AdeelFaheem
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PTI’s politics is more about Khan than the country
Embroiled in a war at home and a plethora of political, economic and national crises, Pakistan is nearing a tumultuous 67th year in existence.
Imran Khan’s initial demands for electoral recounts in particular constituencies have now snowballed into the demand for the departure of the entire PML-N government or badshahat; and mid-term elections that he, once again, expects to sweep.
For many, this transformation of demand indicates Imran Khan coming out with what he has really wanted all along, for a government that he refuses to believe was not given to him to lead. All set to head as prime minister, a development he was sure enough to have declared it on national television on Hamid Mir’s show, Khan Sahab’s romantic expectations defied entrenched Pakistani electoral dynamics and intricacies, leading to a result he did not anticipate.
In a developing, chaotic and overly-politicised country like Pakistan, there are no doubts that the elections of 2013were not without irregularities, problems and issues. All of which lend greater gravity to the need for electoral reform.
However, to deem the entire election ‘stolen’ and call for re-elections is to repudiate the will of those who voted for the government. Some of the top electoral rigging claims of PTI have been debunked for political claptrap, most recently done by Zahid F Ibrahim in his op-ed ‘Ten Truths about Electoral Rigging’ which takes each claim and factually counters it.
It is also quite peculiar that, according to the PTI, the entire elections were a dishonest affair with the election commission, caretaker government, media, and judiciary actively colluding – and it is yet to present evidence and prove how exactly this collusion transpired — to prevent its victory in all of Pakistan. With this in mind, it really does seem to be the case then that the PTI is protesting against winning in the ‘wrong’ province.
In a recent video PTI Deputy Information Secretary Fayyaz Chohan not only accuses Gen Kayani of rigging; but also goes far to point to an international electoral conspiracy including the USA, UAE, KSA and India.
Popular blog Kala Kawa also writes:
‘That the PTI is demanding mid-term elections on the back of evidence that election tribunals have found insufficient speaks solely to the damaging lust for power Imran Khan has found himself in.’
As evident is the callow approach of the PTI operating under the Azadi march, which seems to be exactly as Ammar Rashid, an independent researcher and information secretary Awami Workers Party (Islamabad/Rawalpindi), called out to be: PTI standing for little more than making Imran Khan PM at all costs — equally astounding is the performance of the government in its first year that has largely been characterised by lethargy. The PML-N has come to power at a time when Pakistan is the convergence tip of crises; which does not grant the government the allowance of incompetence and lassitude. With increasingly unbearable power shortages, huge numbers of the unemployed, persisting poverty, a sluggish economy and fear of a terrorist backlash of Zarb-e-Azb; this is a moment demanding sharp and decisive decisions, policies, works and implementations. The Sharif government must realise that gone are the days when it was till the ballot box that a party had to prove itself; in today’s competitive political environment, it is now beyond the ballot box that parties have to prove themselves with performance; or risk being pounced on by opponents.
With blockades and containers around Lahore, and the decision to invoke Article 245, the government’s panicked response to the planned marches of the PTI and PAT is congruent with its disappointing tendency to overreact and create crises that it needs to learn to avoid.
Similarly, it is essential for Imran Khan to accept that his expectation of becoming the prime minister was not fulfilled by the majority of the people as demonstrated by ground realities which hit him hard in elections. Having broken the shifting political monopoly between the PPP and PML-N, PTI holds immense potential to be potent force of opposition in the parliament, assuming an attacking but constructive role augmenting the democratic plinth in Pakistan. But its present politics of fixation, immaturity and obstinacy are not only destructive for Pakistan’s nascent democracy but for PTI itself.
It needs to channel its potential and power as a formidable political force in Pakistan; as opposition, keeping the government with their socks pulled up all the time; and as the provincial government, focusing its strength and vision in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and practically presenting itself as a plausible alternative to other parties in Pakistan. PTI should focus on developing KPK as a model of its governance; it should compete with the PML-N government through governance, for the last thing Pakistan needs right now is destabilisation.
As Adnan Rasool mentions in his article in Dawn:
‘The way the system works is that the opposition, irrespective of how small it may be, asks the tough questions and projects an alternative ideology, instead of trying to leave the system because of being beaten in the elections. They need to make the government work hard for a reputation.’
Columnist Gul Bukhari raised a pertinent point on Twitter commenting that the Sharifs seem to have lost all interest in governance and adopted a singular programme of reacting to Imran Khan’s relentless pursuit of power.
Protesting is one of the most important constitutional rights. However attempts to topple a democratically-elected government and seeking to sink the system merely because your dominance is denied in it are no rights whatsoever.
The system in Pakistan has problems, Pakistan’s budding democracy has problems, but to set the stage for instability, destabilisation and the doctrine of necessity in the pursuit of personal political and party interests is never the solution.
Imran Khan’s bare demand of fresh elections coupled with his obstinacy project a sure stalemate. However, if the government displays political maturity and level-headedness in handling this delicate situation with cautious care and control; if the army stays at the battle front; if other political parties like PPP, JUI-F, JI, ANP and MQM recognise what is at risk and come together in interest of Pakistan and democracy; if better sense prevails, the situation may still be able to be salvaged.
Just last year, Pakistan witnessed the term-completion of a democratically-elected government for the first time in its history. And the elections were expected to augment this democratic tradition, however ensuing political attitudes inclined towards infighting seem to push Pakistan back into the 90s which was an era of intense tug-of-war, and we all know where that led to. All at the cost of democracy and Pakistan.
source : At the cost of Pakistan | Pakistan Today
Embroiled in a war at home and a plethora of political, economic and national crises, Pakistan is nearing a tumultuous 67th year in existence.
Imran Khan’s initial demands for electoral recounts in particular constituencies have now snowballed into the demand for the departure of the entire PML-N government or badshahat; and mid-term elections that he, once again, expects to sweep.
For many, this transformation of demand indicates Imran Khan coming out with what he has really wanted all along, for a government that he refuses to believe was not given to him to lead. All set to head as prime minister, a development he was sure enough to have declared it on national television on Hamid Mir’s show, Khan Sahab’s romantic expectations defied entrenched Pakistani electoral dynamics and intricacies, leading to a result he did not anticipate.
In a developing, chaotic and overly-politicised country like Pakistan, there are no doubts that the elections of 2013were not without irregularities, problems and issues. All of which lend greater gravity to the need for electoral reform.
However, to deem the entire election ‘stolen’ and call for re-elections is to repudiate the will of those who voted for the government. Some of the top electoral rigging claims of PTI have been debunked for political claptrap, most recently done by Zahid F Ibrahim in his op-ed ‘Ten Truths about Electoral Rigging’ which takes each claim and factually counters it.
It is also quite peculiar that, according to the PTI, the entire elections were a dishonest affair with the election commission, caretaker government, media, and judiciary actively colluding – and it is yet to present evidence and prove how exactly this collusion transpired — to prevent its victory in all of Pakistan. With this in mind, it really does seem to be the case then that the PTI is protesting against winning in the ‘wrong’ province.
In a recent video PTI Deputy Information Secretary Fayyaz Chohan not only accuses Gen Kayani of rigging; but also goes far to point to an international electoral conspiracy including the USA, UAE, KSA and India.
Popular blog Kala Kawa also writes:
‘That the PTI is demanding mid-term elections on the back of evidence that election tribunals have found insufficient speaks solely to the damaging lust for power Imran Khan has found himself in.’
As evident is the callow approach of the PTI operating under the Azadi march, which seems to be exactly as Ammar Rashid, an independent researcher and information secretary Awami Workers Party (Islamabad/Rawalpindi), called out to be: PTI standing for little more than making Imran Khan PM at all costs — equally astounding is the performance of the government in its first year that has largely been characterised by lethargy. The PML-N has come to power at a time when Pakistan is the convergence tip of crises; which does not grant the government the allowance of incompetence and lassitude. With increasingly unbearable power shortages, huge numbers of the unemployed, persisting poverty, a sluggish economy and fear of a terrorist backlash of Zarb-e-Azb; this is a moment demanding sharp and decisive decisions, policies, works and implementations. The Sharif government must realise that gone are the days when it was till the ballot box that a party had to prove itself; in today’s competitive political environment, it is now beyond the ballot box that parties have to prove themselves with performance; or risk being pounced on by opponents.
With blockades and containers around Lahore, and the decision to invoke Article 245, the government’s panicked response to the planned marches of the PTI and PAT is congruent with its disappointing tendency to overreact and create crises that it needs to learn to avoid.
Similarly, it is essential for Imran Khan to accept that his expectation of becoming the prime minister was not fulfilled by the majority of the people as demonstrated by ground realities which hit him hard in elections. Having broken the shifting political monopoly between the PPP and PML-N, PTI holds immense potential to be potent force of opposition in the parliament, assuming an attacking but constructive role augmenting the democratic plinth in Pakistan. But its present politics of fixation, immaturity and obstinacy are not only destructive for Pakistan’s nascent democracy but for PTI itself.
It needs to channel its potential and power as a formidable political force in Pakistan; as opposition, keeping the government with their socks pulled up all the time; and as the provincial government, focusing its strength and vision in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and practically presenting itself as a plausible alternative to other parties in Pakistan. PTI should focus on developing KPK as a model of its governance; it should compete with the PML-N government through governance, for the last thing Pakistan needs right now is destabilisation.
As Adnan Rasool mentions in his article in Dawn:
‘The way the system works is that the opposition, irrespective of how small it may be, asks the tough questions and projects an alternative ideology, instead of trying to leave the system because of being beaten in the elections. They need to make the government work hard for a reputation.’
Columnist Gul Bukhari raised a pertinent point on Twitter commenting that the Sharifs seem to have lost all interest in governance and adopted a singular programme of reacting to Imran Khan’s relentless pursuit of power.
Protesting is one of the most important constitutional rights. However attempts to topple a democratically-elected government and seeking to sink the system merely because your dominance is denied in it are no rights whatsoever.
The system in Pakistan has problems, Pakistan’s budding democracy has problems, but to set the stage for instability, destabilisation and the doctrine of necessity in the pursuit of personal political and party interests is never the solution.
Imran Khan’s bare demand of fresh elections coupled with his obstinacy project a sure stalemate. However, if the government displays political maturity and level-headedness in handling this delicate situation with cautious care and control; if the army stays at the battle front; if other political parties like PPP, JUI-F, JI, ANP and MQM recognise what is at risk and come together in interest of Pakistan and democracy; if better sense prevails, the situation may still be able to be salvaged.
Just last year, Pakistan witnessed the term-completion of a democratically-elected government for the first time in its history. And the elections were expected to augment this democratic tradition, however ensuing political attitudes inclined towards infighting seem to push Pakistan back into the 90s which was an era of intense tug-of-war, and we all know where that led to. All at the cost of democracy and Pakistan.
source : At the cost of Pakistan | Pakistan Today
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