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COMMENT : Pakistans forced realignment
Hussain Nadim
Pakistan must give up its rhetorical alliances that can only take it to a certain point a lesson it should have learnt after the experience with China
In the matters of foreign policy there are no permanent friends or foes something that Pakistan is learning the hard way. It is known in Pakistan that as long as the storm does not hit, whether it is domestic or foreign policy, the policy makers will not move an inch. The dearth of strategic foreign policy has limited Pakistans options and is moving the country to isolation in the international system. This reality had hit the foreign policy making quarters of Pakistan after back to back shocks by two of its celebrated natural allies due to which, now, Pakistan is desperately trying to open up towards Russia, and normalization of relations with India is in progress.
The first blow came in April 2011 when China, in clear words, held the safe havens in Pakistan responsible for the militant activities in their Xingiang province following the lead of the US. But more serious concerns came in the aftermath of the raid on Osama bin Laden and the blockage of the supply line, with the inner sources in the policy making circles claiming that China had indicated that it would not stand by Pakistan in its adventures with the US. It was as if the ground slipped from beneath the policy makers in Pakistan; after all, China was perceived as an all weather ally of Pakistan against the US and India. Moreover, at the SCO summit in June 2012, the Chinese Vice Premier Li Keqiang, who is in line to be the next Premier, in his talks with S M Krishna categorised Sino-Indian ties to be the most important bilateral relations in the 21st century. The statement came as a surprise, but interestingly, Pakistan did not launch a hue and cry campaign with the Chinese government, the way it blasted the US for its nuclear deal with India. In the policymaking circles of Pakistan, frustration became evident that it was not just the US that was realigning with India, but the Chinese also extended an olive branch to the Indians; which meant that Pakistan lost its Chinese card. However, Pakistan chose to remain silent on the issue so as not to bust the illusion of Pak-Cheen dosti (Pak-China friendship) to its own public.
If that was not enough, Pakistan got its second shock when the Saudi Arabian government rejected Pakistans desperate plea to handover Abu Jindal, an Indian national, who also had a Pakistani passport and identity card and was one of the masterminds of the Mumbai attacks, to the Pakistan authorities. Instead, Saudi Arabia chose to hand over Abu Jindal to the Indian authorities who would use him to find more links between the Mumbai attacks and the security agencies in Pakistan. Pakistan had not completely digested this move when, according to the sources within the establishment of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia sent an under the table warning to Pakistan to sort out the house in other words, to tackle the problem of militants safe havens an American line that Saudi Arabia reiterated.
In the aftermath of these events; in the past two years, the myopic ideas of Pak-Cheen dosti and the Islamic brotherhood with Saudi Arabia have died down within the policymaking circles, especially within the Pakistan army, which now feels isolated in a troubled neighbourhood. The ideas of a crude realist foreign policy are assuming dominance over a religiously and emotionally motivated foreign policy that Pakistan followed in the past 65 years.
As a brigadier in the army said, It is not the United States that has ruined Pakistan; the Chinese and Saudis have done worse to this country internally. What the people know on the ground is the fabricated reality of China as an evergreen friend of Pakistan who will not allow the US to bully Pakistan. Pakistan has been bullied for the past six years, and there is nothing that China has done or would want to do, partly because it has too much at stake with the US. For China, Pakistan matters very little in the broad geo-political game.
This was also revealed in one of my meetings with a US diplomat who felt surprised at the attitude of the Chinese government towards Pakistan on his trip to China. The rhetoric we heard in Pakistan is overwhelmed with the ideas of Pakistan-Chinese cooperation, friendship and alliance, but in Beijing there is little talk about Pakistan, and only the junior level diplomats are assigned to work on Pakistan.
What Pakistan is undergoing now after being hard hit by its natural allies is a desperate attempt to find new friends in the region and the world at large possibly those significant countries that Pakistan soured relations with over religious issues or during the Cold War when it chose to be in the camp of the US. As mentioned earlier in the analogy of the storm, the realignment with Russia should have come right after the end of the Cold War, but it did not. It comes at a time when Pakistan is in a weaker position and has very little to offer in return; thus President Putin mentioned while cancelling his trip to Pakistan that it was more rhetoric than actual words.
Pakistan must give up its rhetorical alliances that can only take it to a certain point a lesson it should have learnt after the experience with China. Real alliances are developed in the right time, with the right understanding of the geo-political events. Unfortunately, as Michael Kugelman mentioned in one of his blogs in a Pakistani national daily, there are no experts on the US in Pakistan. I would add to his analysis by claiming that Pakistan has no experts on China either. And the experts in the Pakistan military are not trained to think liberally and strategically due to their narrow training as military officers, rather than as diplomatic officers.
It is based on this hard-hitting reality and need that Pakistan is realigning its alliances in the region, something that is likely going to influence South Asian social, political, and economic dynamics.
The writer is a lecturer at the National University of Science and Technology (NUST) in Islamabad. He is also an Associate Fellow at the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation (ICSR), Kings College, London. He can be reached at hnm87@gwmail.gwu.edu
Hussain Nadim
Pakistan must give up its rhetorical alliances that can only take it to a certain point a lesson it should have learnt after the experience with China
In the matters of foreign policy there are no permanent friends or foes something that Pakistan is learning the hard way. It is known in Pakistan that as long as the storm does not hit, whether it is domestic or foreign policy, the policy makers will not move an inch. The dearth of strategic foreign policy has limited Pakistans options and is moving the country to isolation in the international system. This reality had hit the foreign policy making quarters of Pakistan after back to back shocks by two of its celebrated natural allies due to which, now, Pakistan is desperately trying to open up towards Russia, and normalization of relations with India is in progress.
The first blow came in April 2011 when China, in clear words, held the safe havens in Pakistan responsible for the militant activities in their Xingiang province following the lead of the US. But more serious concerns came in the aftermath of the raid on Osama bin Laden and the blockage of the supply line, with the inner sources in the policy making circles claiming that China had indicated that it would not stand by Pakistan in its adventures with the US. It was as if the ground slipped from beneath the policy makers in Pakistan; after all, China was perceived as an all weather ally of Pakistan against the US and India. Moreover, at the SCO summit in June 2012, the Chinese Vice Premier Li Keqiang, who is in line to be the next Premier, in his talks with S M Krishna categorised Sino-Indian ties to be the most important bilateral relations in the 21st century. The statement came as a surprise, but interestingly, Pakistan did not launch a hue and cry campaign with the Chinese government, the way it blasted the US for its nuclear deal with India. In the policymaking circles of Pakistan, frustration became evident that it was not just the US that was realigning with India, but the Chinese also extended an olive branch to the Indians; which meant that Pakistan lost its Chinese card. However, Pakistan chose to remain silent on the issue so as not to bust the illusion of Pak-Cheen dosti (Pak-China friendship) to its own public.
If that was not enough, Pakistan got its second shock when the Saudi Arabian government rejected Pakistans desperate plea to handover Abu Jindal, an Indian national, who also had a Pakistani passport and identity card and was one of the masterminds of the Mumbai attacks, to the Pakistan authorities. Instead, Saudi Arabia chose to hand over Abu Jindal to the Indian authorities who would use him to find more links between the Mumbai attacks and the security agencies in Pakistan. Pakistan had not completely digested this move when, according to the sources within the establishment of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia sent an under the table warning to Pakistan to sort out the house in other words, to tackle the problem of militants safe havens an American line that Saudi Arabia reiterated.
In the aftermath of these events; in the past two years, the myopic ideas of Pak-Cheen dosti and the Islamic brotherhood with Saudi Arabia have died down within the policymaking circles, especially within the Pakistan army, which now feels isolated in a troubled neighbourhood. The ideas of a crude realist foreign policy are assuming dominance over a religiously and emotionally motivated foreign policy that Pakistan followed in the past 65 years.
As a brigadier in the army said, It is not the United States that has ruined Pakistan; the Chinese and Saudis have done worse to this country internally. What the people know on the ground is the fabricated reality of China as an evergreen friend of Pakistan who will not allow the US to bully Pakistan. Pakistan has been bullied for the past six years, and there is nothing that China has done or would want to do, partly because it has too much at stake with the US. For China, Pakistan matters very little in the broad geo-political game.
This was also revealed in one of my meetings with a US diplomat who felt surprised at the attitude of the Chinese government towards Pakistan on his trip to China. The rhetoric we heard in Pakistan is overwhelmed with the ideas of Pakistan-Chinese cooperation, friendship and alliance, but in Beijing there is little talk about Pakistan, and only the junior level diplomats are assigned to work on Pakistan.
What Pakistan is undergoing now after being hard hit by its natural allies is a desperate attempt to find new friends in the region and the world at large possibly those significant countries that Pakistan soured relations with over religious issues or during the Cold War when it chose to be in the camp of the US. As mentioned earlier in the analogy of the storm, the realignment with Russia should have come right after the end of the Cold War, but it did not. It comes at a time when Pakistan is in a weaker position and has very little to offer in return; thus President Putin mentioned while cancelling his trip to Pakistan that it was more rhetoric than actual words.
Pakistan must give up its rhetorical alliances that can only take it to a certain point a lesson it should have learnt after the experience with China. Real alliances are developed in the right time, with the right understanding of the geo-political events. Unfortunately, as Michael Kugelman mentioned in one of his blogs in a Pakistani national daily, there are no experts on the US in Pakistan. I would add to his analysis by claiming that Pakistan has no experts on China either. And the experts in the Pakistan military are not trained to think liberally and strategically due to their narrow training as military officers, rather than as diplomatic officers.
It is based on this hard-hitting reality and need that Pakistan is realigning its alliances in the region, something that is likely going to influence South Asian social, political, and economic dynamics.
The writer is a lecturer at the National University of Science and Technology (NUST) in Islamabad. He is also an Associate Fellow at the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation (ICSR), Kings College, London. He can be reached at hnm87@gwmail.gwu.edu