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Egypt Unrest: Mubarak Steps Down!

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Egypt: The Distance Between Enthusiasm and Reality



By George Friedman

On Feb. 11, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak resigned. A military council was named to govern in his place. On Feb. 11-12, the crowds that had gathered in Tahrir Square celebrated Mubarak’s fall and the triumph of democracy in Egypt. On Feb. 13, the military council abolished the constitution and dissolved parliament, promising a new constitution to be ratified by a referendum and stating that the military would rule for six months, or until the military decides it’s ready to hold parliamentary and presidential elections.

What we see is that while Mubarak is gone, the military regime in which he served has dramatically increased its power. This isn’t incompatible with democratic reform. Organizing elections, political parties and candidates is not something that can be done quickly. If the military is sincere in its intentions, it will have to do these things. The problem is that if the military is insincere it will do exactly the same things. Six months is a long time, passions can subside and promises can be forgotten.

At this point, we simply don’t know what will happen. We do know what has happened. Mubarak is out of office, the military regime remains intact and it is stronger than ever. This is not surprising, given what STRATFOR has said about recent events in Egypt, but the reality of what has happened in the last 72 hours and the interpretation that much of the world has placed on it are startlingly different. Power rests with the regime, not with the crowds. In our view, the crowds never had nearly as much power as many have claimed.

Certainly, there was a large crowd concentrated in a square in Cairo, and there were demonstrations in other cities. But the crowd was limited. It never got to be more than 300,000 people or so in Tahrir Square, and while that’s a lot of people, it is nothing like the crowds that turned out during the 1989 risings in Eastern Europe or the 1979 revolution in Iran. Those were massive social convulsions in which millions came out onto the streets. The crowd in Cairo never swelled to the point that it involved a substantial portion of the city.

In a genuine revolution, the police and military cannot contain the crowds. In Egypt, the military chose not to confront the demonstrators, not because the military itself was split, but because it agreed with the demonstrators’ core demand: getting rid of Mubarak. And since the military was the essence of the Egyptian regime, it is odd to consider this a revolution.


Mubarak and the Regime

The crowd in Cairo, as telegenic as it was, was the backdrop to the drama, not the main feature. The main drama began months ago when it became apparent that Mubarak intended to make his reform-minded 47-year-old son, Gamal, lacking in military service, president of Egypt. This represented a direct challenge to the regime. In a way, Mubarak was the one trying to overthrow the regime.

The Egyptian regime was founded in a coup led by Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser and modeled after that of Kemal Ataturk of Turkey, basing it on the military. It was intended to be a secular regime with democratic elements, but it would be guaranteed and ultimately controlled by the military. Nasser believed that the military was the most modern and progressive element of Egyptian society and that it had to be given the responsibility and power to modernize Egypt.

While Nasser took off his uniform, the military remained the bulwark of the regime. Each successive president of Egypt, Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak, while formally elected in elections of varying dubiousness, was an officer in the Egyptian military who had removed his uniform when he entered political life.

Mubarak’s decision to name his son represented a direct challenge to the Egyptian regime. Gamal Mubarak was not a career military officer, nor was he linked to the military’s high command, which had been the real power in the regime. Mubarak’s desire to have his son succeed him appalled and enraged the Egyptian military, the defender of the regime. If he were to be appointed, then the military regime would be replaced by, in essence, a hereditary monarchy — what had ruled Egypt before the military. Large segments of the military had been maneuvering to block Mubarak’s ambitions and, with increasing intensity, wanted to see Mubarak step down in order to pave the way for an orderly succession using the elections scheduled for September, elections designed to affirm the regime by selecting a figure acceptable to the senior military men. Mubarak’s insistence on Gamal and his unwillingness to step down created a crisis for the regime. The military feared the regime could not survive Mubarak’s ambitions.

This is the key point to understand. There is a critical distinction between the regime and Hosni Mubarak. The regime consisted — and consists — of complex institutions centered on the military but also including the civilian bureaucracy controlled by the military. Hosni Mubarak was the leader of the regime, successor to Nasser and Sadat, who over time came to distinguish his interests from those of the regime. He was increasingly seen as a threat to the regime, and the regime turned on him.

The demonstrators never called for the downfall of the regime. They demanded that Mubarak step aside. This was the same demand that was being made by many if not most officers in the military months before the crowds gathered in the streets. The military did not like the spectacle of the crowds, which is not the way the military likes to handle political matters. At the same time, paradoxically, the military welcomed the demonstrations, since they created a crisis that put the question of Mubarak’s future on the table. They gave the military an opportunity to save the regime and preserve its own interests.

The Egyptian military is opaque. It isn’t clear who was reluctant to act and who was eager. We would guess that the people who now make up the ruling military council were reluctant to act. They were of the same generation as Hosni Mubarak, owed their careers to him and were his friends. Younger officers, who had joined the military after 1973 and had trained with the Americans rather than the Soviets, were the likely agitators for blocking Mubarak’s selection of Gamal as his heir, but there were also senior officers publicly expressing reservations. Who was on what side is a guess. What is known is that many in the military opposed Gamal, would not push the issue to a coup, and then staged a coup designed to save the regime after the demonstrations in Cairo were under way.

That is the point. What happened was not a revolution. The demonstrators never brought down Mubarak, let alone the regime. What happened was a military coup that used the cover of protests to force Mubarak out of office in order to preserve the regime. When it became clear Feb. 10 that Mubarak would not voluntarily step down, the military staged what amounted to a coup to force his resignation. Once he was forced out of office, the military took over the existing regime by creating a military council and taking control of critical ministries. The regime was always centered on the military. What happened on Feb. 11 was that the military took direct control.

Again, as a guess, the older officers, friends of Mubarak, found themselves under pressure from other officers and the United States to act. They finally did, taking the major positions for themselves. The demonstrations were the backdrop for this drama and the justification for the military’s actions, but they were not a revolution in the streets. It was a military coup designed to preserve a military-dominated regime. And that was what the crowds were demanding as well.


Coup and Revolution

We now face the question of whether the coup will turn into a revolution. The demonstrators demanded — and the military has agreed to hold — genuinely democratic elections and to stop repression. It is not clear that the new leaders mean what they have said or were simply saying it to get the crowds to go home. But there are deeper problems in the democratization of Egypt. First, Mubarak’s repression had wrecked civil society. The formation of coherent political parties able to find and run candidates will take a while. Second, the military is deeply enmeshed in running the country. Backing them out of that position, with the best will in the world, will require time. The military bought time Feb. 13, but it is not clear that six months is enough time, and it is not clear that, in the end, the military will want to leave the position it has held for more than half a century.

Of course, there is the feeling, as there was in 2009 with the Tehran demonstrations, that something unheard of has taken place, as U.S. President Barack Obama has implied. It is said to have something to do with Twitter and Facebook. We should recall that, in our time, genuine revolutions that destroyed regimes took place in 1989 and 1979, the latter even before there were PCs. Indeed, such revolutions go back to the 18th century. None of them required smartphones, and all of them were more thorough and profound than what has happened in Egypt so far. This revolution will not be “Twitterized.” The largest number of protesters arrived in Tahrir Square after the Internet was completely shut down.

The new government has promised to honor all foreign commitments, which obviously include the most controversial one in Egypt, the treaty with Israel. During the celebrations the evening of Feb. 11 and morning of Feb. 12, the two chants were about democracy and Palestine. While the regime committed itself to maintaining the treaty with Israel, the crowds in the square seemed to have other thoughts, not yet clearly defined. But then, it is not clear that the demonstrators in the square represent the wishes of 80 million Egyptians. For all the chatter about the Egyptian people demanding democracy, the fact is that hardly anyone participated in the demonstrations, relative to the number of Egyptians there are, and no one really knows how the Egyptian people would vote on this issue.

The Egyptian government is hardly in a position to confront Israel, even if it wanted to. The Egyptian army has mostly American equipment and cannot function if the Americans don’t provide spare parts or contractors to maintain that equipment. There is no Soviet Union vying to replace the United States today. Re-equipping and training a military the size of Egypt’s is measured in decades, not weeks. Egypt is not going to war any time soon. But then the new rulers have declared that all prior treaties — such as with Israel — will remain in effect.


What Was Achieved?

Therefore, we face this reality. The Egyptian regime is still there, still controlled by old generals. They are committed to the same foreign policy as the man they forced out of office. They have promised democracy, but it is not clear that they mean it. If they mean it, it is not clear how they would do it, certainly not in a timeframe of a few months. Indeed, this means that the crowds may re-emerge demanding more rapid democratization, depending on who organized the crowds in the first place and what their intentions are now.

It is not that nothing happened in Egypt, and it is not that it isn’t important. It is simply that what happened was not what the media portrayed but a much more complex process, most of it not viewable on TV. Certainly, there was nothing unprecedented in what was achieved or how it was achieved. It is not even clear what was achieved. Nor is it clear that anything that has happened changes Egyptian foreign or domestic policy. It is not even clear that those policies could be changed in practical terms regardless of intent.

The week began with an old soldier running Egypt. It ended with different old soldiers running Egypt with even more formal power than Mubarak had. This has caused worldwide shock and awe. We were killjoys in 2009, when we said the Iranian revolution wasn’t going anywhere. We do not want to be killjoys now, since everyone is so excited and happy. But we should point out that, in spite of the crowds, nothing much has really happened yet in Egypt. It doesn’t mean that it won’t, but it hasn’t yet.

An 82-year-old man has been thrown out of office, and his son will not be president. The constitution and parliament are gone and a military junta is in charge. The rest is speculation.
 
Why some Egyptians wish their revolution had never happened
Umm Karim, a mother of four, can only afford one meal per day. Her teenage sons both lost their jobs when the factory they worked in burned down in Egypt's revolution.

By Sarah Lynch, Contributor / February 24, 2011

Al-Maraziq, Egypt
Even as Egypt's uprising inspires escalating protests from Libya to Bahrain, some Egyptians are beginning to wish that their own revolution had never happened.

“It’s hard for me to rest because I’m feeling bad for my kids,” says Said Shaban, who hasn't slept well for weeks and doesn’t know how he is going to find money to feed his children dinner. “My main disappointment in the revolution is that it caused unsettlement.... Ever since the revolution started, I have not had a job. Life for me is disrupted.”

Living 25 miles from Tahrir Square, Mr. Shaban wasn’t involved in Egypt’s 18 days of protests, or the labor strikes that have swept the country for weeks. But like others living in poor Egyptian towns far from the reaches of downtown Cairo, he is feeling the economic reverberations of the nation’s massive uprising.

Egyptians are no strangers to economic woes; 40 percent of the population lives on roughly $2 or less a day, according to the World Bank. But the added strain of the revolution is casting a shadow over hopes for change in places like al-Maraziq, the bustling, dusty town where Shaban lives.

'I miss going to school'
Many in al-Maraziq, including Shaban, take jobs by the day. Some work in construction, inside factories, or farm the region’s land, which is known by locals as the town of 2 million palm trees for its thriving forestry. But building projects have paused and business ventures have been disrupted in light of ongoing political instability.

On Sunday, Shaban bought breakfast for two Egyptian pounds, roughly 35 cents, using money he borrowed from his nephew. The next day, he said, he would have to take money from a neighbor, “but they can’t help me forever.”

Some poor Egyptians have taken to the streets in recent weeks demanding workers’ rights and increased salaries. On Wednesday, jobless protesters set fire to part of the Ministry of Interior building.

One mechanic in al-Maraziq, Said Said, says that business has declined. He also now pays more for paints and spare parts, as strikes have slowed production of various materials. Like others who face economic hardships, he wonders if Egypt's political upheaval will improve his situation.

“There is one main thing on my mind right now,” says Mr. Said. “After the revolution, will I be able to get a proper job as a skilled laborer, or will I keep working out of this shop?”

His 11-year-old nephew, Mourad Said, stood outside, his forehead freckled with blue paint from the morning’s work. For weeks, public schools like his have been closed. Instead of going to his favorite class, Arabic, he instead works here at his uncle’s shop.

“I really don’t know about the revolution,” he said, his brown eyes looking confused. “But I miss going to school.”

'I wish the revolution had never happened'
Down a narrow alley lined by towering brick walls, Umm Karim lives in a one-room apartment. As the last rays of sun disappear, she still hasn’t cooked her only meal for the day. “I wish the revolution never happened,” she says, her voice strong but tired. The mother of four can’t afford more than one daily dish in the days after Mubarak’s fall.

Her two teenage boys used to provide her with money that they earned at a local paper factory. The factory, however, burned down during the revolution, and they, too, are now out of work. Farag and Sameh are now sleeping on the living room floor with the rest of the family.

Like others in this town, Umm Karim is feeling impatient. But despite daily hardships, some don’t mind suffering if there is hope for a better future.

“No matter how long we wait, it’s going to be worth it,” Um Karim’s neighbor Maghdi Said says. “It’s just a matter of time.”
 
Putin warns West on North Africa democracy-building
Thu Feb 24, 2011 5:39pm GMT

By Darya Korsunskaya
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin cautioned the West Thursday that attempts to meddle in the rebellions of the Arab world may sweep extremists to power.

"You have to give people the chance to choose their own fates and their own futures," Putin said at a press conference with European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso.

"Give them the opportunity to determine their own fate through natural means and not with any kind of outside interference," he said.

Putin warned that previous attempts to "impose democracy" had fostered Iran's Islamic revolution and triggered election victories for radicals that the West is now fighting to contain.

Russia has long rejected Western criticism of its own democratic credentials and treatment of political opponents.

"Not long ago at all, our partners came out actively for honest democratic elections in the Palestinian territories," Putin said.

With heavy sarcasm, he added: "Wonderful! Well done, lads! And it turns out Hamas wins, the same people you are calling a terrorist organisation and have started to fight against."

Hamas -- which does not recognise Israel and won U.S. and European Union-backed Palestinian Territory elections in 2006 -- seized control of Gaza 18 months later after fighting allies of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

Russia also supported the elections, which were part of a Middle East road map for peace in the region.

Hamas has so far benefited from the wave of anti-government revolt sweeping Arab countries, strengthening its position while Israel and the Palestinian Authority have lost their key Arab ally, former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.

Putin said Iranian revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini had used the support of the West while living near Paris for a few months before he flew into Tehran in 1979 to lead the revolution that overthrew the Shah.

Russia's top leaders Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev have warned of the dangers of radical Islam gaining a grip in one of the most unstable and oil rich regions of the world.

"Regardless of the calming theories that radical groups coming to power in Northern Africa is unlikely, if it happens it cannot but spread to other areas of the world, including the North Caucasus," Putin said in Brussels.

The Kremlin is struggling to contain an Islamist insurgency in its predominantly Muslim North Caucasus region a decade after Moscow drove separatists from power in the second of two Chechen wars since the fall of the Soviet Union.

Unlike the relatively bloodless revolutions of Tunisia and Egypt, an uprising in Libya has sparked fierce fighting between pro-government forces and rebels. The unrest has driven world oil prices up to around $120 a barrel, stoking concern about the economic recovery.

(Writing by Thomas Grove, editing by Paul Taylor)
 
Post Revolution Problems of Egypt

2011-02-14 11:07:52




The revolution has crossed the first mile stone, overcoming the legacy of old and new colonialism, yet there are more milestones to be crossed to reach the goal of freedom, democracy and empowerment. A grim struggle lies ahead.

Thirty two years back, on this day the eleventh of February, Iranians snatched power from Shah of Iran – a staunch ally of America and consolidated the revolution under the leadership of Imam Khomeini. On this day, the eleventh of February, the Egyptians, after eighteen days of siege, brought Mubarak down - a staunch American ally, yet power remains transferred into the hands of the military and Mubarak prefers to stay on the Egyptian soil at the Red Sea resort of Sharmal Sheikh. How power will be transferred to the people, is the real issue, which can be analysed in the light of the conspiracies which were hatched to destroy the Iranian revolution.

The pro-American political forces, such as the Fidaeen-e-Khalq and others, were the main instruments in the hands of the conspirators, who eliminated over seventy top revolutionary leaders of Iran in one act of terror bombing. Efforts were made to create divisions in the ranks and file of the revolutionaries. Ultimately the Americans forced Saddam Hussain to invade Iran, hoping that “the revolution would be destroyed and both Iran and Iraq would kill each other.” But on the contrary, the invasion helped Iran consolidate the revolution.

With power handed over to the military and Mubarak allowed to stay in the country, there is a greater risk of confrontation with the masses, demanding full transfer of power. Thus, “Behind this unified hierarchical façade contradictory influences are at work, posing serious threats to national security.” And no doubt, people are talking about the Foreign Agenda “of dismantling the nation into sectarian components led towards infighting and tightening the siege and imposition of a peaceful solution with Israel.” The military have deep vested interests, as they had remained hand and glove with Mubarak, to build vast businesses, linked with big businesses in United States and Egypt. It would be extremely difficult for the military to hand over such privileges and power for the sake of the revolution. And they also know that the revolutionaries, as they gain full power and authority, would make the armed forces, including Mubarak, accountable for their past misdeeds. The Americans, therefore also would prefer the military to retain/share power to protect their interests and the interests of those who made hay during Mubarak’s regime. Such conflict of interests therefore would lead to deeper conspiracy, to block the process of transfer of power. Therefore, the very first step, military has taken is, abrogation of the constitution; dissolution of the assembly and the promise for holding of elections in September 2011. These are hollow promises and delaying tactics, similar to General Zia’s promise of elections in ninety days. The Egyptians won’t take it, and the protests will continue, to press for their demands.

The revolution has not been able to throw up any towering personality like Imam Khomeini of Iran, who could lead and maintain unity of the movement. Moreover, the revolutionaries, under Muslim Brotherhood, hold powerful elements with diverse views and vision of life. There is a strong element of Jehadis and militants who had been confronting Mubarak for the last three decades, under the leaders with regional status only. Side by side, there are a considerable number of youth amongst them, holding liberal and moderate views on life and belong to the new cyber generation, nationalist in outlook, having respect for democracy and freedom. Despite these differences of views, they stood as one, under the banner of Muslim Brotherhood and won the first battle of freedom. What is going to follow now is a struggle for power, which will provide enough space to the conspirators to accentuate the differences between the militants and the moderates. And if they succeed, it would help the military to retain power to safeguard their interests and the interests of others, they have been associated with, for the last five decades. The success of the revolution therefore, depends on their ability to force the armed forces for early transfer of power and subordination to the civil authority. Saddam helped Iran consolidate the revolution, but there is no Saddam around to help Egypt consolidate the revolution.

The Americans and their allies are allergic to Islamists coming to power. Hammas won the fair and free elections in Palestine, but was not allowed to form the government and the Israelis now are facing the consequences. Similarly, the Mujahideen in Afghanistan, who fought the war to expel the Soviets, were not allowed to form the government and were pushed into a contrived civil war. And now, as they emerge as the winner, efforts are afoot, to deny them due share in power. This obsession, in fact has been the cause of Americans defeat in Afghanistan. They have lost the war in Afghanistan but find it difficult to rationalize the defeat, without hurting their ego and pride of a super power.

If the Americans want democracy and rule of law in Egypt, they must pay heed to the demands of the revolutionaries: release political prisoners; lift emergency; abolish state security apparatus and start negotiations for transfer of power. These are fair demands, to help Brotherhood to form the government, with Armed Forces accepting a subordinating role as the military in Pakistan has accepted its role and is no more willing to play the American game.

Intrigues and manipulations would damage the cause of revolution and the emerging process of democracy and rule of law. Let the people of Egypt determine the course of freedom and democracy, in the manner, the people of Pakistan, having found democracy and are now fighting corruption and bad governance. This is our struggle for democracy. Struggle brings the best in the nation, in the worst of times and that is the struggle which lies ahead for the people of Egypt.

About the author: General Aslam Beg is one of the most authoritative analysts in Pakistan. He can be reached at friendsfoundation@live.co.uk
 
CHANGING REGIME
By
Dr. Mahathir Mohamad
on February 28, 2011 10:30 AM | Permalink | Comments (15) | TrackBacks (0)
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1. The people of Tunisia and Egypt have overthrown their Governments. A number of people have been killed in the process. More will follow before the uprisings will be over. Now comes the problem of setting up new Governments which would make the struggle and the sacrifices worthwhile. If the new Governments fail then all the struggles and sacrifices would have been in vain.

2. I am sure that the people would want to see a democratic Government, a Government of the people, by the people, for the people.

3. This sounds great but Government by the people will not be so easy. You cannot have the people directly governing themselves. You will need to have a new constitution and political parties which will enable representatives of the people to form the Government. For this, elections will have to be held. Unfortunately elections can be manipulated.

4. There will be a rush to grab for power by nationalists and by opportunists. It will not always be the good people who will win to form Governments. The idea of people choosing their leaders sounds very democratic but the people may not be savvy as to the quality of the candidates. Sectarian loyalties, money and narrow-mindedness may bring instability, economic regression and even anarchy.

5. The administrative machinery would need to be revamped and retrained as they would not be familiar with the democratic system. The police and military will have to understand professionalism i.e. that they will be the permanent part of the Government as against the elected Government which will last only as long as they manage to retain the support of the people.

6. The professional administrators, military and police must learn to be subservient to the elected Governments even when they are changed by the electorate through periodic elections. Their political affiliations will be private as they will have to serve whichever party forms the Government. It is going to be hard. The temptation to seize power will plague the minds of many.

7. Both the elected and permanent members of the Government will wield power to some degree. Power corrupts and will affect the performance of the Government. It is not necessary that the Government which replaces the old regime will be free from corruption. The people may have to try to remove the Government again and again with no certainty the replacements would be any better.

8. I pray and hope that the people who had suffered so much under the old regimes and suffered more in their present struggle will be rewarded with Governments that they had dreamed off.

CHANGING REGIME - Che Det
 
Dear Free People of Egypt,

It’s a lovely day to be talking to you all in a Mubarak and NDP free Egypt. It’s been quite the undertaking, and many people were terrified, injured or killed, but we somehow managed to do it. Congratulations on that to all of us. Pats on the back, everybody!

Naturally, we (the revolutionaries) still don’t think the battle is over. The Mubaraks are still free, so are Fathy Surrour, Zakaria Aazmy and Safwat ElSherief, alongside with all the corrupt NDP officials in all branches of government, not to mention all the state security and police officers who spent the last 3 decades terrorizing, monitoring, torturing & killing those they were supposed to protect. The Political prisoners and detained Jan25 protesters are still unlawfully in prison, the stolen money is still in foreign countries, and the Minimum wage of 200 dollars a month for all Egyptians is still not enforced. There is also the matter of transparency of the government (financially & operationally and having the country run by civilians instead of a military Junta, a new constitution to be drafted instead of one that gives absolute power to the head of state, political freedoms to all Egyptians, enforceable bill of rights to all Egyptians, equal rights to all women, equal political rights to Egyptians living abroad and/ or born or married to a foreigner, freedom of the media, etc..etc.. I don’t want to bore you, but, yep, lots of work is yet to be done, and it’s taking far too long by those in charge to get done, which is making us unhappy. And Unhappy protesters usually protest. It’s just a fact of life.

But we are hearing that some of you are unhappy with all this protesting. We are hearing that you think we are kids with no purpose or jobs, who are currently destroying the country and the economy by all of our protesting and demands. We are hearing that you just want stability & security, and that we are not listening to all of you or your concerns and that we are no different than the dictator we just toppled. Please be assured, this is not the case here, because you are our people, and your concerns are the same as our concerns. We must admit that we are surprised by such accusations, & some of us are not taking it well, while others don’t have time to respond because, let’s face it, trying to find out whether your friends are killed or not, and trying to free them from being court-martialed in the new democratic Egypt, all the while addressing a the new referendum, and the issue of Copts getting murdered, churches being burned and such other sectarian strife issues that plague us, well, it could become a consuming full-time job. Our sin might be that we are so used to fighting those small (in your opinion) battles that we are not focusing enough on explaining our point of view to you and how we are on the same side. For that we apologize and we hope you forgive us. Now, on to your concerns.

You are concerned about the lagging state of the economy and the losses that were caused by the revolution and all of our protests, and you just want everybody back to work, without asking yourself how is it that our economy was so weak that all it took to destroy it was less than two months of protests, while a country like France has nation-wide protests all the time, and their economy isn’t collapsing because of it. You are also forgetting that that the other main causes of the lag in economy is the complete & total corruption in all government institutions (state, municipal & local), the military curfew that’s completely destroying our logistical operations and Tourism, the absence of Security (more on that later), and the total confusion of (the many many many) foreign investors- who want to come to Egypt now and invest- in regards to who they could talk to in order to come here and invest, given that the civilian government has no power and the military council isn’t exactly approachable.

You are concerned about the thugs attacking and robbing you of your property & demanding the return of the police & security, but you are forgetting that the police (who acted no different than the thugs except having a shiny uniform) used to rob you every single day. And about those thugs who are terrorizing you, who let them out of their prisons in the first place and then refused to arrest them? Oh yes, I remember, the Police. Silly us for demanding that they get held accountable for their actions. We should beg them daily- like you- to come back to work unconditionally after they betrayed their oath to protect us & put us all in grave danger. Our bad.

You are concerned about your kids getting killed by thugs (who, again, reminder, are unleashed by the police), but you were not concerned that they were getting killed daily by the polluted water, the poisoned meats & fruits & vegetables, the completely unsafe roads & public transportation options, the complete and utter catastrophe that is health-care and Egyptian public hospitals, where far more people die than get better and where any Egyptian would rather not step a foot inside if they can afford to go to a private Hospital (which isn’t always incredibly better). Lest we forgot, even the grandson of our former President died in one of them. But yes, the thugs are the problem. Our bad.

You are concerned that the Islamists are going to take over the country and turn it into Afghanistan, and yet don’t seem concerned with taking concrete steps to ensure that this won’t happen without impeding their rights. A good way to do so is to demand the overhaul of the Egyptian education system, the end of bigotry & discrimination against minorities in all job positions (private or public), the removal of hate-inciting Imams or Priests from Mosques and Churches, and in case all of the aforementioned are too much for you to handle, you could simply stand for religious freedom and equal rights to all in Egypt, especially Egypt’s Christians, who in case you didn’t hear are getting attacked and their churches are getting burned and you don’t seem to care. We would recommend you take a small visit to the Maspiro protest and talk to “those people” and understand the issues at hand, but we also should understand that this would take some time from your busy schedule of complaining about us ruining everything. Our bad.

We get it. We see how we are irresponsible. How we are ruining the country. How we are not concerned about you. We are evil. A cancer that plagued this fine and healthy nation. 25 Khasayer. You are right not to like us. You are right to hold protests against protesting and only 500 of you would show up on a Friday and then claim you are talking in the name of the silent majority. Those millions of us who went down to support those demands are only from every social class and religious background and from both genders. We are in no way representative, especially that the majority of people in Tahrir right now are now the poorest of all the protesters, who are told to go home & live on 20 dollars a month salary until we figure all of this out in 6 month to a year, and all of your Korba Festival buddies are too busy to go there anymore. You want the ones who are still there to go home and leave u alone. After all the ones in Tahrir now are poor. They smell. Can’t have that! Egyptian people are not smelly or poor, of course. Shame on them for defaming us all.

So, since we are such a public menace and refuse to listen to reason, I have a proposal to all of you that will surely make you happy: How about we take all those people who took part in the revolution and supported it, and give them a piece of land in Egypt to create their own failed state on? Maybe somewhere in Sinai, on the beach, say Sharm el Sheikh for example? Yes, give us Sharm and some backland and leave us there, so you can continue living your lives in Peace and stability. We will give you back the Mubarak Family (we are not big fans) and we recommend you give us all those people you don’t like in return: you know those annoying minorities, like the Copts, the Bahaai’s , the Shia, the jews, the Nubians even. Yes, get rid of the races you dislike as well. We will take them all. We will even divide the people up fair and square and ensure that none of us remain with any of you. Ok? Let’s start right now.

You can have Ahmed Shafiq as your Prime Minister and we will take Essam Sharaf as ours.

You can have the NDP and its officials and we will have all the new political parties that are starting up all over the place.

You can have Aamr Moussa as your ideal Diplomat; we will take Mohamed ElBaradei as ours.

You can have Zaghloul elNaggar as your top Scientist; we will take Ahmed Zuweill.

You can have Alaa Mubarak, Ahmed Ezz, Mohamed Abu Elenein, ElMaghraby as your businessmen, and we will take Naguib Sawiris and the Bisharas and all the other businessmen in Egypt who want to run legitimate businesses without unnecessary bureaucracy and bribing 18 different entities to open and continue to run one.

You can Have Adel Emam, Yosra and Samah Aanwar, we will take Khaled Abulnaga , Basma and Yousra Ellouzy.

You can have Tamer Hosny and Mohamed Fouad, we will take Mohamed Mounir, Mariam Aly and Ramy Essam (and we will make sure no one tortures him while he is in their custody).

You can have Farouk Hosny, and we will take the artists that the revolution brought out.

You can have the Supreme Military Council meet your demands on their schedule and discretion; we will take the Revolution Trustee Council any day of the week.

You can have a country where women suffer from oppression, sexual assaults, genital mutilation and honor killing, we will have a country where women are in all positions of power, sexual harassment and FGM absolutely not tolerated, and where one gender doesn’t see that it has the right- in the name of honor- to oppress , beat and violently murder the other gender. We won’t tolerate that happening to our women; you can do with yours what you please.

You can keep a constitution that got amended so much in the past 7 years and still discriminates against many Egyptians and gives the President absolute Power, and we will have one that ensures the rights and equality of all of our citizens (no matterwhere their parents come from or whom they marry) and where there are checks and balances against executive Power.

You can keep an economy that is plagued with inefficiency, corruption, poverty and Monopoly. We will have one where entrepreneurship is encouraged and supported, our country open to all investments, and our workers are guaranteed a living wage.

You can keep a public school system in shambles and half of the population being illiterate, and be forced to pay for public schools and private tutoring for your children. We will have public schools that are well funded and teachers who are well-trained and well paid.

You can have your healthcare system being a complete and total fiasco where apathy and complete lack of concern for the patients’ well-being is what defines it, while our public Hospitals will be properly funded and staffed and those who due to negligence harm or kill a patient will be held accountable.

You can have a country where people believe that being civilized is to go for one day and clean Tahrir Square up, while we will believe that true civilization is ensuring that our government cleans our street up and as for us, well, we just won’t litter.

You can have Your Internal Security services spying on you, arresting you indefinitely, collaborating with terrorists to attack your churches (if you will continue to have any) torturing and/or kill you, and your Police to bully you and blackmail you. Our internal security service won’t do that to us and our Police will protect us, will uphold the law, and, god forbid, reduce crime and put criminals in jail instead of letting them out.

You can have an Army that dictates orders to you; we will have an army that obeys us.

As you can see, what we are asking for is totally unrealistic and we are completely dedicated to destroying ourselves. If we are truly such a problem, we urge you to help us make that happen, so we can get out of your hair as soon as possible.

But if you are insane and unreasonable like the rest of us, please join us and help us. We don’t want our own state, we want to do this here. We want our Country, Egypt, to be the best country it can be. One where we all can live and co-exist; one where the state is healthy and functions and all are represented and have rights. That’s what we always wanted and called for, and we don’t know when that message stopped being clear to you.

We are not saints. We make mistakes and we are not above criticism of any kind. You have the right not to help rebuild the country, and you have the right to criticize those who are trying to do it, but you don’t have the right not to help and only criticize that things aren’t exactly to your liking. If you don’t like something, change it. That was the lesson of the Jan25 revolution after all, you know?

So please, if you agree with our vision, join us, and if you can’t, simply defend us. We have achieved so much, that it would be a sin to stop now.


Help us! We need you!

Sincerely,

Mahmoud Salem [The Sandmonkey]
 
Some Good News From Egypt

Posted on Thursday, April 7, 2011

by Elliott Abrams

A recent poll by the International Peace Institute asked Egyptians about their political preferences. As reported in the Wall Street Journal, 80 percent had a favorable opinion of Arab League Secretary General Amre Moussa, versus only 10 percent for the head of the Muslim Brotherhood. More important, 63 percent want Egypt to honor its peace treaty with Israel against only 14 percent who do not. The poll also reveals wide support for the liberal and democratic groups that led the recent revolt against the Mubarak regime. Remarkably, 82 percent want Egypt to continue liberalizing and opening its economy.

I am not a great fan of Amre Moussa and do not view him as a champion of democracy. He was Mubarak’s foreign minister for a decade, and as head of the Arab League never seemed to care about democracy until the last few months, when Arabs rose up to demand it. But the data in this poll suggest that fears of a Muslim Brotherhood takeover of Egypt may be overblown. Egyptians may be susceptible to demagogic appeals from politicians, but at least for now the poll indicates that many have a sensible view of their country’s economic and political situation.

It’s obvious that things can go badly wrong, especially if (due to the lack of tourism and of foreign investment) Egypt’s economy stagnates and frustration of the “revolution of rising expectations” leads to destructive populist policies. And the poll reveals a worrying (and inconsistent) view that the state should protect everyone’s job through its hold on the economy.

But those who are sure Egypt’s revolution will fail should restrain their pessimism. If the moderation and common sense reflected in this poll prevail, there may be good news from Egypt– with considerable impact on the entire Arab world.


And that's despite the fact that literacy in Egypt is only 50% or so. If Egyptians can make the leap to peace, acceptance of Israel, and rejection of radicalism, why not Pakistan as well?
 
iam realy happy bec. some one feal with us and happy for our revoul. this is lesson how to get ur rights peaceful ...... EGYPT throw 3 months faced alot of problems becuse of criminals mubarak free them out of jail ...... but now police again with help of army control street .......... now we will starts the most hardest part .....development and democracy and we hope pakistane pplz to be with us as they did at 1973 war ........... we hope to be with us at our coming wonderful future ............ thnkx for all of u ....... :taz::tup:
 
Well brother you have topple the monster like mubrak after 30 years oppressive rules . but the associate of mubarak the military and the bureaucracy that help him still in power . now you main target should to go for a free and fair election process . and institutionalize democracy .
congratulation again to the Egyptian brother for their success .
 
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