Creation of Bangladesh

[EagleEyes]

Thread re-opened.

That means no more bullsh!t.

 

[haviZsultan]

Bangladesh is a reality. It exists. They don't require my support or rejection.

So let me get this straight, it was a great thing that Bangladesh gained freedom despite many Bangladeshis themselves not wanting to break apart while it is a untrue that Kashmir should gain freedom against constant persecution and oppression and should keep suffering at your hands despite nearly the whole Kashmiri population being aligned against you and seeking Independence!

You admitted nothing. If you did, then there would be no Bangladesh. Read Musharraf to understand the West Punjabi arrogance that led to the Bengalis to have their own country. You stole their right to govern Pakistan which they won fair and square in a democratic process.

. You seek to blame everything on the Punjabis. Was'nt Bangladesh a good enough sucess story for you guys... now you even want to break the rest of Pakistan by trying to tell us that Punjabi rule is oppressive so that you can steal land from us now as you stole land from Bangladesh under the veil of Pakistani oppression!!! What a joke!

True, Yahya and power hungry Bhutto stole their right but I think there would have been a similar story with West Pakistan if Mujib was made prime minister as many West Pakistanis would be unhappy to have him as their Prime-minister! Especially after the Bhutto bastards Roti, Kapra, makaan which convinced so many poor people... There would have been civil strife in west Pakistan instead of the east Pakistan then and that way you would get a chance to steal land from west Pakistan instead of the land you stole from Bangladesh!

After the fact, you can say what you want including being long lost brothers. What about the Mukti Joddhas who are no longer on earth?

Like it or not there is and always has been a bond between us and our Bengali brothers! We fought together against Indian injustice! We fought countless wars together from1948 to 1971 against you. We were together in this once and Bengali and Pakistani both fought and died fighting against our common enemy of India together! True these brothers have departed their own seperate ways ( and perhaps that has brought us even closer) but still we love Bengalis as they love us! I have been to Bangladesh and the warm welcome I have recieved was second to none!

I think that the fact you are talking about made chaos was unavoidable! I do believe MUR should have been given control of Pakistan but that would only have alienated the west Pakistanis. Middle class people in west Pakistan might even have accepted his rule but the lower class who Bhutto made fake promises to would have gone on a rampage! There would be problems either way!

Kashmir has not rebelled notwithstanding pipedreams of some. That is the difference. Everytime it is the Kashmiris who have alerted the Army of Pakistani infiltrations which were precursors to the actual campaign by Pakistan.

You're right there is a major difference in the fact that most Bangalis did not want to be seperated from Pakistan and wanted east and west to be united even though they wanted the death and destruction to end and were sad when Independence was declared despite being content that the fighting had ended while nearly all of Kashmir yearns for freedom and begs to be free and have a homeland of their own! You are absolutely right about there being a difference!

Look at your attitude towards Waz... i'm surprised how anyone can be so inhuman! The person has lost his family and rather than supporting him and sharing his pain you are spraying salt on his wounds! I tell you what, I know many Kashmiris like these myself and I know of the willpower they have and the day these people start fighting your rule even your hell will not be able to save India so you should be grateful that we give these people a new life and an escape from Indian oppression!

Kashmir HAS rebelled constantly if you are forgetting but has gained nothing from the rebellions as all Kashmiris have not raised arms and the rebellions have been crushed in a short period! There is an insurgency raging in Kashmir even now if you are forgetting! There are many insurgent groups fighting to break free from oppressive Indian rule and there are constantly reports of fighting!





You are also calling the Razakkars traitors as they were loyal to the cause of a united Islamic nation for people who had escaped Indian oppression and mistreatment while you are saying the Bahinis who fought for themselves and against the mistreatment of Bhutto were noble heroes! I believe any person or people who wish to choose their destiny should be free to do so! If the Bahinis were heroes for one cause the the Razakars were for another!!! Please don't spread your hypocracy and double-standards all over the world!

Do you ever wonder why you people are so alone in this world and why no one supports you? We have many Bengalis on this site... are they being taken in by your moaning? Even they stand by us in criticizing India on Kashmir and its blame games about how Bangladesh and Pakistan are responsible for everything going wrong in India. Ever wonder why everyone dislikes you Indians? I have many Bengali freinds who hate India and are very close to us Pakistanis! I know Kashmiris and muslims who migrated from India from 1998 to 2004 who hate India... ever wonder why? There are Sikhs, Hindus and christians in Pakistan who are totally against India and its stupid policies... ever wonder why? My father is Indian and I am supposed to be one too... ever wonder why i went out of the way to get a Pakistani passport and wanted to be a Pakistani? And at last is the world giving a damn about your senseless moaning and wailing about how Pakistan is an unstable nation and how Pakistan has done injustice to the world always while India is a highly developed compared to Pakistan, is more capable and has no problems and issues at all? As I say respect the world and the world will respect you! The attitude that you represent is nothing to respect but it is something to be loathed! Seeing the attitude of you guys I am ashamed to have anything to do with India!

It is exactly this hypocritical senseless attitude that the world despises about you! You will pick out all of Pakistans faults and talk about all humanity when it comes to Pakistan or some other country you have some long-standing hatred against but when it comes to India it is only Indian supremacy that reigns! Your hypocracy and double standards are proven by your support for independence of Bangladesh but not for independence of Kashmir. Your calling Razakars traitors but not the Bahinis traitors! There are countless such examples!

 

[Keysersoze]

Right Dimension I suggest in future you learn how to debate with out personal rancour.....I am going to temporarily remove your post pending Moderator discussion........
If it gets permanently removed think about alllll that writing that went to waste........

 

[Keysersoze]

Personal what? What was wrong with that post??? It was a perfect reply? There was no insulting... what did you manage to find in it that struck you? Is this a crude joke or something? I'm not impressed by this at all! There was little humour, nothing insulting and you deleted the post!... I can't believe this!!! I protest this action! That post took me 2.30 hours to type up and edit again and again...

If you found some part of this post so aggressive why did you not snip the parts you found aggressive and leave the points there! This post makes so many important and good points. Whats wrong with it??? Good thing you don't have that sort of authority to delete posts!

If this post is not placed back I will leave this site as I have absolutely no interest in being in a place where I am simply not accepted! It is one of the things I hate most!

Dimension there was plenty of stuff that I found to be of a personal nature. I will allow other moderators to make the decision as well. So bide your time and let the decision be made. before storming off in a huff.

 

[EagleEyes]

Time for a lock again.

 

[Keysersoze]

thread re-opened.....
1)No flame wars
2)No personal attacks
3)Stick to the topic

 

[gromell]

Major General AKM Shafiullah was the Second in Command of Seceond East Bengal Regiment that revolted on the night of March 25, 1971. He talks about the days of December 1971 just before Pakistan Army surrendered.

Sometime around end Sept-ember/early October, we began to feel that we were gaining ground in Bangladesh. The Freedom Fighters we sent inside Bangladesh were making their presence felt inside the country -- although they did not occupy any territory.

IThere was tremendous response from the people who came in thousands to participate in the War. They were so enthusiastic that they needed only 2-3 weeks training before induction in the operation zone.

We decided, in the context of the changed situation, to go for capture and occupation of territory, by launching classical offensive to enter Bangladesh and capture territory from early November. This commenced with the capture of territories along the border. My sector troops were deployed in an area extending from Sylhet/Karimganj, Akhaura, Brahmanbaria, Narshingdi, Raipura right upto Bhaluka. We had our links and informers based on whose information we used to infiltrate our troops inside Bangladesh through the gaps.

The Pakistan army had not begun to withdraw till then, but only after we had started hitting them in certain places. One of the major offensives in our sector was to capture Akhaura. On December 3, when we were fighting almost hand-to-hand with the enemy, Pakistan declared war on India. By then we had entered into collaboration with India. It was called Joint Command Force. I was then commanding a force called the 'S" Force, S' stood for the first letter of my name. Akhaura was captured on Dec 4. The Banglaees were rejoicing and came out on the streets in droves and welcomed us with relief. It is difficult to describe the feelings of the local people at that time.

After the capture of Akhaura our plan was to proceed to Dhaka. The route we decided to take was Bhairab-Ashuganj across the Meghna to Narshingdi and on to Dhaka. This was the easiest way to get to Dhaka. We started from Akhaura on December 6, all on foot since we had no transport.

When we started for Dhaka there were enemy troops in Sylhet and we did not know their exact dispositions. As I was moving along Sylhet, our rear was exposed and we risked being attacked by the enemy. In fact we were not attacked but encountered them as they were running away from Sylhet. While moving towards Brahmanbaria when I reached Paikpara, my leading battalion, under Major Nasim, had placed a blocking position on the road at our back to prevent any one approaching from our rear from Sylhet. On the 6th of December, India recognised Bangladesh. We were rejoicing the event.

On our way, we found the villages to be deserted, whoever were still there had terrified looks. I ma not sure if they had any idea that their country was going to be independent soon, but they seemed worried. That is because at the initial stage of the war when we are resisting the Pakistan Army, but had to fall back, these people were subjected to severe oppression by the Pak army. So, when we entered again they were not sure whether we would be successful this time. They were very guarded in their reaction.

As we were proceeding we found a vehicle approaching from our rear, which looked like one belonging to Nasim's battalion. We thought perhaps Teliapara axis was clear and the vehicle belonged to these elements. We waived at it to stop but found that it was full of Pak troops. They were fleeing Sylhet. We asked them to put their hands up. But they suddenly started firing and the person sitting on the front of the truck got out and grabbed me. We started jostling. Neither of us could bring out our weapon. My runner was holding my sten gun while his own rifle was slung on his shoulder. He was trying to get the Pak JCO with the sten gun. But due to the jostling at one time I came in front of my runner's sten gun and at another time the Pakistani.

At one time I hit the JCO on the groin and he loosened his grip. At this point I gave him a blow and knocked him over. I hit him once again with my runner's rifle. The JCO rolled over and ran behind my runner, used him as a shield and started firing with the sten at me. At this point I saw another truck approaching us. Thinking it to be belonging to the enemy I tried to fire with the rifle but it gave away. When I tried to use my pistol, I found that it was also damaged. What had happened was that two bullets from the sten that the Pak JCO had fired at me struck the pistol. As Providence would have it, only two of the bullets that he fired from the sten hit my pistol that was slung against my waist. It was a miraculous escape. When I found that I was left with no weapon, I jumped into a nearby ditch. There were Pak soldiers in that ruck, I saw them alighting and tried to shoot.

I saw from the ditch the Pak troops taking up positions. I was desperate. I got up from the ditch drenched in mud, and my dress being of olive green appeared to be khaki, the dress the Pakistanis were wearing. So I got up and proceeded in a manner as if I was a commander inspecting their deployment. I was carrying a small Holy Quran and praying to Allah for a weapon and beseeched Him that I should not be killed without a fight. I walked about 150 yards and entered the village nearby.

In the action of my troops 27 Pak soldiers were killed and 13 injured. I evacuated the wounded to a village nearby for treatment. Since I had no vehicle, I used the Pak vehicle which was still running to evacuate the wounded. Nasim was seriously wounded at that time.

We reached Ashuganj on the 8th. The Pakistani troops, who had withdrawn from Brahmanbaria, fell back on Ashuganj. The Indians and we launched an attack on the Pakistani forces on the 9th. The Pakistani destroyed the Bhairab Bridge on the Ashuganj side with explosives on 9th. On 11th morning they destroyed the Bhairab side of the span and withdrew to Bhairab. The Indians meanwhile sent a battalion to encircle the Pakistanis. We went down south to Lalpur, crossed the Meghna and reached Raipura on the 12th. On the 13th we reached Narshingdi, and crossed Demra on the evening of the 14th.

We did not know much of what was happening in Dhaka, but as we were approaching Dhaka we heard the call to the Pakistanis on the radio to surrender.

When we reached Demra we knew that it was all over. We faced no resistance along the way. We were just walking. As the area was familiar to me I crossed the river, went on the other side and started probe in to Demra from the north i.e. the west of the Sitalakhya and took surrender of one of the Pakistani battalions, whose Commanding Officer was Col Khilji.

I was ordered to be present at the airport to receive General Arora at the Race Course for the surrender ceremony. There could not have been a more exhilarating news for us. I planned to move but had no transport to go to Dhaka. As you can imagine, we were moving all this while on foot. I asked Col Khilji to reach me to the airport in his jeep. We had an Indian Brigadier Sabek Singh with us.

As I was moving towards Dhaka I had to move through the ranks of the Pakistani soldiers who had not surrendered till then and were fired upon even though we were traveling in a Pak jeep. We had to get Khilji to tell the Pakistanis not to fire. We reached the airport by 1530 and found Niazi and Rao Farman Ali. I knew Niazi when he was a Lt Colonel.

There was also Brig Baker Siddiqui, COS, Eastern Command. He was once commanding an East Bengal Regiment. And when I was doing my staff college he was my instructor. He said, "Hello Shafiullah, how are you? You fought well". And I replied, "It was all your teaching sir".

Niazi asked, "How are you Tiger?" I found him to be lacking a commander's charisma. He was heartbroken. We rushed to the Race Course from the airport. I was a member of Bangladesh delegation. But we were not sure what we were supposed to do. I was standing in front of the signing table. That's why I do not appear in any photographs. There was rejoicing all around. We put Niazi on a jeep and sent him away. That night I did not come across anyone.

Major Genral Shafiullah spoke to Kaushik Sankar Das.

Source: http://www.thedailystar.net/suppliments/2004/victory_day/vic02.htm

I believe in the following historical photograph, the guy in the extreme front-right is Major General Safiullah (or Major General Moinul Hussein, who also fought in the 71 war), 2nd from left is Niazi, 3rd from left is Lt. General J. S. Aurora. If I am wrong on their names, please let me know. This was taken when they were walking down to the desk in the open field of Race Cource where surrender papers were signed by Lt General Aurora and Niazi.

 

[gromell]

'I would rather die than sign any false statement'​

Sufia Kamal, one of the leading poets and pioneer in establishing women's rights in Bangladesh, was confined to her residence in Dhanmondi during the whole nine months of Bangladesh's liberation war in 1971.

When the news of the 'killings' of Sufia Kamal and Dr Nilima Ibrahim by Pak Army after the crack down on March 25, 1971 was broadcast on Akashbani, a radio station of the Indian state West Bengal, it drew criticism internationally and countries across the world put diplomatic pressure on the then Pakistani military government for clarification. The Pakistani government was forced to broadcast an interview of the poet on radio only to prove that Sufia Kamal was still alive.

In an interview with now defunct 'Weekly Bichitra' on December 7, 1991, Sufia Kamal recalled her memories of 1971. We publish excerpts of that interview taken by Selim Omrao Khan.

Bichitra:How did you pass the nine months of house arrest during liberation war?

Sufia Kamal: I was confined in my house during the whole liberation war. Nobody was able to come to my house on 26, 27, 28th March due to military presence in front of my house. One night Pakistani army came to the residence of Wing Commander Hamidullah, which was close to my house. Immediately after I heard that Pakistani army arrested Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and seized the belongings of his house.

At the beginning of April, I heard liberation war had started. I tried to gather news about the war in many ways. Pakistani army kept strong watch on my house by setting up a permanent camp in front of it. Everybody used to visit my house through the back door. Pakistani army started arresting people from the month of April. An unknown silence gripped the whole Dhaka city. Borhan Uddin Khan Jahangir, now a professor of Dhaka University, came to my house through back door. He told me, "They (army) are torturing the women. Where can we keep them?" Though I couldn't go out but we tried to make arrangements to keep some girls in a safer place.

In May, Shahadat Chowdhuy, now editor of the 'Weekly Bichitra', Jewel and Rumi came to my house. Rumi used to call me mother. He hugged me and said, "Ma, I will go to the war." I told Rumi's mother Jahanara Imam that his son wanted to join the war. She replied, "Since he wants to, let him go."

In the month of May, many families around my house left Dhaka in search of a safer place. They gave me their ration cards and I collected food from shops with those cards. Prof. Giasuddin and Shahidullah Kaiser would come to my house through the back door and take those food for the freedom fighters.

Pakistani army continued their atrocities in the month of June. I made an arrangement to send Lulu and Tulu, my two daughters, to Agartola. I was not getting any information about them. One evening, a rickshaw puller came to my house and gave me a small letter. It said, "They have safely crossed the border". I was relieved.

I started going out from July. I would go to the hospital with food and medicine for the injured people. At that time there was an acute crisis of food and medicine in the hospital. I used to give those food and medicine to certain rickshaw pullers at Science Laboratory. They would take the food and medicine to the freedom fighters.

I was able to establish closer contact with the freedom fighters in August. As Pakistani army kept their strong watch on me, I would try to help the freedom fighters in different ways ignoring the risks.

Many freedom fighters were caught in the hand of Pakistani army in August. They arrested Shaheed Altaf Mahmud and some of his relative and artist Abul Barak Alvi. Shafi Imam Rumi, Masud Sadek Chullu and Jwel were also arrested. After four days Alvi was released from concentration camp and came to my house. He had marks of atrocious tortures all over his body. I became emotional and hugged Alvi tightly. But Altaf Mahmud, Jewel and Rumi never came back.

The rest of the three months I heard only the news of freedom fighters taking control of many parts. I spent the whole October in anxiety.

In the month of November We came to know that Al-Badar and Razakars were killing many people. Pakistani army increased their vigilant on my house. On November 15, I heard a sad news from Chittagong that Pakistani army killed Kahar Chowdhury, my son-in-law. They killed him because they were very angry with me.

At the beginning of December, I heard that many parts of the country were freed from the grip of Pakistani army. After hearing these news, I had mixed feelings. I was excited and at the same time filled with sorrow. We were getting freedom at the cost of blood shed by so many people. On December 13, freedom fighters began to gather at my resident.

On December 15 Pakistani forces fled from many parts of the city and took shelter inside the cantonment. Pakistani army encircled the house of Shiekh Mujibur Rahman till the morning of December 16.

On December 16, Dr. Dora was shot dead while passing a house of Dhanmondi where Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana and Mujib's wife Fazilatunnesa were kept under house arrest for the nine months. I rushed to her house after hearing the news. After few hours we received information that Pakistani occupation forces would surrender at the then Racecourse Maidan at 3 pm. I was filled with emotions. Thousands of people took to the streets after hearing the news. Freedom fighters shot blank shots in the sky to celebrate the freedom.

What was the most memorable event in those months?
Sufia Kamal: On December 7, Shahidullah Kaiser came to my house. I asked him to leave immediately because there were rumours that Pakistani military was killing the intellectuals in Dhaka. They had prepared a list of intellectuals and other important persons. Shahidullah Kaiser said, "I would not leave Dhaka. If I leave Dhaka then who would work?" At that time Dr. Fazle Rabbi told me over the phone, "I heard that the Pakistani army will kill us and your name is also that list. Why are you not leaving Dhaka?" At that time Dhaka was a city of rumours. After few days I heard that many of my acquaintances were missing. I heard that Pakistani army and their collaborators picked up many noted persons including Shahidullah Kaiser, Munir Chowdhury and Dr. Fazle Rabbi from their houses. They cautioned me to leave Dhaka but they themselves did not leave and got caught. They proved their patriotism to their motherland by sacrificing their lives. All of them helped the freedom fighters during the liberation war in different ways by taking risks. And that's why they became the target of Pakistani army.

Bichitra: "In 1971 no massacre took place in Bangladesh." Some intellectuals in Dhaka signed a statement of the then Iaheya government which contained the above title. How did you refrain from signing the statement?

Sufia Kamal: I could never sign a statement which was not true. Zillur Rahman, the then regional director of Radio East Pakistan, came to my house and forwarded a paper to me to sign. I got angry after reading the paper. I refused to sign it because it said that the Pakistani army committed no crime in the then East Pakistan. I got furious with Zillur Rahman and asked him how I could he expect me to sign something which was a lie. Zillur Rahman became angry too and said, "If you don't give your signature then it might create a problem both for you and your son-in-law Kahar Chowdhury." I told him that I didn't care for my life. I said, "I would rather die than put my signature on the a false statement."

Translated by Akbar Hussain

Source: Independence Day Special

Sufia Kamal was a poet, writer, organizer and activist from Bangladesh. She was born to a Muslim family in Barisal, Bangladesh. She is one of the most widely recognized cultural personalities in Bangladesh. When she died in 1999, she was buried with full state honors, the first woman in Bangladesh to receive this honor.

 

[gromell]

"We must know our past. We can only build our future based on the values and spirit of the past. But definitely not based on falsehood and lies. Truth must be known to people. The efforts should be to separate the facts from fiction.

Every political party used freedom fight and the fighters for political mileage instead of genuinely respect the sacrifice and courage of the fighters. They all tried to monopolise the war of independence. It should not have been. Many people like me fought for certain values. We fought because we thought people wanted freedom from Pakistan. Life is full of risks. I was not afraid of death, but I was afraid of my life on my knees under the Pakistanis. I revolted though I had oath of allegiance to Pakistan and its constitution. But I was more loyal to my sense of honour and dignity."- Major General Moinul Hussein Chowdhury.

Major General Moin-ul Hussain Choudhury, was the Company Commander of Second East Bengal Regiment and eventually became a Battallion Commander of the same regiment that captured Akhaora from the clutches of Pakistan Army early December 1971.

 

[gromell]

I feel sad, as a Muslim that so called "Muslims" from Pakistan Army did this to our Bengali Muslim sisters. And for any Pakistani, whom this may concern: if you read this and get blind by your nationalist emotion, please try to control yourself and reflect on the fact of evidence rather than trying to react by distorting the facts and deny them in the most unislamic fashion(without being sure of their invalidity).

Tales of the tortured​

Many women who participated actively in the 1971 war were arrested and kept in camps experiencing inhuman conditions. Rape, torture and in many cases death was common in those camps. We tell the stories of two women participants who were subjected extreme nature of abuse and brutality. To protect the privacy of these women, we have changed their identities.

Adila Begum
When the Pakistan army cracked down in Dhaka we were angry but not scared. We belonged to a family of politicians and our eldest brother was a Chhatra League leader in the Comilla city. He came home a few nights after that and told our family to prepare to fight in the resistance army. He said that the army had already moved close along the Gumti river. There were 19 of us from the same bari and we began to train to fight alongside our brothers.

The first fight took place in Burichong thana and we suffered heavy casualties. Our weapons were not good enough to fight the Pakistan army guns. Some of us were cut off from the main group and we ran to hide through the swampy area. We found some derelict huts that night and stayed in them. Three days later we skirted the area and tried to return home but found that the army had attacked our home. I later learned that my brother and two of my cousins were killed. I finally made it after almost a month moving from place to place with my younger brother and cousin along with some other refugees.

Till the middle of April, life was relatively simple, but things got worse when the local leaders began to talk about raising "village defenders." Actually the idea was not bad because the defenders -- who were later called razakars -- were local people and we knew them all. They were the poor villagers who had no work so this new job made them better off. They didn't bother us, but once the Pakistan army declared prizes for catching Muktis, these razakars became greedy and started to demand money from us, threatening to tell the Pakistan army if we did not pay.

After a month we became so scared that my father sent my sister and me to Comilla town. We were going towards a relative's house when the army began to stop all rickshaws and check them. Suddenly two men were running through the street and the army fired at them. Both were hit. We became so scared that we also started to run and there was complete chaos. I fell down and hit my head. When I regained my senses, I realised I was being slapped by a Khansena. They dragged me and two others into a truck and we were taken to the military camp.

From the very first day they thought I was also a freedom fighter and beat me up. I don't know why they didn't kill me because they did everything else. There were several girls like me in the camp and we were regularly tortured. Then they thought that it was much better to let me cook and clean. I became their servant. They wouldn't let me wash or clean myself and I smelt foul. I cooked -- lal kumra and lau and bhat -- for other Bengalis. They ate chapati and I made tons of them. Even now, years later, I can't make chapatis, and seeing them makes me sick.

One day an officer came and without saying anything started to beat me up. Maybe being raped would have been better because hours later when I regained consciousness, I had found that I had lost so many of my teeth and my forehead was bleeding. The scars are still there. I later learnt his best friend had been killed in a fight. Next day I was dragged out and made to clean ditches and then prepare chapatis.

I taught myself one thing -- that was not to think of my family or what would happen the next day. If I did I would have gone mad. So slowly the faces faded from memory. I think it helped me survive.

When winter came, a Pakistani soldier told me that war was imminent. He also said that they would be gone soon and I would be free. The he did something strange. He searched me including my private parts looking for hidden gold. He must have been mad to think I still had gold with me after all this time.

But war did come and one day we heard them leave. Before they left they killed a few prisoners, but expecting this some of us hid outside. It was almost a full day before the Indians came, but we were so scared and stupid we didn't go out. Even the Indians didn't know we were there, a few of us. They freed us and gave us food. I first took a bath, cleaned my body properly of blood and dirt, and went home.

The nightmare of being a woman in a camp has imprisoned me ever since then.

Hanufa Khatun
We knew the Pakistan army would attack ordinary people. When the army crossed the river and slowly began to take over the towns, resistance began to give away and the partisans began to retreat. We were caught in a vicious circle. If we crossed the border, the Indian army might kill us for being Leftists, and if we stayed back the Pakistanis could kill us. But after a fight with the Pakistanis that we lost we retreated into the remote areas and hills. There we tended the wounded including my husband who had taken a bullet in his arm. When several others also became very ill and no medical help was found, I with another woman decided to go to the city to find a doctor. Just as we were entering the city, we were recognised by a group of collaborators who hated us for being women activists and grabbed us. My friend managed to run but they caught my sari and I couldn't escape.

Yet I was caught because these people hated my husband and his family. I was not political myself and I think I was caught because they couldn't get my husband. I had returned only to help heal my husband but they said I had fought in the resistance war.

The gang members, all of whom belonged to the Islamic parties, first raped me and then left me tied up. I thought I was going to die, but I didn't. It was so strange to feel that way, as if my body belonged to someone else, as if another person had been raped. I didn't feel a thing that day. It was next day that it began to hurt all over. Such pain that I screamed like a butchered animal and my captors came and beat be some more. I bled again and blanked out.

After two days, I was taken to a Pakistan army camp. My captors told the army that I had fought against them, but I was bleeding and I fell to the ground and fainted. I think the Pakistani officers didn't believe them and I was later surprised to find one of them beaten up too. I got my first meal -- some bread and water -- after that I realised that I was a prisoner.

I was made to do a lot of menial work, but nobody questioned me. I saw many local boys in the camp including some that had fought in the resistance. Sometimes in the evening, shots were fired. They said we were being killed.

One of the women in the camp was the wife of a college teacher who had been killed and knew me. Her husband was a teacher of Islamic studies. She herself could speak Arabic and Urdu. The Pakistanis soon found that out and used her to talk to the prisoners to find out if India was helping us or not. One day she read the Quran to them and after that there was an argument about whether it was right to keep her inside. Finally they decided to let her go and she said that she wouldn't leave without me. These soldiers didn't know anything about my husband's politics and the captors had been discredited so her words helped me. I was released.

When I reached home I found that my husband had died soon after my capture and so I left with my brother-in-law for India. We stayed as refugees and then through the party channel reached Kolkata. When I returned in January, my brother-in-law got into trouble again, and our family had to flee once more.

Courtesy Afsan Chowdhury from his forthcoming book on the Liberation War.

Independence Day Special

 

[gromell]

Attack on Kalachara ​

Lieutenant General M Harun-Ar-Rashid, BP

On the occasion of the Victory day, I would like to narrate an operation - "Capture of Kalachara Tea Garden" which was carried out on 3rd August 1971 in which the Freedom Fighters displayed extraordinary valor and courage.

At the time of revolt against Pakistan, 4th Battalion of the East Bengal Regiment popularly known as "Baby Tigers" was located at Brahmanbaria on the morning of 27th March 1971. The battalion was dispersed over a large area, from Jangalia at Comilla to Srimongal at Sylhet. The Pakistani authorities dispersed the battalion in the early days of March 1971 to prevent the battalion to take a unified action so that it would be easy for the Pakistani forces to deal with it piecemeal.

After the revolt I was given the command of Delta Company. Initially we took up defense around Brahmanbaria. By second week of April the Company moved to Gangasagor - Ujanishar area (south of Akhaura) to stop the advance of Pakistani troops from Comilla to Brahmanbaria. Here the Company fought the famous battle of Gangasagor where Sainik Mostofa was awarded the highest gallantry award "Bir Shrestho".

The Pakistan 53 Brigade (responsible for the area) continued their advance and by middle of May we were pushed out of the border. By beginning of June 1971 we established our base camp at Narsingarh just across Bangladesh border north of Agortala Airport. By this time strength of the company had risen to about six hundred. Our main occupation during June - July was to train the Freedom Fighters and send them to Bangladesh for specific operation. However regular forces also carried out limited operations like raids and ambushes.

During this period our action more or less remained limited to hit and run operation against fixed defences and other positions of the enemy. From the Narsingarh camp it was easy to infiltrate to Bangladesh and the great "Kalia Bill" east of Akhaura - Brahmanbaria rail line on which Pakistani forces had no control provided great flexibility to the Freedom Fighters. To prevent this the Pakistani decided to close the gap. By mid July a Pakistani Battalion (31 Panjab), located in the area, deployed two company with Battalion Headquarters at Akhaura, one company at Rajapur - Singerbil - Merashani area and another company plus at Kalachara Tea garden area. The whole deployment was supported by an artillery battery based at Akhaura which caused Mukti Bahini infiltration virtually to come to a stand still. On the other hand, the Indian authorities also imposed strict restrictions on any operations from Indian territory for fear of retaliation against Agortala airport as well as the town..

Due to series of setbacks at Gangasagor, Akhaura, Rajapur and serious shortage of logistic, . the morale of the Mukti Bahini was sagging. Some people had started deserting the camps. Only training activity at camps could not keep the fighters happy. As such I felt urgent need of undertaking some operations to raise the morale of my own troops as well as shatter the confidence of the enemy located there. After initial appreciation I decided to attack "Kalachara Tea Garden" as it would reopen route of infiltration for us. We concluded through reconnaissance that a full company of Pakistan Army with additional platoon of EPCAP was located in the area supported by an artillery battery at Akhaura.

As per normal military norms, more than battalion strength was required to attack the company position. Though I had about six hundred personnel in my camp I had only one company strength weapon and another platoon strength was equipped with assorted weapons from EPR, Mujahid and Ansars. However considering the situation I had no alternative but launch the attack. My main strength was the urge of rank and file to undertake some operation, which would shatter the confidence of the occupation forces in the area

To meet up deficiencies in weapons I approached my neighboring camp commander Captain (later Major General) Golam Helal Morshed, BB for help who generously loaned me 2 -LMGs, 2 - 2" Mortars and a thousand rounds of LMG ammunition. He also agreed to establish a blocking position at Mukundupur area to block any enemy reinforcement from the north.

Three sides facing the Indian border were extensively mined with anti personal mines. and covered with low wire entanglement and punjees. In view of these obstacles it was extremely difficult proposition to attack the position from south, east or north. Moreover, the Indian authorities also barred us from undertaking any operation from the Indian territory. Considering all these factors we had only one option i.e. to launch the attack from the west, which is rear of the defence.

Due to the thickly vegetated tea garden area cross-country mobility was extremely restricted. The only route available was the supply route followed by the occupation forces. Still we decided to launch the attack from the west following the supply route. As we did not have any artillery/mortar support we decided to launch the attack at night during the hours of darkness. Considering the surprise factor, I decided to launch the attack on the morning of Tuesday i.e. 3rd August 1971 when the moon came up around 3:30 AM and we fixed the attack time for 3 AM. Final plan was that, one company plus platoon strength under me would launch the main attack from the west. A section strength under Havilder Halim would establish a blocking position on the home bank of the canal facing Merasani covering the railway bridge and block any reinforcement from the south. Captain Morshed was to establish another blocking position at Mukundapur to stop reinforcement from the north. We left a section under command Naib Subedar Rezaul at the base camp as reserve. This group was tasked to help either Havilder Halim's group or main attacking group in case of emergency. The local guides proved to be extremely valuable in reaching the objective in time and without difficulty.

After briefing all the subordinate commanders I felt that every one was exited and enthusiastic about the attack and was really overwhelmed and surprised to see that no one of my men was concerned about the shortage of weapons and ammunition. Every one felt confident that the job could be done. However I was very sure that I was taking great risks but was determined to launch the attack and succeed.

As per plan around 11 PM on 2 Aug we left the base camp at Narsingarh and infiltrated inside Bangladesh through Qasimpur. Taking a long detour we reached assembly area Shejamura at around 1:45 AM which was half an hour earlier than the schedule. Soon after moving out of assembly area on way the objective we landed up in problem as we could not see the objective area through the tea plants and also we failed to locate the designated forming up place. Luckily we could hear the sound of sentry changing and some people talking on low voice. At that moment we were only 15 to 20 yards away from the objective. We instantaneously shouted "Allahu Akbar" and "Joy Bangla". Soldiers formed up in assault line on the run and in no time they were on the objective. The defence was taken completely by surprise. They even could not call for artillery fire as the telephone line was cut off at the first instance. Some time later artillery fired few shots but on the eastern side of the objective.

Soldiers overran the whole objective area by 3:45 AM. It was quick and like peace time attack exercise and the enemy did not have time to react. However the position towards the east (left forward platoon) opened up but they failed to realise the direction of attack. As such these fires were also not very effective. However after capturing the whole area, we realised that the area needs mopping-up as most of the bunkers were still intact. By around 4:30 AM it was clear light and we could see the whole area. Lots of dead bodies and injured were scattered around the area. Unfortunately we had to suffer some casualty during the mopping up process including my runner and wireless operator.

Never the less in spite of the confusion by about 6 AM we were firmly in control. Both the blocking position at Merashani Railway Bridge and Mukundupur had to face severe pressure but they remained in their position till the last. Havilder Halim displayed extraordinary courage in holding the reinforcement group of about two-platoon strength with only one section. The attacking group suffered four injury and two dead. Havilder Halim's group suffered two serious injuries.

By all standards the attack was a complete success. We not only captured the area, we captured lot of weapons and ammunition including 2 MG1A3, 4 X 7.62 mm LMGs, 15 Rifles and approximately 20 thousands ammunition including 2000 grenades. As per normal military equation, attacking one company strength position with only one company plus troops is impossible, particularly with such shortage of arms and ammunitions and no indirect fire support.

More so the defensive locations were located on higher grounds then the attacking troops. In case of loosing surprise and the enemy opening up before reaching the objective could have catastrophic result on the attacking troops. The determination of all ranks and their courage played significant role in achieving the success against all odds.

The courage and valour shown by a few soldiers are unprecedented particularly by Havildar Halim (Halim later became Shaheed during Chandrapur attack), Naib Subedar Gias, Naib Subedar Rezaul, Havildar Monir, Civilian Mizan, Abul Khair and Jasim (Gorilla). The Nation owes a lot to these valiant fighters for their gallant contribution in achieving freedom for the nation.

The success of the attack gave tremendous boost to the morale of my troops. Pakistani forces never tried to reoccupy that area as such the area remain liberated till the end of "Liberation War". After capture of the area, route for infiltration of Gono Bahini to Bangladesh was reopened and remained so till the end. . The captured Pakistani soldiers informed that, they never knew that they were fighting against Muslims. The soldiers expressed their regret for fighting an unjust war.

Though I did not inform any one in the hierarchy about the attack earlier, yet the news of the success spread to all concern within no time. The Indian authority was very alarmed as the firefight broke out dead at night. However as nothing was happening from their territory they felt assuaged. By receiving the news Number 2 Sector Commander Major (later Major General) Khaled Mosharrof along with "D" Sector Commander (Indian) Brigadier Pande visited the base camp in the evening. Though Brigadier Pande expressed dissatisfaction for launching the attack without co-ordination with the Indian authority, Major Khaled praised the troops and congratulated every one on the success. Later Number 2 Sector Head-quarters issued following message to Bangladesh Forces Headquarters at Calcutta about the operation.

Source: Independence Day Special

 

[gromell]

The story of six brothers​

Akbar Hossain

It was December 14, just two days ahead of Victory Day.

Abul Halim, a government official of the then East Pakistan, was waiting at his home to receive his six muktijoddha sons, as the surrender of the Pakistani occupation forces became little more than a matter of time due to the strong resistance of the allied forces.

But on the night of December 14, four sons of Abdul Halim fell into the hands of the Pakistani army and never returned.

Two of them were shot dead in front of their Tejturi Bazar house and two are thought to have been killed inside Dhaka cantonment.

The four martyrs could see ahead of them the independence of the country for which they had fought, but local collaborators informed the Pakistani army of the return of the freedom fighters to their house, leading to their capture and killing.

If you go to 45/F Tejturi Bazar, residence of the late Abdul Halim, you will find a graveyard in front of the house where the dead bodies of Quamrul Hasan Ratan and Iqbal Hasan Shahar lie in eternal peace along with that of their friend and neighbour, Ataur Rahman Nehal.

The dead bodies of Bakhtiar Hasan Makhon and Rakibul Hasan Laki were never found, and it is thought that they were killed inside Dhaka cantonment.

The other two sons of Halim, Akhtier Hasan Milon and Fakhrul Hasan Khokan, were spared only because they were caught up in the streets on their way home to meet their brothers and did not return to the house until after December 16.

The six brothers had gone to their village home in Brah-manbaria after March 25, and five of them crossed the Bangladesh border at the beginning of April. Before entering into India, the younger five brothers sent Makhon back to Dhaka to look after the family. After returning to Dhaka, he rejoined his working place.

Makhon extended financial help to the freedom fighters and informed them about the secret plans of the Pakistani government. He also participated in the State Bank operation along with freedom fighters. By collecting explosives from freedom fighters, Makhon exploded a bomb on the 7th floor of the State Bank. As the news leaked, Makhon was caught by the Pakistani army, who tortured him inhumanly, before he was let go. He ultimately was killed by the Pakistani army on his way home to be reunited with his brothers.

Akhtier Hasan Milon, the second son Abul Halim, did not directly participate in the liberation war, but worked as an organiser under the Mujibnagar government. Milon came to his house after December 16 to find four of his brothers dead.

"I did not cry after losing my four brothers, as they sacrificed their life for the cause of the nation," said Milon, now a businessman.

While talking to The Daily Star in front of the graveyard of his brothers, Milon expressed his disappointment with the current situation of the country.

"We fought for the country not to make a few people rich. We thought the people of the country would live in a happy country after the independence. The desperate hunger of politicians for state power has brought misery to the common people. After 32 years of independence many people are still struggling to have two square meals a day," he observed with regret.

But although currently there are many limitations in the country, he hopes the country would move to success one day.

As Milon was a vice-president of Tejgaon Awami League, the Pakistani intelligence kept the house under strong watch.

"Our family was involved with politics for a long time, and I also actively participated in the 1969 movement. As soon as the Pakistani forces came to know that we five brothers had joined the liberation war, our house became a prime target," Milon told me.

After receiving special training in intelligence, Ratan, the third brother, came to Bangladesh along with his friend Nehal.

Ratan and Nehal were tasked with gathering information about Tejgaon Airport where Pakistani military forces had set up the camps with warplanes. Ratan and Nehal entered the airport in the guise of day-labourers with the help of one Nur Mohammed, a contractor of the airport. They regularly informed the freedom fighters about the war strategy and place of warplanes through hidden wireless. They also sent a map of the airport to freedom fighters, identifying the bunkers and installations of the Pakistani military forces.

In the beginning of December, allied forces made several air strikes on the Tejgoan Airport on the basis of information provided by Ratan and Nehal, which was absolutely accurate. This incident made the Pakistani forces suspicious. They engaged spies to unearth how the allied forces successfully made the air strikes. Pakistani forces suspected Ratan and Nehal for the air strikes and arrested them, but Ratan and Nehal managed to escape from their clutches.

Engineer Fakhrul Hasan Khokan was the fourth son of his parents. He played a significant role in setting up Shadhin Bangla Betar Kendra and building up of the Bangladesh Air Force. He was directly involved with some operations against the Pakistani army including the Vulta operation in Narsingdi and the Farmgate operation in Dhaka.

Laki and Shahar were engaged in guerrilla war in Dhaka city. Both of them participated in a guerrilla operation in Green Road Staff Colony and tried to kill Monem Khan, then governor of the East Pakistan and a collaborator.

Rakibul Hasan Laki, the fifth son, was a guerrilla fighter under the leadership of Mostafa Mohsin Montu. He participated in many courageous operations against the Pakistani army.

At the tail-end of the liberation war, Laki's elder brother Ratan told him to come to their Tejturi Bazar residence on December 13. It was while coming to meet his brothers that the Pakistani army caught him, and Laki was killed in the graveyard of the Dhaka cantonment.

Iqbal Hasan Shahar, the youngest son of Abdul Halim, was a valiant freedom fighter. He was known as fighter Shahar to his co-freedom fighters. Shahar single-handedly had the ability to sow panic among the Pakistani soldiers in the southern part of Dhaka. He was involved with many daring guerrilla operation including the Siddirgonj power station operation. He was also killed at the hands of the Pakistani army.

Ratan, Shahar, and Nehal were buried in front of 45/F in Tejturi Bazar. These three freedom fighters were killed by the Pakistani army in the premises of their house in the night of December 14.

After nine months of bloody war, Milon and Khokan came back to their house. Their father was speechless and became emotinal upon seeing them.

Abdul Halim is no more in the world. During the nine months of the liberation war, his Tejpuri Bazar residence turned into a meeting place and safe-house for freedom fighters, at great personal risk to himself. He rejoiced in Bangladesh's freedom from his heart even after losing his four sons.

 

[gromell]

Fall of 'Dacca' ​

How a Paksitani military official saw the events leading to the surrender

Siddiq Salik, who was a PRO of Eastern Command, Pakistan Army witnessed the communications between the military in East Pakistan and the West Pakistan in th early days of December 1971 and wrote the accounts in a book called 'Witness to Surrender'. We publish excerpts from the last chapter called of his book.

Major-General Rahim, who sustained minor injuries while fleeing from Chandpur, was convalescing at General Farman's residence after initial medical treatment. He lay in a secluded part of the house. Farman was with him. It was 12 December, the ninth day of all-out war. Their minds naturally turned to the most crucial subject of the day. Is Dacca defensible? They had a frank exchange of opinion. Rahim was convinced that cease-fire alone was the answer. Farman was surprised to hear this suggestion from Rahim, who had always advocated a prolonged and decisive war against India. He said with a tinge of irony, 'Bus daney moock gaey -- itni jaldi'. (Have you lost your nerve -- so soon!) Rahim insisted that it was already too late.

During the discussion, Lieutenant-General Niazi and Major-General Jamshed entered the room to see the 'wounded General'. Rahim repeated the suggestion to Niazi, who showed no reaction. Till then the expectation of foreign help had not finally been extinguished. Avoiding the subject, Farman slipped into the adjoining room.

After spending some time with Rahim, General Niazi walked into Farman's room and said, 'Then send the signal to Rawalpindi.' It appeared that he had accepted General Rahim's advice, as he had always done in peace-time. General Niazi wanted Governor House to send the cease-fire proposal to the President. Farman politely said that the requisite signal should go from Head-quarters, Eastern Command but General Niazi insisted, 'No, it makes little difference whether the signal goes from here or from there. I have, in fact, some important work elsewhere, you send it from here.' Before Farman could say 'no' again, Chief Secretary Muzaffar Husain entered the room and, overhearing the conversation, said to Niazi, 'You are right. The signal can be sent from here'. That resolved the conflict.

What General Farman opposed was not the cease-fire proposal itself, but the authority to sponsor it. His earlier signal on the same subject had been rejected by Rawalpindi -- once bitten, twice shy. General Niazi disappeared to attend to his 'urgent work' while Muzaffar Husain drafted the historic note. It was seen by Farman and submitted to the Governor who approved the idea and sent it to the President the same evening (12 December). The note urged Yahya Khan 'to do everything possible to save the innocent lives.'

Next day the Governor and his principal aides waited for order from Rawalpindi, but the President seemed too busy to take a decision. The following day (14 December), for which a high level meeting was fixed, three Indian MIGs attacked Governor House at 11.15 a.m. and ripped the massive roof of the main hall. The Governor rushed to the air-raid shelter and scribbled out his resignation. Almost all the inmates of this seat of power survived the raid, except for some fishes in a decorative glass case. They restlessly tossed on the hot rubble and breathed their last.

The Governor, his cabinet and West Pakistani civil servants moved, on 14 December, to the Hotel Intercontinental, which had been converted into a 'Neutral Zone' by the International Red Cross. The West Pakistani VIPs included the Chief Secretary, the Inspector-General of Police, the Commissioner, Dacca Division, Provincial Secretaries and a few others. They 'dissociated' themselves in writing from the Government of Pakistan in order to gain admittance to the neutral zone, because anybody belonging to a belligerent state was not entitled to Red Cross protection.

14 December was the last day of the East Pakistan Government. The debris of the Government and Governor House were scattered. The enemy had only to neutralize General Niazi and his disorganized forces to complete the Caesarian birth of Bangladesh. By now General Niazi, too, had lost all hope of foreign help. He slumped back into his earlier mood of despondency and hardly came out of his fortified cabin. He rode the chariot of time without controlling its speed or direction.

He therefore conveyed the factual position to the President (who was also Commander-in-Chief) and keenly waited for instructions. In my presence he rang up General Hamid at night (13/14 December) and said, "Sir, I have sent certain proposals to the President. Could you kindly see that some action is taken on them soon.' The President of Pakistan and Chief Martial Law Adm-inistrator found time from his multifarious engagements and ordered the Governor and General Niazi on the following day 'to take all necessary measures to stop the fighting and preserve lives.' His unclassified signal to General Niazi said :

'Governor's flash message to me refers. You have fought a heroic battle against overwhelming odds. The nation is proud of you and the world full of admiration. I have done all that is humanly possible to find an acceptable solution to the problem. You have now reached a stage where further resistance is no longer humanly possible nor will it serve any useful purpose. It will only lead to further loss of lives and destruction. You should now take all necessary measures to stop the fighting and preserve the lives to armed forces personnel, all those from West Pakistan and all loyal elements. Meanwhile I have moved UN to urge India to stop hostilities in East Pakistan forthwith and to guarantee the safety of armed forces and all other people who may be the likely target of miscreants.'

This important telegram originated from Rawalpindi at 1330 hours on 14 December and arrived in Dacca at 1530 hours (East Pakistan Standard Time).

General Niazi, the same evening, decided to initiate the necessary steps to obtain a cease-fire. As an intermediary, he first thought of Soviet and Chinese diplomats but finally chose Mr. Spivack, the US Consul-General in Dacca. General Niazi asked Major-General Farman Ali to accompany him to Mr. Spivack because, he, as Adviser to the Governor, had been dealing with foreign diplomats. When they reached Mr. Spivack's office Farman waited in the ante-room while Niazi went in. Farman could overhear General Niazi's loud unsubtle overtures to win Spivack's sympathies. When he thought that the 'friendship' had been established, he asked the American Consul to negotiate cease-fire terms with the Indians for him. Mr. Spivack, spurning all sentimentality, said in a matter of fact fashion, 'I cannot negotiate a cease-fire on your behalf. I can only send a message if you like.'

General Farman was called in to draft the message to the Indian Chief of Staff (Army), General Sam Manekshaw. He dictated a full-page note calling for an immediate case-fire, provided the following were guaranteed: the safety of Pakistan Armed Forces and of paramilitary forces; the protection of the loyal civilian population against reprisals by Mukti Bahini; and the safety and medical care of the sick and wounded.

As soon as the draft was finalized, Mr. Spivack said, 'It will be transmitted in twenty minutes'. General Niazi and Farman returned to Eastern Command leaving Captain Niazi, the aide-de-camp to wait for the reply. He sat there till 10 pm but nothing happened. He was asked to check later, 'before going to bed' No reply was received during the night.

In fact, Mr. Spivack did not transmit the message to General (later Field-Marshal) Manekshaw. He sent it to Washington, where the US Government tried to consult Yahya Khan before taking any action. But Yahya Khan was not available. He was drowning his sorrows somewhere. I learnt later that he had lost interest in the war as early as 3 December and never came to his office.

Manekshaw replied to the note on 15 December saying that the cease fire would be acceptable and the safety of the personnel mentioned in the note would be guaranteed provided the Pakistan Army 'surrenders to my advancing troops'. He also gave the radio frequency on which Calcutta, the seat of Indian Eastern Command, could be contacted for co-ordination of details.

Manekshaw's message was sent to Rawalpindi. The Chief of Staff of the Pakistan Army replied by the evening of 15 December saying, inter alia, 'Suggest you accept the cease-fire on these terms as they meet your requirements..... However, it will be a local arrangement between two commanders. If it conflicts with the solution being sought at the United Nations, it will be held null and void.'

The temporary cease-fire was agreed from 5 pm on 15 December till 9 am the following day. It was later extended to 3 pm, 16 December, to allow more time to finalize cease-fire arrangements. While General Hamid 'suggested' to Niazi that he accept the cease-fire terms, the latter took it as 'approval' and asked his Chief of Staff, Brigadier Baqar, to issue the necessary orders to the formations. A full-page signal commended the 'heroic fight' by the troops and asked the local commanders to contact their Indian counterparts to arrange the cease-fire. It did not say 'surrender' except in the following sentence, 'Unfortunately, it also involves the laying down of arms'.

It was already midnight (15/16 December) when the signal was sent out. About the same time, Lieutenant-Colonel Liaquat Bokhari, Officer Commanding, 4 Aviation Squadron, was summoned for his last briefing. He was told to fly out eight West Pakistani nurses and twenty-eight families, the same night, to Akyab (Burma) across the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Lieutenant-Colonel Liaquat received the orders with his usual calm, so often seen during the war. His helicopters, throughout the twelve days of all-out war, were the only means available to Eastern Command for the transport of men, ammunition and weapons to the worst hit areas. Their odyssey of valour is so inspiring that it cannot be summed up here.

Two helicopters left in the small hours of 16 December while the third flew in broad daylight. They carried Major-General Rahim Khan and a few others, but the nurses were left behind because they 'could not be collected in time' from their hostel. All the helicopters landed safely in Burma and the passengers eventually reached Karachi.

Back in Dacca, the fateful hour drew closer. When the enemy advancing from the Tangail side came near Tongi, he was received by our tank fire. Presuming that the Tongi-Dacca road was well defended, the Indians side-stepped to a neglected route towards Manikganj from where Colonel Fazle Hamid had retreated in haste as he had from Khulna on 6 December. The absence of Fazle Hamid's troops allowed the enemy free access to Dacca city from the north-west.

Brigadier Bashir, who was responsible for the defence of the Provincial Capital (excluding the cantonment), learnt on the evening of 15 December that the Manekganj-Dacca road was totally unprotected. He spent the first half of the night in gathering scattered elements of EPCAF, about a company strength, and pushed them under Major Salamat to Mirpur bridge, just outside the city. The commando troops of the Indian Army, who were told by the Mukti Bahini that the bridge was unguarded, drove to the city in the small hours of 16 December. By then Major Salamat's boys were in position and they blindly fired towards the approaching column. They claimed to have killed a few enemy troops and captured two Indian jeeps.

Major-General Nagra of 101 Communication Zone, who was following the advance commando troops, held back on the far side of the bridge and wrote a chit for Lieutenant-General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi. It said : 'Dear Abdullah, I am at Mirpur Bridge. Send your representative.'

Major-General Jamshed, Major-General Farman and Rear-Admiral Shariff were with General Niazi when he received the note at about 9 am Farman, who still stuck to the message for 'cease-fire negotiations', said 'Is he (Nagra) the negotiating team?' General Niazi did not comment. The obvious question was whether he was to be received or resisted. He was already on the threshold of Dacca.

Major-General Farman asked General Niazi, 'Have you any reserves?' Niazi again said nothing. Rear-Admiral Shariff, translating it in Punjabi, said : 'Kuj palley hai'? (Have you anything in the kitty?) Niazi looked to Jamshed, the defender of Dacca, who shook his head sideways to signify 'nothing'. 'If that is the case, then go and do what he (Nagra) asks,' Farman and Shariff said almost simultaneously.

General Niazi sent Major-General Jamshed to receive Nagra. He asked our troops at Mirpur Bridge to respect the cease-fire and allow Nagra a peaceful passage. The Indian General entered Dacca with a handful of soldiers and a lot of pride. That was the virtual fall of Dacca. It fell quietly like a heart patient. Neither were its limbs chopped nor its body hacked. It just ceased to exist as an independent city. Stories about the fall of Singapore, Paris or Berlin were not repeated here.

 

[M.AKRAM NIAZI]

“Advantages of Creation of Bangladesh to Pakistan”.


M.Akram Khan Niazi, Pakistan

Usually smaller Parts of a country having extraordinary resources tries to break away from the mainland to take the maximum advantage of their resources for their advantage, and to protect themselves from the drain of their resources to majority or dominant section of the country, but in case of Pakistan Majority Part on the basis of population, which was also having scare resources, separated from the other part, Generally, it is regarded as an unfortunate event for Pakistan by people of Pakistan, and no Pakistani tries to see other side of the coin of that event for analysis of the benefits achieved to them by this event

The reason of this is that all literature about that event has been written by those who were living in East Pakistan and they suffered personally by this event, due to which they always indicate their miseries and losses and forget to explain the advantages of that event to whole Pakistani Nation. Therefore, it is necessary to see the real results of this event. With the separation of East Pakistan, following advantages were achieved to Pakistan.

1. Economical

•Separation of Bangladesh was as much beneficial for Pakistan as separation of Pakistan from India.

•As the part of world in which East Pakistan was situated, was having limited resources, and many poor areas of subcontinent are situated in that part, such as Bihar , Assam ,West Bengal, Burma and Bhutan. Technically it was not in the interest of Pakistan, to keep itself attached with East Bengal(Historically one of the most poorest area of subcontinent) .In fact Pakistan after separation saved its future from economic burden of poverty ridden Bangladesh,

• Huge Population and scare resources of East Bengal were clear Indicators, that there will be no extraordinary progress in future in that province and no sensible person may think that it was valuable for Pakistan to keep itself attached with most poverty ridden part of this region.

•Being a part of East Pakistan, rulers were forcing to West Pakistani citizens to become a market of East Pakistan’s low quality Products, such as Tea, Pans and jute on artificial high prices on the name of Patriotism, while now such type high quality Products may be purchased from other countries on very low prices.

•After separation of Bangladesh, it was possible for Pakistan to make its economic policies without having any concern of interests of a far situated part.

•Pakistan Economic Managers relieved themselves from the Economic restrictions due to economic interest of East Bengal. That situation was as much harmful, as today Pakistan start to take care of the economic interest of Myanmar or West Bengal; it is certain that such type situation will be disastrous for Pakistan.

•With the analysis of economic situation of present day Pakistan and Bangladesh, shows that Pakistan GDP and Foreign currency reserves are double than that of Bangladesh and Electricity production is also 5 times more. It is obvious, that separation was much more in the interest of Pakistan, Because, the only solution of the Disparity between two parts, was to serve the Bangladesh with the resources of West Pakistan. Otherwise there was no other magic solution to address that disparity.

•It is still obvious that, there is still no charm in having trade links with countries of South Asia, because it is not in the economic interest of Pakistan, instead of that we should focus on rich and developed areas such as China, Middle East, Far East, Europe and USA.

2. Political Advantages.

•Due to extraordinary majority of Bengali Population, it was not possible for any province of West Pakistan to become equivalent to that majority any time in future, and it was certain that representatives of Provinces of West Pakistan will always remain in opposition in assemblies as per modern time democracy principles, this was really a frightening situation and the People of Pakistan were going to be ruled by any ethnocentric Bengali Leader or by any Bengali Military dictator for ever.

•Due to Bengali nationalism and ethnocentrism, on the basis of which People of Bangladesh were victimizing the Urdu Speaking Muslim refugees from India and that is still continue, and their Ethnic Cleansing with aborigines people of CHT, were clearly indicating that people of that area were not sincere and aware of the Ideology of Pakistan, in fact attachment of Pakistan with East Bengal was self deception and nothing else.

•Due to agitation style and different culture, the politicians of East Pakistan were always blaming Pakistan for their problems and exploitations, while people of Pakistan were worried about deteriorating condition of people of East Pakistan due to poverty and natural disasters, and they were too much fed up with that situation as they were seeing no end of all this, as this thing was also harming the Basic Ideology of Pakistan, and therefore to get rid of this situation and to avoid baseless allegations it was necessary to separate that area(East Bengal) from Pakistan, and this was the main reason that West Pakistani Military Personnel, even having capability for defending that part decided very easily and conveniently to end their any relation with that land on the basis of the facts that they were tired of all those messy affairs.

• Due to separation of East Pakistan, Pakistan saved itself and its ideology from baseless criticism of Bengalese Politicians, and now on real grounds they are blaming each other for their problems.
•With the separation of Bangladesh, Pakistan Islamic Ideology became more prominent with the introduction of Islamic laws and future scenario of Pakistan became much more firmed with the conversion of population ratio to 98 % Muslims, while with Bangladesh, presence of Huge Hindu minority was having adverse effects on the ideological progress of the country.

3. Security Advantages:

As East Pakistan was situated in the abdomen and inside the body of India and thousand miles away from West Pakistan, India was using this factor for blackmailing and pressurizing Pakistan from the beginning, In fact burden of huge population of East Bengal was loaded on West Pakistan to make Pakistan a crippled and failed state by Indian National Congress. India used that part as a button for keeping under pressure to Pakistan in 1947, in war of 1965 and again in 1970 with policy to occupy large chunk of land in East Pakistan. Due to 1000 miles distance between both parts and that also filled by enemy land, in such worst scenario even maintaining contacts between security forces and their mobility was in fact a difficult, expensive and life taking task, accompanied with wastage of huge resources, ultimately resulting in weakening of Defense forces and economy of the country. By separation of East Bengal, Pakistan was able to get rid of its weak point which was a most easy and favorite target of India. Due to that now Pakistan Defense is more strong and protected as compared to vulnerable and weak position before 1971.

4. Social Advantages:

•With the separation of Bengal flow of population from densely populated Bangladesh to parts of West Pakistan stopped, which was a good development for the culture and social set up of West Pakistan.

•Due to two national languages, Cultural evolution of the people of West Pakistan was stopped and their local languages were dying, with the separation of Bangladesh, that process was stopped.

•After separation of Bangladesh huge jobs opportunities were raised for people of different provinces of West Pakistan in both Federal and Provincial Governments. Due to elimination of share of people of Bengalese in civilian Jobs, which resulted in an increase in participation of local population in the affairs of country, by this their sense of depriving was minimized.

•People of Bengal are usually dark skinned, while people of West Pakistan were of Fair Skinned, due to continuous flow of Bengalese from East Bengal was creating racial discomfort and fears in the mind of local populations, that by this they will become minority in their own provinces, specially in the case when Federal Government was encouraging Bengalese to rehabilitate in West Pakistan, By separation of East Bengal this process of migration was also stopped.

This is the reason that after separation of East Pakistan, Mr. Mujibur Rehman was immediately released by President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, and he never expressed any regret about creation of Bangladesh.

Similarly once Prersident Zia-ul-Haq commented that freedom fighters of Bangladesh were in fact the freedom fighters of Pakistan, Now Bangladesh is a free country and Pakistan is also a free country.

It is crystal clear from all above mentioned facts that separation from Problematic East Bengal created new life and new freedom in Pakistan.

Written By M.Akram Khan Niazi.
Karachi,Pakistan