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Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations
Excerpts:
Pakistani leaders have painted their domestic critics and opponents as “conspirators” with Israel or Zionism. And suggestions for a reevaluation of Pakistan’s policy toward Israel have been routinely denied, or viewed as Indian, Israeli or Zionist conspiracies. For its part, Israel has been reluctant to discuss its relations with countries with whom it does not have formal diplomatic ties. Prolonged diplomatic isolation compelled Israel to master the art of clandestine or back-channel diplomacy. Its relations with a number of countries were preceded by protracted political interactions, diplomatic contacts or military contracts. The absence of formal relations has often caused Israel to seek unconventional approaches to promote and safeguard its vital interests. Even within the context of Israel’s clandestine diplomacy, Pakistan is unique. In a number of cases, the absence of diplomatic relations did not inhibit Israel from selectively or partially disclosing the nature and extent of its diplomatic contacts. For instance, its “secret contacts” with Jordan became public long before formal ties were established in 1994, and strict censorship regulations did not inhibit Israel from discussing Morocco’s role in its peace agreement with Egypt. Until the nuclear tests, however, contacts with Pakistan rarely figured in academic or media discussions in Israel. It suited both countries to keep their contacts and exchanges under wraps. For Pakistan, this secrecy enabled its rulers to maintain regular contacts with Israel, even while maintaining public opposition to the Jewish state. Because of Pakistan’s failure to engage in public diplomacy and its reluctance to normalize relations, Israel had to approach the subject cautiously. Any leaks or premature disclosures were detrimental to the existing channels of communication. As a result, in contrast to the case of India, the Pakistani refusal to establish diplomatic relations never figured prominently in Israel’s diplomatic offensive. Contrary to popular belief in both countries, contacts between the two date back to the late 1940s, when the Pakistani leadership was officially hostile to the idea of a Jewish state. These contacts were not an aberration, nor were they confined to a particular leader or period. A careful perusal of available archival and other materials indicates that from the beginning, both countries have been quietly pursuing one another.5 Their contacts were more than diplomatic niceties or polite conversations; they have often involved a degree of convergence of Israeli and Pakistani interests. At one time or another, important Pakistani leaders, such as the articulate Foreign Minister Sir Zafrulla Khan (1947-54), military dictators Ayub Khan (1958-69), Yayha Khan (1969-71) and Zia ul-Haq (1977-88) and Prime Ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1972-77), Benazir Bhutto (1988- 90 and 1994-96) and Nawaz Sharif (1990-93 and 1997-99) were sympathetic toward Israel or facilitated interactions with Israeli leaders, diplomats or officials. They were not alone. A host of Pakistani officials and diplomats have met, discussed and at times dined with their Israeli counterparts. Such contacts were held primarily in Washington, London or at the United Nations headquarters in New York. At the same time, a number of other locations, such as Rangoon, Kathmandu and Tokyo in Asia, Lagos in Africa, Ankara and Tehran in the Middle East, Caracas and Ottawa in the Americas and Brussels and Rome in Europe also functioned as meeting points for Israeli and Pakistani diplomats. Some of these meetings were private and bilateral, while others took place at functions organized by the host countries, or by foreign missions accredited to the host countries. Israeli diplomats regularly monitored and reported the movements of their Pakistani counterparts. Media reports on the biographical details of Pakistani envoys were regularly sent to Jerusalem for further contacts or future reference. Pakistani missions have regularly sent various informative and publicity materials to Israeli missions in the host countries. Some of these have been sent on official Pakistani stationary and include Pakistani claims vis-à-vis India and its request for Israel’s understanding and support. A number of semi-official and unofficial organizations, as well as prominent, not-soprominent and ordinary Pakistani citizens have been in contact with Israeli missions abroad for information or technical assistance. Because of the absence of direct postal connections between the two countries, such requests have been sent to third countries, including Israeli missions in New York or London.6 Influential Jewish leaders like Edmund de Rothschild have privately operated, and at times funded, efforts to further Israeli-Pakistani normalization
Excerpts:
Pakistani leaders have painted their domestic critics and opponents as “conspirators” with Israel or Zionism. And suggestions for a reevaluation of Pakistan’s policy toward Israel have been routinely denied, or viewed as Indian, Israeli or Zionist conspiracies. For its part, Israel has been reluctant to discuss its relations with countries with whom it does not have formal diplomatic ties. Prolonged diplomatic isolation compelled Israel to master the art of clandestine or back-channel diplomacy. Its relations with a number of countries were preceded by protracted political interactions, diplomatic contacts or military contracts. The absence of formal relations has often caused Israel to seek unconventional approaches to promote and safeguard its vital interests. Even within the context of Israel’s clandestine diplomacy, Pakistan is unique. In a number of cases, the absence of diplomatic relations did not inhibit Israel from selectively or partially disclosing the nature and extent of its diplomatic contacts. For instance, its “secret contacts” with Jordan became public long before formal ties were established in 1994, and strict censorship regulations did not inhibit Israel from discussing Morocco’s role in its peace agreement with Egypt. Until the nuclear tests, however, contacts with Pakistan rarely figured in academic or media discussions in Israel. It suited both countries to keep their contacts and exchanges under wraps. For Pakistan, this secrecy enabled its rulers to maintain regular contacts with Israel, even while maintaining public opposition to the Jewish state. Because of Pakistan’s failure to engage in public diplomacy and its reluctance to normalize relations, Israel had to approach the subject cautiously. Any leaks or premature disclosures were detrimental to the existing channels of communication. As a result, in contrast to the case of India, the Pakistani refusal to establish diplomatic relations never figured prominently in Israel’s diplomatic offensive. Contrary to popular belief in both countries, contacts between the two date back to the late 1940s, when the Pakistani leadership was officially hostile to the idea of a Jewish state. These contacts were not an aberration, nor were they confined to a particular leader or period. A careful perusal of available archival and other materials indicates that from the beginning, both countries have been quietly pursuing one another.5 Their contacts were more than diplomatic niceties or polite conversations; they have often involved a degree of convergence of Israeli and Pakistani interests. At one time or another, important Pakistani leaders, such as the articulate Foreign Minister Sir Zafrulla Khan (1947-54), military dictators Ayub Khan (1958-69), Yayha Khan (1969-71) and Zia ul-Haq (1977-88) and Prime Ministers Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1972-77), Benazir Bhutto (1988- 90 and 1994-96) and Nawaz Sharif (1990-93 and 1997-99) were sympathetic toward Israel or facilitated interactions with Israeli leaders, diplomats or officials. They were not alone. A host of Pakistani officials and diplomats have met, discussed and at times dined with their Israeli counterparts. Such contacts were held primarily in Washington, London or at the United Nations headquarters in New York. At the same time, a number of other locations, such as Rangoon, Kathmandu and Tokyo in Asia, Lagos in Africa, Ankara and Tehran in the Middle East, Caracas and Ottawa in the Americas and Brussels and Rome in Europe also functioned as meeting points for Israeli and Pakistani diplomats. Some of these meetings were private and bilateral, while others took place at functions organized by the host countries, or by foreign missions accredited to the host countries. Israeli diplomats regularly monitored and reported the movements of their Pakistani counterparts. Media reports on the biographical details of Pakistani envoys were regularly sent to Jerusalem for further contacts or future reference. Pakistani missions have regularly sent various informative and publicity materials to Israeli missions in the host countries. Some of these have been sent on official Pakistani stationary and include Pakistani claims vis-à-vis India and its request for Israel’s understanding and support. A number of semi-official and unofficial organizations, as well as prominent, not-soprominent and ordinary Pakistani citizens have been in contact with Israeli missions abroad for information or technical assistance. Because of the absence of direct postal connections between the two countries, such requests have been sent to third countries, including Israeli missions in New York or London.6 Influential Jewish leaders like Edmund de Rothschild have privately operated, and at times funded, efforts to further Israeli-Pakistani normalization
