Baithak: Cultures & Colors of Pakistan.
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Pashtun Swati Dynasty of Kashmir (First muslim rulers of kashmir)
Shams-ud-Din Shah Mir (reigned 1339-42) was a ruler of Kashmir and the founder of the Shah Mir dynasty named after him. He came from Swat and became the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir.
* Shams-ud-Din Mirza (Sultan of Kashmir) 1339 - 1349
* Jamshed (Sultan of Kashmir) 1349 - 1350
* Ala ud Din Ali Sher (Sultan of Kashmir) 1350 - 1359
o Shihab ud Din Shirashamak (Sultan of Kashmir) 1359 - 1378
o Kutb ud Din Hindal (Sultan of Kashmir) 1378 - 1389
+ Sikandar But Shikan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1389 - 1413
# Ali Mirza Khan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1413 - 1420
# Zain al Abidin Shaki Khan Badsha (Sultan of Kashmir) 1420 - 1470
* Haidar Shah Hai Khan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1470 - 1471
* Hasan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1471 - 1489
* Muhammed (Sultan of Kashmir) 1489-1490 n 1498-1499 n 1500-1526 n 1529-1533.
* Fat'h Shah (Sultan of Kashmir) 1490-1498 et 1499-1500.
* Ibrahim I (Sultan of Kashmir) 1526-1527.
* Nazuk (Sultan of Kashmir) 1527-1529 et 1540-1540 et 1551-1552.
* Shams ed-Din (Sultan of Kashmir) 1533-1540.
* Ibrahim II (Sultan of Kashmir) 1552-1555.
* Isma'il (Sultan of Kashmir) 1555-1557.
* Habib (Sultan of Kashmir) 1557-1561.
The Swatis (Pashto: سواتي‎
are a Pashtun tribe of the Batani tribal confederacy of the Afghans, inhabiting the Hazara region in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, mostly in the districts of Mansehra and Batagram, and to some extent in Kohistan as well, but a number of Swati lineages are settled in the Kashmir region. The Swatis are the largest tribal group of land owners in Mansehra and Battagram. Most of the Swatis speak Pashto, but many can also speak Hindko. . The name Swati is associated with their initial settlement in Swat, but later on they migrated into Hazara on the eastern side of the Indus River. The Swatis adhere to Pashtunwali, the Pashtun tribal code, strictly and call it Swatiwali.
The Swatis allegedly originated in the Shalman area of Afghanistan and migrated to the Swat Valley in the early 13th century, around the time of Muhammad of Ghor. The Swatis defeated the local Buddhists and Hindus of Swat and established their own rule. The Swatis ruled Swat for four centuries.
The Swatis also founded the Shah Miri dynasty which ruled the Kashmir region from 1339 to 1569 AD. The founder of the dynasty was Shah Mir Baba, who came from Swat and became the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir.
Later on, the Yusufzai, who had recently migrated to Peshawar and Bajaur after their expulsion from Kabul by Governor Ulugh Beg Mirza in the 16th century, defeated and expelled Swatis from the region. Swatis then decided to expand towards hazara then inhabited and ruled by the Turks. Under the command of Akhund Salak (Mulla Challak), the Swatis defeated the Turks of Mansehra, establishing their own rule in the whole territory and divided the entire area among different Swati clans
Shams-ud-Din Shah Mir (reigned 1339-42) was a ruler of Kashmir and the founder of the Shah Mir dynasty named after him. He came from Swat and became the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir.
* Shams-ud-Din Mirza (Sultan of Kashmir) 1339 - 1349
* Jamshed (Sultan of Kashmir) 1349 - 1350
* Ala ud Din Ali Sher (Sultan of Kashmir) 1350 - 1359
o Shihab ud Din Shirashamak (Sultan of Kashmir) 1359 - 1378
o Kutb ud Din Hindal (Sultan of Kashmir) 1378 - 1389
+ Sikandar But Shikan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1389 - 1413
# Ali Mirza Khan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1413 - 1420
# Zain al Abidin Shaki Khan Badsha (Sultan of Kashmir) 1420 - 1470
* Haidar Shah Hai Khan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1470 - 1471
* Hasan (Sultan of Kashmir) 1471 - 1489
* Muhammed (Sultan of Kashmir) 1489-1490 n 1498-1499 n 1500-1526 n 1529-1533.
* Fat'h Shah (Sultan of Kashmir) 1490-1498 et 1499-1500.
* Ibrahim I (Sultan of Kashmir) 1526-1527.
* Nazuk (Sultan of Kashmir) 1527-1529 et 1540-1540 et 1551-1552.
* Shams ed-Din (Sultan of Kashmir) 1533-1540.
* Ibrahim II (Sultan of Kashmir) 1552-1555.
* Isma'il (Sultan of Kashmir) 1555-1557.
* Habib (Sultan of Kashmir) 1557-1561.
The Swatis (Pashto: سواتي‎
are a Pashtun tribe of the Batani tribal confederacy of the Afghans, inhabiting the Hazara region in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province and the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, mostly in the districts of Mansehra and Batagram, and to some extent in Kohistan as well, but a number of Swati lineages are settled in the Kashmir region. The Swatis are the largest tribal group of land owners in Mansehra and Battagram. Most of the Swatis speak Pashto, but many can also speak Hindko. . The name Swati is associated with their initial settlement in Swat, but later on they migrated into Hazara on the eastern side of the Indus River. The Swatis adhere to Pashtunwali, the Pashtun tribal code, strictly and call it Swatiwali.The Swatis allegedly originated in the Shalman area of Afghanistan and migrated to the Swat Valley in the early 13th century, around the time of Muhammad of Ghor. The Swatis defeated the local Buddhists and Hindus of Swat and established their own rule. The Swatis ruled Swat for four centuries.
The Swatis also founded the Shah Miri dynasty which ruled the Kashmir region from 1339 to 1569 AD. The founder of the dynasty was Shah Mir Baba, who came from Swat and became the first Muslim ruler of Kashmir.
Later on, the Yusufzai, who had recently migrated to Peshawar and Bajaur after their expulsion from Kabul by Governor Ulugh Beg Mirza in the 16th century, defeated and expelled Swatis from the region. Swatis then decided to expand towards hazara then inhabited and ruled by the Turks. Under the command of Akhund Salak (Mulla Challak), the Swatis defeated the Turks of Mansehra, establishing their own rule in the whole territory and divided the entire area among different Swati clans
Marwat Khan Lodhi
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Ajab Khan afridi
Ajab Khan is perhaps the best-known hero of these stories from the NWFP and at the time the events occurred, they made newspapers in both the United States and England. The first notice in the London Times was a small article of April 16, 1923, head-lined, "Another Frontier Outrage: One Lady Killed and One Kidnapped," with the information that Mollie Ellis, the daughter of Major Ellis, was kidnapped and her mother killed in a bungalow adjoining that of the Commanding General of the Station of Kohat. A few days later (datelined April 18 from Simla, then the summer capital of the British Raj), the event came to the attention of the New York Times with the headline, "Captive English Girl is Seen with Savages big, rawboned, devil-may-care fellows of great strength and hardihood, many of whom devote their whole existence to hunting, fighting, and brigandage." On April 23, the New York Times headline was, "English Girl Saved from Afghan Captors" and the subhead, "Woman Physician rescues Mollie Ellis Whom Tribesmen had kidnapped"; the tribesmen were referred to as "semi-savages." By April 27, Mollie was said to be in Peshawar, telling of her sufferings when her only protection from the severe cold of the hills was "a coat belonging to a brutal Afridi, named Shahazada (sic) the man who killed her mother." That ended notices in the New York Times, but the London Times, which had been giving more attention during those two weeks to the wedding of the Duke of York than to events in an outpost of the British empire, printed occasional updates of the case over the following months as the process of attempting to catch the kidnapper, still unnamed, continued.
Nowhere did the New York Times indicate that there might be any motivation for this action. The London Times (April 24) said "the crime was the result of a vow by the ringleader to avenge the humiliation inflicted on him when some police rifles were recovered from the Bosti Khel"; it appeared that "the women taunted him to such an extent as to make his life unendurable, and in conformity with a Pathan custom, he swore with the Koran in his hand before his mother, who had been prominent in reviling him, that he would perform such a deed as had never been heard of before." The stealing of guns and British efforts to retrieve them were, however, an on-going series of events during this period; thus although newspaper reports do not mention any violation of women's purdah in Ajab Khan's village, it is not unreasonable to assume that in fact this British search party was particularly insensitive to Pathan customs.
In spring, 1983, the now elderly Mollie Ellis returned to Pakistan; popular monthlies as well as both Urdu and English newspapers replayed the events, publishing pictures taken in 1923 and giving a romantic cast to the story. Rumors continue to accumulate; a Pakistani journalist told the translator that a friend in London had met Mollie Ellis' nanny on the subway. The nanny said that Mollie had fallen in love with Ajab, but that he had insisted that he was making a political point and that no other kind of relationship was possible
Ajab Khan is perhaps the best-known hero of these stories from the NWFP and at the time the events occurred, they made newspapers in both the United States and England. The first notice in the London Times was a small article of April 16, 1923, head-lined, "Another Frontier Outrage: One Lady Killed and One Kidnapped," with the information that Mollie Ellis, the daughter of Major Ellis, was kidnapped and her mother killed in a bungalow adjoining that of the Commanding General of the Station of Kohat. A few days later (datelined April 18 from Simla, then the summer capital of the British Raj), the event came to the attention of the New York Times with the headline, "Captive English Girl is Seen with Savages big, rawboned, devil-may-care fellows of great strength and hardihood, many of whom devote their whole existence to hunting, fighting, and brigandage." On April 23, the New York Times headline was, "English Girl Saved from Afghan Captors" and the subhead, "Woman Physician rescues Mollie Ellis Whom Tribesmen had kidnapped"; the tribesmen were referred to as "semi-savages." By April 27, Mollie was said to be in Peshawar, telling of her sufferings when her only protection from the severe cold of the hills was "a coat belonging to a brutal Afridi, named Shahazada (sic) the man who killed her mother." That ended notices in the New York Times, but the London Times, which had been giving more attention during those two weeks to the wedding of the Duke of York than to events in an outpost of the British empire, printed occasional updates of the case over the following months as the process of attempting to catch the kidnapper, still unnamed, continued.
Nowhere did the New York Times indicate that there might be any motivation for this action. The London Times (April 24) said "the crime was the result of a vow by the ringleader to avenge the humiliation inflicted on him when some police rifles were recovered from the Bosti Khel"; it appeared that "the women taunted him to such an extent as to make his life unendurable, and in conformity with a Pathan custom, he swore with the Koran in his hand before his mother, who had been prominent in reviling him, that he would perform such a deed as had never been heard of before." The stealing of guns and British efforts to retrieve them were, however, an on-going series of events during this period; thus although newspaper reports do not mention any violation of women's purdah in Ajab Khan's village, it is not unreasonable to assume that in fact this British search party was particularly insensitive to Pathan customs.
In spring, 1983, the now elderly Mollie Ellis returned to Pakistan; popular monthlies as well as both Urdu and English newspapers replayed the events, publishing pictures taken in 1923 and giving a romantic cast to the story. Rumors continue to accumulate; a Pakistani journalist told the translator that a friend in London had met Mollie Ellis' nanny on the subway. The nanny said that Mollie had fallen in love with Ajab, but that he had insisted that he was making a political point and that no other kind of relationship was possible
Raja.Pakistani
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I have ignored the rest of your gibberish but your thick brain don't understand that when you take pride in your ethnicity , it automatically mean you feel more sense of attachment with it than the rest exist out there in your country otherwise you would have pride in all ethnicities in your country or they all would be equal to you. What is national unity when you only have sense of pride and belonging with only Tamil ethnicity and all others become irrelevant to you. I am not against feeling of happiness or contentment because you are tamil, punjabi, pashtun or brown/white/dark but pride should be for something which you have achieved not by accident but by hard work or personal efforts. Again its just my personal opinion
any way i am fed up repeating same things ..watch this guy george carlin may be you get some sense in your head what i was talking about
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Raja.Pakistani
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I had visited this ayub ardi forte when i was living in landi kotal. He was alive at that time
For those who dont know about ayub arfidi
Haji Ayub Afridi or Ayub Afridi is a Pakistani drug lord turned politician presently living in Pakistan. He is called the founder of the Afghan heroin trade.[2] After the September 11 attacks he was seen as an ally to the US attacks against the Taliban. He has also been approached by United States as a part of their efforts to exert control over Afghanistan.
Afridi grew up in the Landi Kotal, the principal city located in Khyber Pass, Khyber Agency. He belonged to the Afridi tribe of Zakha Khail. He started life as a truck driver but quickly used his transportation connections to make a small fortune smuggling gold. In the 1980s he forged close ties with Pakistan's military led by general Zia ul-Haq.[4]
Ayub Afridi died in November 2009 in his late seventies. He is buried in the Ayub Afridi Kalay, Landi Kotal.
Haji Ayub Afridi - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For those who dont know about ayub arfidi
Haji Ayub Afridi or Ayub Afridi is a Pakistani drug lord turned politician presently living in Pakistan. He is called the founder of the Afghan heroin trade.[2] After the September 11 attacks he was seen as an ally to the US attacks against the Taliban. He has also been approached by United States as a part of their efforts to exert control over Afghanistan.
Afridi grew up in the Landi Kotal, the principal city located in Khyber Pass, Khyber Agency. He belonged to the Afridi tribe of Zakha Khail. He started life as a truck driver but quickly used his transportation connections to make a small fortune smuggling gold. In the 1980s he forged close ties with Pakistan's military led by general Zia ul-Haq.[4]
Ayub Afridi died in November 2009 in his late seventies. He is buried in the Ayub Afridi Kalay, Landi Kotal.
Haji Ayub Afridi - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Azazel
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That's just George Carlin,A person I greatly admire.But I here he talks American obsession with race and ethnicity which I have no interest in and I am not gonna say he is right or wrong since it only concerns Americans.I could also post videos of him ridiculing religion and I am sure you will disagree with it.
Now,here is what you got wrong,I always feel more sense of attachment to my ethnicity,it is true.In fact, It is true for all Indians, its no dirty secret and we all accept it.But it doesn't mean I don't like other ethnicities or I look down on them.In fact, I have pride in all ethinicties in my country and their culture and traditions.My pride in my ethnicity doesn't stop me from having a Gujarati girlfriend and I am proud of their culture,especially their vibrant mercantile culture which we don't have and we try to emulate their success.As a country we are completely depended on each other.With out the Gujarati and Rajasthanis we won't have a modern economy.Delete Tata / Birla / Ambani / Mittal / Premji and India begins to look like Bangladesh.That tiny community monopolizes the ability to raise and manage capital which is simply frightening,but their is a bigger picture look at the no of army recruits they only have 719,which means they are completely depended on rest of the India to defend them.
As an Indian taking pride in ethnic identity does not affect our national unity it only makes us more united.We as a country completly depended on each other.This ethnic pride is not a way of repressing other ethnicities and culture, but a way of preserving ours.
What your problem is you Pakistanis first time in the human history have created a nation only based on religious identity.Your national ideology is completely depended on religion.So now you are insecure of your diverse ethnic identities as you think might damage your national unity.That's whay you have such prejudices on ethnic identities but have no problem with religious identity.Forming identities based on tribes,ethinicity,nationality or religion are something humans have done since the begining of time,their is nothing wrong with any of it.This is what makes us humans.
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Contrarian
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Why would you assume that?
And while i agree with your recent post that you felt you needed Islam for a common bind between the different ethnicities, you were wrong. You could have used something else as well. Once you got your country - Pakistan, you could have chosen to make it all inclusive, the reason why Pakistan is today in a mess is because of - too much religion.
You could have made it Pakistan first, Islam second - like Turkey has, Iran has, Malaysia has, Indonesia has, heck even Saudi Arabia has. But you did you did not realize it at the right time.
I do believe you have become far more mature from the days when you insulted other religions to put Islam on top of others. So i hope we can have a mature discussion on this aspect as well.
Contrarian
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@Safriz
India has. We are racked by different ethnicities and languages and religions. Yet we have progressed till date. For how long? That remains to be seen, maybe India falls apart later like Yugoslavia.
But till now India has prospered. Our flock is growing. Why do you think that is?
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Masterio92
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Well that picture is not of Ajab Khan Afridi.
As this page is partly stick to Afridi tribe, I would add up another personality, that is well known to Indians.
First Muslim president of India, Mr.Zakir Hussain
Dr. Zakir Hussain About this sound pronunciation (help·info) (Urdu: ذاکِر حسین‎(Telugu: జాకీర్ హుస్సైన్
, ; February 1897 3 May 1969) was the 3rd President of India, from 13 May 1967 until his death on 3 May 1969. An educationist and intellectual, Hussain was the country's first Muslim president. He previously served as Governor of Bihar from 1957 to 1962 and as Vice President of India from 1962 to 1967.Zakir Hussain was also co-founder of Jamia Milia Islamia, serving as its Vice Chancellor from 1928. Under Hussain, Jamia became closely associated with the Indian freedom movement. He was awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest national honour, in 1963.
Contents
Early life
Zakir Hussain was born in Hyderabad, India.[2][1] His roots were in the Pashtun Afridi tribes of Tirah, modern-day Pakistan;[3] his ancestor Hussain Khan migrating from Kohat to Kaimganj, Farrukhabad, Uttar Pradesh, in 1715.[4] His own family too migrated from Hyderabad to Kaimganj, where Hussain grew up. Hussain's father, Fida Hussain Khan, died when he was ten years old;[5] his mother dying in 1911 when he was fourteen. He attended Islamia High School, Etawah, and was then educated at the Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental College, now Aligarh Muslim University, where he was a prominent student leader.[6] He received his doctorate in economics from the University of Berlin in 1926.[7]
Family
Zakir Hussain was born the third of seven children, all boys, to Fida Hussain Khan, a lawyer, and Naznin Begum. In 1915, at the age of 18, he married Shah Jahan Begum.[8] Zakir Hussain's relatives have also been active in politics and education. His grandson Salman Khurshid, a Congress politician, is the current Foreign Minister of India.[9] Among Hussain's relatives that migrated after Partition include his brother Dr. Mahmud Hussain, who was Pakistan's Minister for Education and Vice-Chancellor of Dhaka University, and nephew General Rahimuddin Khan, Pakistan's Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.[10]
Masterio92
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Sindh governor Dr. Ishrat Ul Ibad Khan of MQM is also ethnically a Pakhtoon from Afridi Tribe 
Masterio92
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Josh Malihabadi
Josh Malihabadi (Urdu: جوش ملیح آبادی‎ (born as Shabbir Hasan Khan; شبیر حسن خان (December 5, 1894 February 22, 1982) was a noted Urdu poet born in British India.[1][2] He was an Indian citizen until 1958, when he emigrated to Pakistan and became a Pakistani citizen. He wrote ghazals and nazm under the takhallus (Urdu for nom de plume) Josh (جوش (literally, "Passion" or "Intensity").[3]
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Josh was born to an Afridi Pashtun family in Malihabad, United Provinces, British India. He studied at St Peter's College, Agra and passed his Senior Cambridge examination in 1914. Although Josh subsequently studied Arabic and Persian and, in 1918, spent six months at Tagore's university, Shantiniketan. The death of his father, Bashir Ahmed Khan, in 1916, prevented him from undertaking a college education.
Career
In 1925, Josh began to supervise translation work at Osmania University, in the princely state of Hyderabad. However, his stay there ended, when he found himself exiled from the state for writing a nazm against the Nizam of Hyderabad, the then ruler of the state.
Soon thereafter, he founded the magazine, Kaleem (literally, "interlocutor" in Urdu), in which he openly wrote articles in favour of independence from the British Raj in India. As his reputation spread, he came to be called Shaair-e-Inquilaab (Poet of the Revolution). Subsequently, he became more actively involved in the freedom struggle (albeit, in an intellectual capacity) and became close to some of the political leaders of that era, especially Jawaharlal Nehru (later to be the first Prime Minister of independent India).
After the end of British Raj in India (1947), Josh became the editor of the publication Aaj-Kal .
Josh in Pakistan
Josh migrated to Pakistan in 1958 - despite Jawaharlal Nehru's insistence against it - over what is generally believed to be his concern regarding the future of the Urdu language in India[4], where he thought the Hindu majority would encourage the use of Hindi rather than Urdu. After migration, Josh settled in Karachi and rigorously worked for Anjuman-i-Tarraqi-i-Urdu with Maulvi Abdul Haq.
He remained in Pakistan until he died on February 22, 1982 in Islamabad. Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Syed Fakhruddin Balley both were the closest companions and friends of Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh (son of Josh). Faiz Ahmad Faiz visited Islamabad during his illness and Syed Fakhruddin Balley remained entirely engaged with Hazrat Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh.[5]
Josh Malihabadi's family had intermarried with Sunni and Shia families. Josh Malihabadi has written about Sunni-Shia tension in his family in his biography titled Yaadon ki baarat.
Josh Malihabadi (Urdu: جوش ملیح آبادی‎
(born as Shabbir Hasan Khan; شبیر حسن خان (December 5, 1894 February 22, 1982) was a noted Urdu poet born in British India.[1][2] He was an Indian citizen until 1958, when he emigrated to Pakistan and became a Pakistani citizen. He wrote ghazals and nazm under the takhallus (Urdu for nom de plume) Josh (جوش (literally, "Passion" or "Intensity").[3]Contents
Josh was born to an Afridi Pashtun family in Malihabad, United Provinces, British India. He studied at St Peter's College, Agra and passed his Senior Cambridge examination in 1914. Although Josh subsequently studied Arabic and Persian and, in 1918, spent six months at Tagore's university, Shantiniketan. The death of his father, Bashir Ahmed Khan, in 1916, prevented him from undertaking a college education.
Career
In 1925, Josh began to supervise translation work at Osmania University, in the princely state of Hyderabad. However, his stay there ended, when he found himself exiled from the state for writing a nazm against the Nizam of Hyderabad, the then ruler of the state.
Soon thereafter, he founded the magazine, Kaleem (literally, "interlocutor" in Urdu), in which he openly wrote articles in favour of independence from the British Raj in India. As his reputation spread, he came to be called Shaair-e-Inquilaab (Poet of the Revolution). Subsequently, he became more actively involved in the freedom struggle (albeit, in an intellectual capacity) and became close to some of the political leaders of that era, especially Jawaharlal Nehru (later to be the first Prime Minister of independent India).
After the end of British Raj in India (1947), Josh became the editor of the publication Aaj-Kal .
Josh in Pakistan
Josh migrated to Pakistan in 1958 - despite Jawaharlal Nehru's insistence against it - over what is generally believed to be his concern regarding the future of the Urdu language in India[4], where he thought the Hindu majority would encourage the use of Hindi rather than Urdu. After migration, Josh settled in Karachi and rigorously worked for Anjuman-i-Tarraqi-i-Urdu with Maulvi Abdul Haq.
He remained in Pakistan until he died on February 22, 1982 in Islamabad. Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Syed Fakhruddin Balley both were the closest companions and friends of Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh (son of Josh). Faiz Ahmad Faiz visited Islamabad during his illness and Syed Fakhruddin Balley remained entirely engaged with Hazrat Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh.[5]
Josh Malihabadi's family had intermarried with Sunni and Shia families. Josh Malihabadi has written about Sunni-Shia tension in his family in his biography titled Yaadon ki baarat.
Marwat Khan Lodhi
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Sindh governor Dr. Ishrat Ul Ibad Khan of MQM is also ethnically a Pakhtoon from Afridi Tribe
Damn , these urdu speaking pathans from U.P (now karachi) have not proved themeselves useful to pakhtun nation in any way. Many of them are in MQM and have great hate for pakhtuns. Similarly seraiki speaking niazis of mianwali talks of joining seraikistan instead of KPK. And hindko speaking pathans of hazara opposed renaming and many of them have anti-pakhtun sentiments. Therefore i dont count these "adha teetar adha batair" pathans among us, just race is not important, langauge, culture and traditions are also important in defining a pakhtun.
Sindh governor Dr. Ishrat Ul Ibad Khan of MQM is also ethnically a Pakhtoon from Afridi Tribe
Damn , these urdu speaking pathans from U.P (now karachi) have not proved themeselves useful to pakhtun nation in any way. Many of them are in MQM and have great hate for pakhtuns. Similarly seraiki speaking niazis of mianwali talks of joining seraikistan instead of KPK. And hindko speaking pathans of hazara opposed renaming and many of them have anti-pakhtun sentiments. Therefore i dont count these "adha teetar adha batair" pathans among us, just race is not important, langauge, culture and traditions are also important in defining a pakhtun.
Don Jaguar
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Masla kia hai bhai itnay ghusay mein kion ho?
Safriz
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the difference between India and Pakistan is that we were "created" in 1947 by agreement between "Muslims" of south Asia..
India was never created..its a relic which was always there..British just left India and went away in 1947...
So yes Islam was the creating power which created Pakistan and without it there is not much common between us..
While India as a relic i so old that people got used to it and nobody questions why we are one country except a few ethnicity.
Pakistan isn't a "relic" and a unique country as it wasn't created on the basis of ethnicity..which most countries of the world are...
Pakistan is an "ideological" state and Islam is the ideology.
Pushtoon is not a nation...its a collection of tribal and regional identities..Even Pushto has no standard accent and changes so much between regions and tribes that certain accents are totally alien to other Pushtoons..
For example people of Bannu cannot understand north Waziristan Pushto...
whats the basis of your "Pushtoon nation" claim?
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