Controversy over Zardaris immunity
By Hussain H. Zaidi
Sunday, 31 Jan, 2010 | 12:53 AM PST |
AS the Supreme Courts detailed judgment in the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) case stripped the president of his immunity available to him under the constitution? Or is he still immune from prosecution for his acts of omission and commission?
The presidential immunity is guaranteed by Article 248 of the constitution. Para 2 of Article 248 provides: No criminal proceedings whatsoever shall be instituted or continued against the President or a Governor in any court during his term of office. Para 3 of the same article adds: No process for the arrest or imprisonment of the President or a Governor shall issue from any court during his term of office.
However, para 4 of Article 248 provides that No civil proceedings in which relief is claimed against the President or a Governor shall be instituted during his term of office in respect of anything done by or not done by him in his personal capacity whether before or after he enters upon his office unless, at least sixty days before the proceedings are instituted, notice in writing has been delivered to him, or sent to him in the manner prescribed by law, stating the nature of the proceedings, the cause of action, the name, description and place of residence of the party by whom the proceedings are to be instituted and the relief which the party claims.
Thus the Constitution provides blanket immunity to the president, as well as a provincial governor, in respect of criminal proceedings as indicated by the terms No and whatsoever in the relevant clause of Article 248. No distinction has been made between the acts performed by the president in his official capacity and those performed by him in his personal capacity. This means that the immunity covers both types of acts. Speaking, purely hypothetically, even if the president shoots the prime minister on the floor of the National Assembly, he cannot be prosecuted.
This immunity is available with regard to both fresh proceedings and those pending before the president entered his office. Not only that, the president as long as he holds his office cannot be arrested or imprisoned.
It is pertinent to mention that Article 248 does not provide that criminal proceedings against the president shall be terminated the moment he takes oath of his office. What it provides is that any previous criminal proceedings will be put on hold. This immunity notwithstanding, the president can be tried by parliament on the charge of gross misconduct or violating the constitution, which is the only constitutional way of removing him.
However, civil proceedings against the president may be initiated, subject to two conditions: One, the civil proceedings can be instituted only against the acts of omission and commission of the president performed in his personal capacity regardless of whether he performed those acts before or after he assumed his office. Two, the president must be informed at least 60 days before the institution of the proceedings.
Here one important question arises: Why is immunity from criminal proceedings available to the president or a governor while the same is not available to the prime minister, a chief minister or a federal or provincial minister? Specifically, why is the immunity available at all when it is in conflict with the right to equality before law and equal protection of law, a
fundamental right guaranteed by Article 25 of the constitution? To answer this question, one needs to trace the roots of the immunity of the head of state.
At the very outset, it needs to be mentioned that the immunity of the head of state is almost a universal phenomenon.
The concept of immunity of the head of state is derived from the principle of sovereign immunity stating that the sovereign can do no wrong. This is only logical, because the sovereign being the source of laws must be beyond any prosecution at all. This concept is applied in what are called constitutional monarchies, such as the United Kingdom, where in theory the monarch is the fountain of justice and is historically regarded as the source of laws and creator of courts. This immunity is sweeping covering both civil and criminal matters.
Moreover, in constitutional monarchies, the king or queen is merely a titular head, who always acts on the advice of his or her ministers. Hence, the phrase, The King can do no wrong. However,
in none of the constitutional monarchies, the immunity is available to the prime minister or the members of his cabinet the real executive.
But what about republican countries having an elected head of state opposed to a hereditary one? Is immunity available to the head of state in the republics? Here we may distinguish between the republics where the head of state is merely a titular head and effective powers are exercised by the cabinet (India, for instance) and those where the president is also the chief executive (such as the USA).
The president in India enjoys immunity against criminal proceedings. Article 361 (2) of Indian constitution provides that No criminal proceedings whatsoever shall be instituted against the President, or the Governor of a State, in any court during his term of office.
However, under para 4 of the same article, civil proceedings may be instituted against the president for any act done by him/her in her personal capacity, whether done before or after he/she assumed her office, subject to at least two months notice. Thus immunity available to the president in both India and Pakistan is similar in its scope and limits. Needless to say, the provisions governing presidential immunity are borrowed by Pakistans constitution from Indias.
In states like India and Pakistan, the president is not sovereign. Nor is he regarded as the source of laws or the creator of courts or the fountain of justice. Then why does he enjoy immunity? The reason is that in those countries the president is the symbol of the federation and all actions of the federation are taken in his name. He is supposed to be above party politics and represents the whole country rather than one party or one region.
His office thus commands a lot of respect. In India, as well as in the 1973 constitution of Pakistan in its original shape, the president is supposed to act only on the advice of the cabinet or the prime minister. On the other hand, the ministers including the prime minister represent a political party, are in no way regarded as a symbol of the federation and exercise effective powers. Therefore logically they do not have the umbrella of constitutional immunity.
One of the anomalies in the 1973 constitution as amended is that whereas the president has been made all powerful, he still retains his immunity from criminal proceedings. However, for better or for worse the immunity still exists and cannot be taken away unless the constitution is amended.
In the USA, the presidential immunity does not spring from written provisions of the constitution but it has been conferred on him by the courts to ensure effective and smooth functioning of the office of the president.
There are thus three reasons in the main for head of state immunity: traditions and customs, effective and smooth functioning of the executive, and the idea of head of state being a non-controversial figurehead representing national unity.
Coming back to the NRO case, the presidential immunity was not questioned before the Supreme Court. Nor does the detailed judgment contain any reference to that.
However, the judgment orders the executive to approach the Swiss government for re-opening of the corruption cases in which the president is a co-accused, which were initiated years before he entered his office. Now the question is whether the president enjoys immunity in Swiss courts as well. Obviously Article 248 of Pakistans constitution is not binding on the Swiss courts.
Hence, a case for the presidents immunity in Swiss courts, or for that matter in the courts of any other country, cannot be made on the basis of his immunity from criminal proceedings in Pakistan. The Presidents immunity in foreign courts rests on the principle of sovereign immunity as applied in international law, whereby one head of state cannot be prosecuted in the courts of another state. However, as in case of diplomatic immunity, the presidential immunity can be waived voluntarily.
Hence, a queer situation will arise if the government itself requests the Swiss courts to try the president of Pakistan. It is difficult to recall any other example where the government of a country requested another country for the criminal trial of its own de jure head of state. And whether we like it or not, Mr Zardari is the de jure president of Pakistan. Probably the authors of the NRO did not visualize such a situation.
hussainhzaidi@gmail.com