import countries and now the percentage of
oil imports from Iran reached around eight.
India turned into African countries such as Angola, Nigeria and Sudan for natural
energy and it indicates, India has more alternative options for oil except Iran. In post 9/11
period, they intensely draw the importance of non-oil sector and moreover they wished extend
the relations into the mutually beneficial areas. Therefore, explicitly, oil is not a determined
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factor on India and Iran in contemporary period of relation. Beyond oil trade, the other factors
have much role to configure the relations of both nations such as defence, strategic, security
and development of transport corridor.
Geopolitics of India and Iran.
India and Iran play an important role in the political sphere of Asian continent and the
world today. Both nations can play a constructive role in regional politics and can make
stability, peace and harmony in Asian region, particularly Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and
central Asia. New Delhi and Tehran re-arranged bilateral relationship in post-Cold War which
brought them new platform to become regional powers (Cheema, 2010). By 1990s,
tremendous political and strategic changes took place in the West Asia, particularly in Iran,
after the period of Ayatollah Khomeini. Political leaders of Iran realized that developments of
nation happen only through the adoption of current changes in international politics. During
the period of President Akbar Hashmi Rafsanjani and Muhammed Khatami, Iran adopted
pragmatic policy in international politics and focused on protection of its national interests.
Geo-politically, Iran has significant place in the Persian Gulf and Central Asian region.
Like India, Iran also seeks to establish strategic and bilateral relationship with major countries
such as Russia, China, and European Union countries. It is also trying to expand its political
strength by engaging in regional and international organisations such as Economic Cooperation
Organisation (ECO), Organization of Petroleum Producing Countries (OPEC) and the
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). India has also supported Iran’s entry into the South
Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) as an observer on the premise that it
would be beneficial for the South Asian region because of Iran’s physical position and
economic strength (Pant, 2007).
India and Iran share common interests on geo-political stability of the region such as
Central Asia, Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf regions. They concerned about the over presence
of the super powers in these regions particularly U.S and its allies. To India and Iran, Central
Asian Region is a crucial factor to run together their strategic relations. In post-Cold War
period, Central Asia emerged as an important geo-strategic region which is loaded with natural
resources of oil and gas. This region has attracted the attention of many countries like U.S. and
China. India and Iran have unlimited interests in Central Asia, as to utilize the opportunities
and to prevent the threats. They highly focused on the free access of Central Asian region and
urged to expand strategic tie-ups with its regional countries such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Tehran and New Delhi are more concerned about
the security and stability of Central Asian region as the rate of drug trafficking, smuggling,
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exports of terrorism and other organized crimes of regional countries are increasing. The
interest of India in Central Asian region is connected with Iran because it is the only link to the
region, if Pakistan gets adverse with India (Pant, 2004).
Multi-model Transport Corridors
India and Iran have agreed to establish collaboration on Transport Projects that could
link New Delhi with the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Europe. The 16th NAM
summit held in Tehran in 2012 formed a Joint Working Group (JWG) of India, Iran and
Afghanistan. They agreed to assist Tehran to develop a new port complex at Chahbahar that
could become India’s gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asian region. Moreover, India has
plan to support Tehran to modify Chahbahar Linking Rail Network, which is well connected
Central Asia and Europe and it can also connect India to central Asia.
India and Iran are the signed countries with Russia in International North South
Transport Corridor-INSTC agreement, which aims to facilitate trade through Iran to Russia and
Northern Europe (Levaillant, 2012). This agreement makes each country save time and cost
while transmitting goods. The transport link started from the Western port of India to the
Southern port of Iran, Bandar Abbas and Chabahar, then via Iranian rail to its Caspian Sea’s
ports, Bandar Anzali and Bandar Amirabad and then Russia and Northern Europe.
Transportation through the passages of Suez Canal and Mediterranean Sea will take 45 to 60
days, while through the INSTC takes only 25 to 30 days. It also helps India and Iran to increase
trade between themselves and the other Central Asian countries. To India, INSTC helps to
bypass Pakistan and it also reduces the transportation expense from 60 to 30 percentages. The
Chabahar port is crucial and it provides the geostrategic space to India. With the support of
New Delhi the Delaram-Zaranj-135 miles long two-line road built in Afghanistan which
connected the Chabhar port of Iran.
Present NDA government of India is ready to grant more money for the completion of
ongoing works of Chabahar port. The connection roads such as ‘Zaranj-Delaram’ of
Afghanistan and ‘Milak- Chabahar’ of Iran will open up the Indian market to Afghan farm
products and other exports and imports. It will also help combat against the illicit drugs
production and export and moreover, assist the trade, transport and transit network of Iran.
Admittedly, Chabahar port would become a business hub and strategic platform of south Asia
particularly Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf region.
Gwadar port of Pakistan was built with the support of China which is 72 kilometer away
from Chabahar port. Both ports have significant strategic importance and it would act as key
role as regional balancer in south Asia especially between India china, and Pakistan. Yet
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another factor is that the regional connectivity of India with Central Asian region and Northern
Europe, is easily possible through west and northern regions of it. But Pakistan and China never
allow their transport system to New Delhi for a long term as an uninterrupted passage. In this
critical scenario, Iran is the only nation to India act as transport corridor.
Changing of Regional balance of Power
Admittedly, Iran has been providing space to India balance the region and other nations
since its independence. To New Delhi, Tehran acts as major balancing nation against Pakistan,
China and Afghanistan. Because Pakistan is a traditional enemy of India and it would be a
crucial factor to determine the relation of India and Iran since it was born as a new state between
them. In fact, U.S and Iran were the supporting nations of Pakistan in Cold war period and
Tehran provided material support to Islamabad when war broke out with India.
Now, Iran is in silent mode in such unfavourable activities against India, even, Iran is
ready to provide its naval base to India in future war with Pakistan. Moreover, India has to
eradicate the Afghan and Pakistan based Taliban activities from the entire region of Asian
continent. Indian think tanks know that de-terrorist task is only possible with the support of
Iran. It would be the major concerned of India when it backtracks on the side of Iran by the
pressure of U.S and U.E. Further, China is the close ally of Iran and Pakistan, and the latter is
already under control of China. Pakistan and China have eagerness to cut and reduce the
strategic relation of Iran with India, for that, Islamabad is ready to give its land for installation
of oil pipeline from Iran to China through Pakistan. Undoubtedly, India has ensure the support
of Iran to prevent the military attack of Pakistan as well as the dominance of China.
Fortunately, interests of India and Iran, is similar in Afghanistan, except withdrawal of
West-backed army. In one perspective, Iran as far as no more concerned about the presence of
army people, but its fear is that army is constituted mainly by the interest of U.S. Iran doesn’t
want the longer presence of its prime enemy in its border nation as well as the adjacent region.
Recently, U.S has no longer trust with Pakistan because of its double standard attitude on
terrorist organizations. Therefore, Washington cut down much economic and military
technological supports to Pakistan. It has fear that Islamabad would hand over the fund and
technology into the terrorist organizations. U.S’s backtracks on the side of Pakistan which
provides relaxation to the Indian think-tanks. India’s target is that reduce the strategic contact
of U.S and Pakistan in all possible fields. In recent time, India succeeded its task and it could
be seen, New Delhi tries to balance Pakistan through the America and Iran. To Pakistan, U.S
is the extended, financial and technological aiding nation while Iran is the immediate and
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common neighbour country of it. Therefore, Pakistan can keep India under threat with the
support of Iran and U.S in many occasion. Interesting thing is that, Pakistan could utilize the
benefits from U.S and Iran who are mutually confronting nations against India. Its ultimate aim
is that isolate Pakistan from Iran and U.S and defend the dominance of China.
Indian think-tanks know that cannot pull or cut down China on the side of Pakistan.
Because, to China, Pakistan is a less expensive and more valuable country on the table of
resistance against India. Somehow, India succeeded keep Iran in a silent mode in order not to
interfere on India-Pakistan issue in post-Cold war period and New Delhi could also kept Iran
away as a complete dependable nation of China. It reveals that beyond the oil relation, Iran
helps India to prevent intervention of common neighbours and the extra-regional powers in
Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and Central Asia regions. In this context, Iran is a major regional
balancer country to India in 21st century. Simultaneously, India can utilize Iranian factors to
become as a region power and it also can balance the China as well as Pakistan and
overwhelming of U.S. in its respective region.
Economic Opportunities
Narasimha Rao, former Indian Prime Minister, started substantive bilateral ties with
Iran in September 1993. Then, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Iran President Muhammad Khatami
signed two declarations as Tehran Declaration of 2001 and Delhi Declaration of 2003 (Hunter,
2010). Both Declarations focused heavily on energy security and commercial ties, peaceful
movement of goods via Iran to Central Asia, Russia and Northern Europe, promotion of
scientific and technical cooperation and establishment of strategic dialogue to address regional
and international security issues. The Delhi Declaration, framed Seven Memorandum of
Understanding in various fields including Road Map to strategic cooperation in various areas.
The two countries established several bilateral consultative mechanisms in different
levels and its meetings take place regularly. Both side’s officials hold regular bilateral talks on
economic and trade issues on forum of Indo-Iran Joint Commission Meeting (JCM). The
external affairs ministers of both states held discussion on whole range of bilateral issues
including economic cooperation, energy security, expansion of bilateral trade and surface
transport (Behuria, 2011). Total trade of India and Iran is increasing by each year but the trade
balance always is under negative margin to India. The trend in trade between India and Iran is
given in table.
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Source: Government of India Ministry of Commerce & Industry Department of Commerce
Export Import Data Bank Version 7.2.
Major trade of India with Iran is oil and New Delhi has to balance the trade sheet by
the expansion of trade into new areas. It is not possible in nearest future because of the West
and EU imposed sanctions on Iranian economy. In this critical situation, India can enhance the
contact with Iran through the geo-strategic and defence collaborations. Otherwise, India will
expand the crude oil refinery system and it can help refine much Iranian crude oil in India and
then, re-export into the Iran. Now, Iran imports 40 per cent of its refined diesel from India
because Teheran’s oil refinery industry and technology is not well developed. Instead of oil
pipeline project, India has plan to build a power generating plant in Iran which can connect to
India through a submarine electrical cable. It would be more expensive and less security
project. In fact, land and sea lines for oil projects between India and Iran has no much
possibility to success because Pakistan and it would act as major obstacle on the path. The
expansion of oil refinery industry of India and include the new products in trade which is
needed the Iranian market. It can usher India and Iran into a new platform of cooperation and
also it brings them inextricably link each other.
Defence Collaborations
India and Iran have key interests in military to military contact and they have framed
MoU for military joint exercises. In 2006, they launched a military joint venture at Cochin
Naval base, Kerala. Geographically, both countries are close to the striate of Hormuze and
Malacca respectively. These two bottlenecks have keen strategic roles in Persian Gulf and
Indian Ocean regions. It is only through the striate of Hormuze, 17 million barrels oil hauls to
various parts of the world each day (Shukla, 2012).
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Because of the strategic importance of the region, India and Iran ready to establish the
defence collaboration against the military interventions of super powers. The bitterness, they
showed against the Anglo-American occupation against Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003
respectively. They can do that because, recently, India indigenously developed many war
machines and technologies and the other hand Iran is the militarily powerful nation in west
Asia. In this platform, both nations can exchange and update sophisticated weapons and
defensive technologies. Instead of oil trade, India can develop a long term and backbone
defence relation with Iran. All western and pro-western countries are stopped economic and
trade relations with Iran due to the international sanctions which provides new space to India
export it’s indigenously made war equipments and technologies to Tehran. Admittedly, Iran
willing to install Indian made war weapons and technologies, if New Delhi is ready to export
it inspite of U.S pressure.
Iran imports weapons and war technologies from various nations including Russia,
North Korea and China. Recently, Tehran turns to New Delhi for the assistances in maintaining
and updating of its Russian-built war equipment like T-72 tanks, MIG 29 Aircraft and Kilo.
Iranian technologists know that India could handle Russian war equipment because it is a large
consumer of Russian war technologies and machines. If India is not taken as seriously the space
of defence collaboration which was left by U.S and others, definitely China would utilize it.
Because China already have established good defence relations with Iran and even Beijing
exchanged nuclear technology to Tehran in past. India can anticipate that Iran may provide its
military base to India when the war takes place between India and Pakistan in future. Likewise,
Iran can expect India helps them in case U.S declare military strike against on account of the
ambiguity of nuclear issue. Through the deep defence pacts India can defend Pakistan as well
as China and can eradicate the terrorist activities and also prevent piracy.
Concerns in India and Iran Relations
Prime motives of each nation to pursue relation with other is to protect national interest
and sometimes they fall into conflict when fail to reach consensus. Look at the relation of India
and Iran in terms of history, some degree of political and religious hostilities took place in Cold
War period. In recent period, super powers and international organizations raise as the major
obstacles in between the two nations. U.S, Israel, E U and pro-west allies branded Iran as one
of the members of ‘evil Axis’ and gave recognition as Rogue State (Tennyson, 2012). India’s
status is emerging and stable state, therefore, many countries are likely to establish foreign
relations with New Delhi. In such a context, India’s relationship with Iran is seen with much
anxiety by U.S and its allies.
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Iran’s nuclear proliferation activities and its leader’s stubborn nature leads to conflict
with U.S and Israel. Nations who are hostile toward Iran argue, as a signatory member, Tehran
has to follow the rules of NPT but it is continuing nuclear proliferation activities. As a result,
United Nations Security Council declared resolutions of 1696 (2006), 1737 (2006), 1747
(2007) and 1803 (2008) which imposed sanctions against Iran to abandon its nuclear fuel
enrichment programme. Iran has been projected as a threat to the international community by
U.S and its allies. Therefore, they forcefully re-direct other countries to pursue isolation policy
against Tehran. India had security interest when it cast its vote against Iran two times at IAEA
in 2005 and 2006. Indian policy makers have been insisting that nuclear loaded Iran is bad for
regional strategic stability of the region (Rajiv, 2012).
Indo-US Nuclear Deal, by whichWashington targets to limit India’s bilateral tie-ups in
all the fields with Iran particularly in strategic and defence. U.S. argument is that Tehran’s
uranium enrichment activities would bring threat to the world peace (Fayazmanesh, 2008). U.S
considers, Iran is a major sponsor and supporter of terrorist networks in Middle East like
Hizbollah, Hamas, and the Palestine Islamic Jihad. In this context, U.S shares an intense
anxiety on the security as these non-state actors might possess the nuclear weapons with the
support of Iran. Moreover U.S openly shows its bitterness against India’s moral support
regarding Iran’s nuclear programme. By the Memorandum of 2001, India and Iran formulated
Military agreements which bring tension to America. Because, India can help Iran to upgrade
its nuclear and missile technologies and thus to access the Indian military naval base. Therefore,
U.S always puts pressure on India to cut the significant tie-ups framed earlier and terminate
future engagements with Iran in the defence field.
Since 1992, India and Israel started bilateral relations in various fields particularly sales
of weapons and technologies. New Delhi’s growing relationship with Tel Aviv creates
vulnerability to Tehran. Presently, Iran is the only nation in the Arab world, which upholds
Palestinians’ self-determination and rises voice against the Jews’ settlements in Palestine.
Since 1979. Iran and Israel are in hostility each other due to the nuclear proliferation and
Palestine-Israel conflict. Iran’s pressure on New Delhi to quit strategic partnership with Israel
which creates complication to India because it has to upgrade the defence system with the
support of Israel. Tecsar, Israeli spy Satellite, launched by India into the Orbit in 2008, also
created dissatisfaction to Iran. Tehran has successfully conducted the final test of its Midrange
Missile, Shahab-3, which is capable of reaching Israeli and American troops stationed in Saudi
Arabia and Iraq. Israel is always urging India to stop its tie-ups with Iran and to extend support
to U.S. massive embargo policy against Iran. India’s cool attitudes on Palestinian nationalism
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and partnership with other Arab countries particularly Saudi Arabia, are also major stumbling
in the path of Indo-Iranian relations.
Geographical position, uncertainty in nature and terrorist backup of Pakistan lead to the
intensive tension to India and Iran relations. Particularly, New Delhi is concerned about the
membership of Islamabad and Tehran in different Islamic organizations. If both Iran and
Pakistan mutually supply nuclear technology to the terrorist groups it could create insecurity
to India. Therefore, India has to maintain a balanced relation with Iran. Otherwise, Tehran
would provide its military base to Islamabad when war takes place with India in future.
India’s security concept is heavily connected with the Afghanistan and Pakistan
stabilities. For the protection of India’s interests and the completion of ongoing constructions
in Afghanistan, is needed balanced tie-up with Iran. India extended economic aids for the
expansion of Iranian Rail Network connected to Chabahar Port which can help New Delhi to
send goods to Kabul through Tehran. The stability of Indo-Afghan collaboration is heavily
dependent upon the support of U.S, Pakistan and Iran. New Delhi and Tehran are under in
contradictory stand regarding the continuation of U.S controlled Foreign Combat Troops in
Afghanistan after 2014. India’s security is connected with the presence of western military in
Afghanistan. Its arguments is that force must be there until Afghan become a stable nation. On
the other hand Iran is strongly demanding the withdrawal of western military from Afghan
region.
Iran has immense dissatisfaction with India regarding the fixing of oil rates and silent
mode in framed oil project. It affected proposed IPI project and India’s arguments on pipeline
project is that renewal oil rates in every five years and also provide transmit fees to Pakistan
because the pipeline comes through its region. For India, this pipeline project may save the
energy transport cost around US$300 million each year, while Pakistan would get an estimated
US$700 million in annual transit fees (Verma, 2007). On the other hand, Iran subsequently
makes noises about building a gas pipe line to China. Speculatively, reports indicate that a
pipeline from Iran to China is possible as well. If that happens, it would be a bitter experience
to the Indo-Iranian relations.
After 9/11 attacks, U.S. has restructured its foreign policy outlook and ready to join
with any country for war on terror. South Asia is considered as a massive terrorist occupied
land which forced U.S. to deploy Western military in that area. By the attacks of Afghanistan
and Iraq, U.S realized that military strike and long term deployment would become worse.
Instead of military strike, U. S. and its allies have imposed severe economic embargo on Iran
and they have forced other nations to follow them, particularly India. Their intention is that a
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long term and massive sanctions would lead Iranians to an unsafe position and finally they will
have only one way that is to change existing regime. India’s argument is that the total
withdrawal of deployed military persons from Afghan region will lead to Taliban’s reorientation.
On the contrary, Iran is against the American military presence in Afghanistan and
argues that it would adversely affect the region. Taliban’s anti-Indian attitude is because of
India’s unlimited tie-up with America and Israel.
China cunningly tries to harm India through Iran and for that, it established tie-up in
strategic and defence fields. Beijing acts as a chief supplier of ballistic and cruise missilerelated
technologies to Tehran. It is also providing technological support to Tehran regarding
the process of civil nuclear fuel cycling. On the other hand, China needs much amount of oil
for proper running of its industry. Unlike India, China is not facing geopolitical complicity
against the flow of oil through Pakistan its region. Oil and weapon trades would bring Iran and
China into in-depth partnership forever. Through which, Iran focuses to reduce the weight of
economic sanctions which is imposed by the pro-west countries. Through the partnership with
Iran, China tries to attain the goal of India’s instability in their respective region. Like Pakistan,
Iran would a right option to China harm India because Beijing knows that without Iran India
cannot defend the domination of others.
In fact, Tehran knows that Beijing is enjoying diplomatic autonomy and its diplomats
believed that China never will deviate from the framed agreements with Iran, even there is
international pressure. Iranian think tanks know that in future may India become silent with
Iran due to the severe pressure from U.S. and E.U. If it happens in future, Beijing could fill
the gap and support Tehran. The unlimited Chinese commitment to Tehran, particularly in
defence and nuclear fields would bring political disturbance to India and U.S.
Conclusion
India and Iran are major regional powers in their respective region and emerging nations in global politics in 21st century. Iran has sophisticated military equipments, advanced indigenous defence production, and domestic industrial base. Iran’s position is second, after Saudi Arabia, in the richness of oil. For the projection of military capacity and security, Tehran is frequently conducting Military Joint exercises itself and also with other countries in Persian Gulf. India is largest democratic country, well sounded economic system, military supreme power in the region and pursue soft power policy in international politics. Therefore, majority nations have started bilateral tie-up with India because it is an influential country in the world. Even though, both countries India and Iran have divergent interests in regional and international scenarios. However, they would ready to support each other in all possible platforms to protect their goals, particularly in trade, strategic and defence fields. Central Asian region provides plenty of geopolitical and strategic opportunities after the end of Cold war and which is adjacent region of Iran. India and Iran has urge to exploit the whole elements of that region. In one perspective western sanctions is bringing a new perspective and space in the relation of India and Iran otherwise may their contact limited only with oil. Admittedly, India- Pakistan relations never run in a long term peaceful manner and in this critical situation Iran can act as alternative nation to India. When India and Iran try to strong their relations and they can combine, control, utilize maximum the most strategic and sensitive regions of the world such as Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean and Central Asian regions.
Seen here is Rabindranath Tagore as a guest of Iran's parliament in the 1930s.
History
INDIA ii. Historical Geography
The geographical borders between the Iranian plateau and the Indian subcontinent are well defined by features, such as mountain ranges, which represent the western limits of the Indus River valley.
INDIA
ii. HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY: THE ANCIENT FRONTIER WITH IRAN
The geographical borders between the Iranian plateau and the Indian subcontinent are well defined by a number of marked features, such as mountain ranges, which represent the western limits of the Indus River valley. From a historical and cultural perspective, however, the term “border” must be seen as indicating a vague interface that involves a whole region, which can be called the “Indo-Iranian frontier.” Because numerous passes from the Bolan to the Khyber facilitate the crossing of the mountain barrier between Iran and India, these can be considered not as mere boundaries but as symbolic points that characterize this frontier region from south to north. The area of the Indian subcontinent west of the Indus, reflecting its frontier character, historically was governed more often by Iranian dynasties than by Indian ones. At the same time the eastern extent of the Iranian plateau was also deeply permeated by Indian cultural traits (as, e.g., in the westward expansion of Buddhism). Thus the cultural relationships between India and Iran must always be understood as an intense phenomenon of exchange and osmosis (see Foucher, 1942, p. 188).
The people that lived in the regions of this Indo-Iranian frontier in ancient times are known to us by their mention in the list of the Achaemenid administrative districts, or “satrapies” (Gk. nomoi), preserved by Herodotus (3.89-94); before him, information was provided by Hecataeus of Miletus, who mentioned the Indian population of Gandara and the city of Kaspapyros (Jacoby, Fragmente I, frag. 294-295). The easternmost satrapies were VII, XVII, and XX of the list: satrapy VII included the Sattagydai, Gandarioi, Dadikai, and Aparytai peoples; XVII was formed by the Parikanioi and the Asian Ethiopians; while satrapy XX was that of the Indians, “the people by far the most numerous of all of the men that we know.” Herodotus (3.98-106) provides us with an interesting description of India, including the part which was not subject to Persia, that illustrates the limits of the ancient Greeks’ geographical knowledge of the subcontinent before direct contact was established with Alexander’s expedition.
The information provided by Herodotus finds clear confirmation in the inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings (DB, DPe, DSe, DNa, DSaa, XPf), where we find toponyms such as Θataguš, Gandāra, and Hinduš, which are also used to identify their respective populations. The geographical name Maka is to be excluded from this list; contrary to its earlier identification with the costal Baluchi region of Makrān (still followed by Lecocq, 1997, p. 52), it was located within the Arabian peninsula (de Blois, 1989) and thus lay outside the Indo-Iranian border. Hinduš may be identified with the middle and lower Indus valley, excluding Gandhara (Bernard, 1987, p. 186), although it has been proposed (Briant, 1982, p. 204) to identify it with the late Achaemenid “Indians of the Mountains” mentioned by Arrian (3.8.4). Gandāra certainly included, not only the plain of Peshawar, but also the entire valley of the Kabul river as far as its confluence with the Indus. In fact, in the Babylonian and Elamite versions of the Bisotun inscription, the toponym Gandāra is replaced with Paruparaesanna, which corresponds to the Paropamisadae of the classical authors, who meant by it the region that had the high valley of Kabul as its center. It is noteworthy that the city of Kaspapyros/Kaspatyros (cf. Daffinà, 1983), located in Gandarikē by Hecataeus, came to be associated by Herodotus (3.102 and 4. 44) with Paktyikē, the border region north of “all the other Indians” (3.102). It is probable that the two toponyms “Paruparaesanna” and “Paktyikē” refer to the same area. The latter probably is derived from an Iranian ethnonym (cf. Herzfeld, 1947, p. 182); but, in spite of phonetic similarities, they cannot be linguistically identified with the modern ethnonym “Pukhtūn.”
As to the other peoples of satrapy VII, scholars still disagree on the location of Θataguš, which corresponds to Sattagydia of the ancient Greeks (cf. Lecocq, 1997, pp. 146-47). Recent archeological investigation at the city of Akra near Bannu (Khan et al., 2000) tend to confirm the location of this region between the mountains of Gan-dhara to the north and Arachosia to the south (Fleming, 1982), rather than being the Multan area of the southern Punjab (Vogelsang, 1990, p. 98). The Dadikai seem to correspond to the Darada people, who are mentioned along with the Gandharans and Kashmirians in the Puranic descriptions of India (Tucci, 1977, p. 11). The proposal that the Aparytai are eponymous ancestors of the Afridi Push-tūns (Caroe, 1958, p. 37) remains to be proven.
Information about the people that lived along the Indo-Iranian border in the third century B.C.E. also comes from the edicts of the Mauryan king Aśoka. The fifth edict gives a list of people, including the Yona (cf. OPers. Yaunā “Ionians”), Kambojas, and Gandharans; and in his twelfth edict appears the compound name Yonakambojesu. There is little doubt as to the identity of the Gandharans or as to that of the Yona. The latter were the Greeks of Asia, to whom was directed the Greek version of the king’s edict, which was discovered at Kandahar by the Italian expedition conducted by IsMEO. The Kambojas have been identified variously with the people that lived on the left bank of the Kabul river or, more specifically, with the people for whom the Aramaic version of the edicts of Aśoka had been written (U. Scerrato, in Pugliese Carratelli and Garbini, 1964, pp. 14-15). The linguistic particularities of such versions suggest that people who spoke an Iranian language are involved (G. Garbini, in Pugliese Carratelli and Garbini, 1964, pp. 59-61; Bailey, 1971). This confirms what can be seen from the characteristics of their religion, which had been transmitted from Indian Buddhist sources (Benveniste, 1958, p. 47).
An illustration of the dynamics of the Indo-Iranian frontier region is the case of Arachosia (q.v., OPers. Harauvātiš). The manner of dress of its inhabitants, as represented in the Achaemenid tomb reliefs, appears to link it to the other satrapies of eastern Iran, such as Aria and Drangiana (Tourovets, 2001, p. 225). Yet other cultural traits link it to India, to the point that its inclusion in the Achaemenid empire has been interpreted as an Indian penetration toward the West (Vogelsang, 1985). Of particular interest is the use of the name “white India” to describe Arachosia by the first century C.E. Greek writer, Isidorus of Charax (q.v.; Parthian Stations, par. 9; Walser, 1985, pp. 154-55). The interconnections of the Iranian plateau and the Indian world within this area is confirmed by a series of archeological evidences, ranging from fragments of the edicts of Aśoka, written in Greek and Aramaic (Pugliese Carratelli and Garbini, 1964), to the Buddhist complex located in ancient Kandahar dating to the third century C.E., even though that region was probably never a stable part of the Kushan empire (Ball, 1996, p. 398). Moreover, two Achaemenid inscriptions from Susa (DSf and DSz; see Lecoq, 1997, pp. 236 and 244 respectively) mention Arachosia, along with Ethiopia and Hinduš, as a region from which ivory originated; this suggests that Arachosia was also a place for the commercial exchange of Indian ivory (Vogelsang, 1987, p. 186).
For the Sasanian period the trilingual inscription of Šāpur I on the walls of the Kaʿba-ye Zardošt (q.v.) indicates the limits of the expansion of the Sasanians toward the Indian subcontinent. In par. 3 are mentioned sequentially the regions of Tūrān, Makurān, and Pāradān, which appear to correspond to present-day Baluchistan (Chaumont, 1975, pp. 130-37); then come “Hindestān and Kušānšahr up to Paškibūr” (Peshawar?). This list corresponds strikingly to the above-mentioned Achaemenid satrapies (Honigmann and Maricq, 1953, pp. 98-110; Huyse, 2000, I, pp. 22-23). In fact, a son of Šāpur, Narseh, carried the title, “king of Hindestān, Sakastān, and Tūrān as far as the edge of the sea” as well as, “king of the Sakān.” Likewise, in the inscriptions of Paikuli, authored by the same Narseh, there appear the names of the kings of Kūšān, Pāradān, and Makurān (Humbach and Skjærvø, 1983, Part 3.1, pp. 70-71; Part 3.2, pp. 122-25). The title of Sakānšāh is also mentioned in the two fourth-century C.E. inscriptions from Persepolis (Henning, 1963, pls. 85 and 87; Frye, 1966; Azarnoush, 1986, pp. 223-28). On the other hand, the late Sasanian text Šahrestānihā ī Ērān, according to which the Indo-Iranian border lies in the “region of the south” (kust ī nēmrōz), mentions only the toponyms of Kābul, Zāwalestān (Zabulistan, the area of modern Ghazni), and Raxwat (Arachosia) (Gyselen, 1988; Daryaee, 2002, pp. 47-48); thus the political influence on India then was reduced to the more western region of the frontier. However, we have late Sasanian clay impressions of seals of an āmārgar, as well as of anostandar,of Sind (q.v.), a term that in this period could indicate a single province or a broader area (Gyselen, 1989, p. 65; 2002, pp. 27, 169).
Iran, under the Shah regime had actively helped enemies of India, that's a part of history we should not forget.
It is perfectly fine to have diplomatic relations more close to one than the other. But, Iran did help Pakistan in war against India. That catches attention.
Iran, under the Shah regime had actively helped enemies of India, that's a part of history we should not forget.
It is perfectly fine to have diplomatic relations more close to one than the other. But, Iran did help Pakistan in war against India. That catches attention.
I'm just saying these are all history and anyone who makes the mistake of forgetting history finds himself in the receiving end for the same lesson.
How would the Iranians feel, for example, if we start militarily supporting KSA against Iran ? Probably they will not like it. So, it's simple, live and let live. You scratch someone's back and he comes back to scratch yours.
I'm just saying these are all history and anyone who makes the mistake of forgetting history finds himself in the receiving end for the same lesson.
How would the Iranians feel, for example, if we start militarily supporting KSA against Iran ? Probably they will not like it. So, it's simple, live and let live. You scratch someone's back and he comes back to scratch yours.
to what extent did they support Pak in our wars ? I know they offered air bases as logistical support to hide their aircraft, what else, any manpower, equipment help too ?
Iran, under the Shah regime had actively helped enemies of India, that's a part of history we should not forget.
It is perfectly fine to have diplomatic relations more close to one than the other. But, Iran did help Pakistan in war against India. That catches attention.
At time of Shah Pakistan was a peaceful country with no wahhabis and Shia haters. (All of their men and heads were almost Shia.) But now everything has changed.
I hope peace is restored there. We are all foolish nations, who try to fight with each, because of what ? Different religion ? ethnicity, culture, language, looks ? What the hell, that's our genes, created by God, if we are a believer.
If we believe in God and his creation then why on Earth are we trying to fight it ? Makes no sense!!
Look at how the Europeans did it. Well they needed two World wars and utter destruction to knock some sense into their heads. But it will be utter stupidity if we need to follow the same path rather than learning from history.
I hope peace is restored there. We are all foolish nations, who try to fight with each, because of what ? Different religion ? ethnicity, culture, language, looks ? What the hell, that's our genes, created by God, if we are a believer.
If we believe in God and his creation then why on Earth are we trying to fight it ? Makes no sense!!
Look at how the Europeans did it. Well they needed two World wars and utter destruction to knock some sense into their heads. But it will be utter stupidity if we need to follow the same path rather than learning from history.
