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'India could revert to pre-1947 state'

what big big bullcrap are these reports your posting, pelase spare us will you? the police diffused two bombs and they were highly sophisticated cell phone triggerred blasts.

the other two bomb didnt went off as there was immediate network jam following first blast.

This sounds same as peoples brainwashed and thinks 9/11 is done by bush....

good amusement, indeed. keep it up.
the way the reports are presented speaks for itself.

Christians: A Faith Under Assault In Secular India
Can you define Secularism mr azkaban with respect to indian constitution?
 
India's Lower Castes

By Nishikant Waghmare

Mahatma Jotirao Phule, Social Reformer of India, stared the fight against castes exclusion in our education system . His book titled Slavery took the Marathi world by storm in 1873. It was Phule who told the Hunter Commission in 1882 that the British were collecting revenue from Shudras (Backwards) and Ati-Shudras (Dalits) to educate upper-caste Brahmins. This, he claimed, was atrocious and the remedy he suggested was universalisation of primary education. Later his disciple Dr. B.R.Ambedkar demanded equality of opportunity from the Simon Commission in 1928. It is from his memorandum one discovers that enrolment of lower castes in colleges was zero in 1882 and just one per cent in 1923-24. These facts have never been discussed in our mainstream discourses.

Government of India's decision to extend 27 per cent proposed quota to OBC (Other Backwards) in higher educational institutions. The attack by elites and the corporate sector against the proposed quotas for OBCs in the IITs, IIMs, and Central Universities, and reservation in the private sector for SCs and STs is deplorable though predictable. They condemn the proposals on the ground that quotas would jeopardize merit and efficiency, which are the two main planks of a globalize and competitive economy. It is distressing that the defenders of merit forget that they
are condemning nearly 80 per cent of the country's population as non-meritorious, inefficient and unworthy of occupying a due space in the overall structure of entitlements.

Note what M.K. Gandhi said about the Caste. And how shamelessly he defended it "Caste has nothing to do with religion. Varna and Ashrama are institutions which have nothing to do with caste. The law of Varna teaches us that we have each one of us to earn our bread by following the ancestral calling. It defines not our rights but our duties. The callings of a Brahmin- spiritual leader-and a scavenger are equal and their due performance carries equal merit before God and at one time seems to have carried identical reward before man. Both were entitled to their
livelihood..." The Harijan, July 2, 1936.

Occupation was the defining category that determined hierarchies in Manus's Varnaashrama. Manu assumed that economic and social orders complemented each other. Abraham Lincoln says; "As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy." Various philosophers, political scientists and writers have given numerous definitions of democracy. A relentless champion of human rights and staunch believer in democracy, Dr B.R. Ambedkar says, "Democracy is not a form of government, but a form of Social Organization."

Dr Ambedkar believed that in democracy revolutionary changes in the economic and social life of the people are brought about without bloodshed. The conditions for that are as follows: (1) there should not be glaring inequalities in society i.e. privilege for one class; (2) the existence of an opposition; (3) equality in law and administration: (4) observance of constitutional morality: (5) no tyranny of the majority: (6) moral order of society: (7) public conscience."

Addressing the Constituent Assembly, he suggested certain devices essential to maintain democracy: "(i) Constitutional methods (ii) not to lay liberties at the feet of a great man (iii) make political democracy a social democracy."

Empowering India "Bring into the mainstream all those kept out"? It involves the establishment of a social-political order in which no discrimination takes place on the basis of race, caste, creed or sex and where all citizens enjoy equal opportunities and at least an acceptable minimum quality of living.

Dr. Ambedkar is one of the most famous Indians of the last century. Father of the Indian Constitution and one of the greatest Indian intellectuals and political agitators, Dr. Ambedkar was born into an "Untouchable" Caste. After 2000 Years of Man's anti-human laws when India needed a new lawgiver, she turned to one who was born an "Untouchable". On October 14, 1956 in Nagpur, Central India, Dr. Ambedkar, along with half a million other Dalits, converted to Buddhism- Dr.Ambedkar's interpretation of Buddhism is a modern and humanistic one. Such is the intensity of he problem and the yearning for dignity.

Dr. Amertaya Sen Said, The real reason why the erstwhile "untouchables" or the poorest of the poor have the freedom to argue today is that the working of democracy - with all its inadequacies - has created a real shift in power to the deprived and dispossessed.

"I tell you, religion is for man and not man for religion. If you want to organize, consolidate and be successful in this world, change this religion, […] The religion that does not teach its followers to show humanity in dealing with its o-religionists is nothing but a display of a force. The religion that teaches its followers to suffer the touch of animals but not the touch of human beings is not a religion but a mockery. The religion that compels the ignorant to be ignorant and the poor to be poor is not a religion but a visitation!"----Dr. B.R Ambedkar. Today's UPA government got 80 Secretary's Post in New Delhi one SC and one ST holding a post as Secretary of Union Government, as per my reading goes in last 59 years not even 10 IAS officers being appointed to Secretary post in Union Government or Chief Secy. in State? In politics though 22% MLAs and MPs are from our lot, portfolios like Home, Finance, Industry, Commerce, Power, Revenue, Commercial taxes, excise, transport, irrigation, and H.R.D. and Communication are still the privilege of the Upper Castes. What we can achieve?

My fear is that when the State, the Central Government and the PSUs in the country could not achieve even 22% reservation in the last 59 years, how would affirmative action help? I wish to inform you that it is urgent need to revamp the administrative reforms and most of the government agencies in the county. "Reservations per se are not the Solution. The focus should be on high-quality education for all."

An empowered India bereft of the respect for women, values of civilised existence and morality will collapse in the face of the disaffection and discontent of those who have suffered for centuries. Day in and day out we take pride in claiming that India has a 5000-year-old civilization. But the way the Dalits and those suppressed are being treated by the people who wield power and authority speaks volumes for the degradation of our moral structure and civilized standards.

Education is a change agent. What kind of change and progress can we anticipate if the education system is burdened with stereotype of the inherited merit of the few? How do we expect Universities to flourish and compete so long as we keep them as islands of caste prejudices and vanities?

The only substitute to quota and reservation is to create a more egalitarian social order guaranteeing equal opportunities to all and, simultaneously, to fight against all sources of inequality, exclusion and discrimination.

The writer is a Government Officer, Views expressed are personal. Nishikant Waghmare can be contacted at nishinirvana@yahoo.com

http://www.countercurrents.org/waghmare030607.htm
 
What Really Happened At Mecca Masjid :A Fact Finding Report

Report of the fact finding committee on the bomb blast at Mecca Masjid and subsequent police firing A fact finding committee was constituted by the organizations mentioned at the end of this report to collect facts about the bomb blast at Mecca Masjid on 18-05-2007 at Hyderabad and the subsequent police firing.

The committee visited the Mecca Masjid on 20-05-2007, enquired with the eye witnesses to the occurrence in Masjid and later with the injured at Owaisi Hospital and arrived at the following conclusions.

The committee strongly condemns the heinous act of bomb blasting at Mecca Masjid killing 5 and injuring about 35 people.

The committee equally condemns the police firing on innocent people killing 9 and injuring several others with out any provocation.

The committee is of the opinion that the bomb blast at Mecca Masjid while the Friday prayers were going on was aimed at only to terrorize Muslim people and to shatter their confidence.

The committee also feels that the police firing was also aimed at terrorizing Muslim people and to crush even a small attempt of agitation from the Muslims.

The police firing was done at a place which is about 200 meters from the Masjid which show that the police were aiming at people who were proceeding towards Masjid or going away from the Masjid.

According to the version of the injured in the police firing, the firing was aimed at people which have no concern to the incident. One was fired at while he was proceeding towards his house by that side and another 17 year old boy was fired at when he was going in to the Asra hospital to donate his blood for one of his relative. Yet another was fired at when he was trying to lift a fallen man of the bullet injuries. These are classic examples of how the police fired indiscriminately. According to police version which appeared in the press that they fired at the mob which was about to attack a petrol pump and a wine shop. In fact there were no signs of any attack. The petrol pump was closed on 3 sides and opened to road on one side which is well guarded. If the shutters of the wine shop were down it will be easily protected. It is ridiculous for the police to claim that they were to kill 9 people and injure about 25 people in order to save a petrol pump and a wine shop. It appears that the police value property more that human lives.

More condemnable than the above incident is the police opening fire into the Masjid putting the rifle on the iron rails of the Masjid from the road side. An eye witness to this ghastly behavior of police is none else than Mr. Mohd Ghouse a former cooperator from that area. When the people trying to rush out after the blast the police aimed at firing at such terror stricken people. The manner in which the police opened fire, one aiming inside the Masjid and the other firing indiscriminately from a place away from the Masjid show that the police also aiming at terrorizing Muslims.

The police firing started after about an hour of the blast. People must have been by that time agitated and anxious to know about the condition of their relatives who have gone to offer namaz. The police did not warn them. Even if the mob has become uncontrolled, the police should have used rubber bullets. All the injuries are from bullets only. There are no traces of any injury of a rubber bullet, which shows that the police simply fired at the mob. Till to date there is no evidence of who gave the permission to open fire.

The government till date is not in a position to give the exact number of deaths due to bomb blast and police firing. According to information gathered by the committee the deaths due to police firing are more than the deaths due to bomb blast. This fact alone speaks volumes.

According to version given by the police the bomb blast is of the handiwork of two Islamic organizations which operate from outside India. In fact the police has released a Muslim name who is said to be the master mind of the blast. According to facts reveled by a medical officer of Asra Hospital who treated the injured, some nails, door hinges, and briefcase handle were removed from the bodies of the injured. This establishes that the bomb used in the blast was a crude one made with indigenous technology. The injuries received during the blast and the foreign objects recovered from the bodies of the injured do not establish any connection with either RDX or TNT. The naming of the two Islamic organizations as responsible for the blast with out any acceptable clue reveal the mind of the investigating agency either to mislead the public or to divert their attention. By identifying the probable accused and the organizations with out any preliminary evidence show the attempts of the police to close all other areas of suspicion. The investigating agency can only come up with the names of the organizations which are responsible for the blast only after eliminating all other organizations which can be suspected in such nature of crimes.

The committee feels that both the bomb blast and the subsequent police firing are aimed at terrorizing Muslims and trampling minimum agitation from that side.

The state government should take the responsibility for the whole incident. Even after the warnings by the central government about the possible terrorist attacks in states including Andhra Pradesh, the police did not take any necessary precautions to guard sensitive places like places of worship. It seams there will be regular check up at Mecca Masjid especially on Fridays by the concerned police. Surprisingly there was no regular check up on that Friday. Sufficient force was also not deployed when about 10,000 people gathered at the time of namaz. It is unfortunate to know that the government is appreciating the police for controlling the situation instead of taking action against the police who are responsible either for the lapse regarding arrangements at the Masjid or for indiscriminate killing people with out any provocation.

This is the first time in the history of Hyderabad city or the for the matter of India where a bomb was blast when thousands of people were offering prayers in a mosque. It is a very serious matter and of concern for all to know the persons responsible for it. No investigating agency can simply wash off its hands by naming terrorist organization. When such incidents are likely to happen again, it is the duty of the investigating agency to clear of all possible suspicions and arrive at a definite conclusion. Even after lapse of 4 days no such traces are evident in the investigation. It is surprising to know that one more cell phone was recovered on 20-05-2007 from the pound. In such incidents there shall be no left up from any side.

The committee makes the following Demands.

1. The committee holds the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh morally responsible for the bomb blast and administratively responsible for the police firing. Hence the committee demands the resignation of the chief minister.

2. In addition to the indiscriminate firing by the police there were innumerable lapses from the police side to protect the lives of innocent people. No responsible police officer is forth coming owning the responsibility for the police firing. Hence the committee demands the immediate suspension of the Director General of Police and other high officers who have immediately trooped at the place of incident and responsible for the firing. Prosecution shall be launched against those police men who opened fire at innocent people either killing them or causing injuries.

3. The investigation shall be immediately handed over to CBI.

The Organizations who participated in the fact finding:

Bojja Tharakam (State President Republican Party Of India)
Lateef Mohd Khan G.secreatery.Civil Liberties Monitoring committee
Varvara Rao VERASAM
D. Suresh Kumar Secretary. APCLC
Prabahakar PKM
Abhinova. KNPS
Radha APCMS
Mujahid Hashmi AMA
Leo Augastine
E.Gri yaduvo Praja party

Received from
Lateef Mohd Khan, G.Secretary CLMCI
Civil Liberties Monitoring Committee, India
Amberpet, Hyderabad, A.P - 500013 India, Tel: +91-9391051586 Fax: 91-40-27403392,
Email: clmci@hotmail.com

http://www.countercurrents.org/mecca230507.htm
 
India sponsors terror

Ramananda Sengupta in Islamabad | January 06, 2004

The signing of the additional protocol on terrorism at the 12th SAARC summit in Islamabad is likely to put pressure on "Indian-sponsored" terrorism in at least three SAARC nations, according to a report in the Daily Mail, a Pakistani newspaper, on January 5."Nepal King's [Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev] murder goes to RAW's [Research and Analysis Wing] credit..." said the "special report" from the paper's "investigation cell".

According to the article, "a western intelligence agency has provided Kathmandu with reasonable undeniable evidences of Indian hand in the murder of Nepalese King Birendra along with other members of the royal family by Nepalese Crown Prince Dipendra."Though this royal massacre was attributed to the prince's love affair, it had a great conspiracy behind it as the said western intelligence officials had provided Kathmandu with solid reports [of the] prince being cultivated by RAW for years.

"The intelligence reports in this direction suggest that King Birendra was murdered when he was to announce a major decision about RAW's operational freedom in Nepal and planned to cut down RAW activities in his country, which had virtually become second RAW home by then.

"Besides, Nepalese government also have sufficient and concrete evidences of comprehensive Indian support to Maoist separatists and very strongly believe that Maoist rebels were getting military training arms supplies and finances from India."

It also claimed that underworld don Chhota Rajan is an Inter-Services Intelligence agent who has been advised to lie low after the assassination attempt on him in Bangkok.The Thai government's offer to deport Rajan to India was met with a lukewarm response from New Delhi, and he was finally extradited to Vietnam at India's behest, the paper said.
It said Sri Lankan military officials "believe on the basis of substantive evidences and some undeniable proofs that Delhi is still sponsoring, financing and arming" Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam terrorists.

The report appeared the day Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf met for the first time since the aborted Agra summit in July 2001.
"Detailed discussions were held, and the meeting was held in a good atmosphere," Pakistan's Information Minister Sheikh Rashid said.

While both Indian and Pakistani officials remained tight-lipped over what precisely was discussed, External Affairs Minister Yashwant Sinha said, "Both leaders welcomed the recent steps towards normalisation of relations between the two countries and expressed the hope that the process will continue.

"The fact that the prime minister came to Islamabad to attend the SAARC summit, the fact that the prime minister met President Musharraf, that I have met my counterpart and the foreign secretaries have met, is progress. Please look at it that way, I do not think there is any other way to describe it."

In an indication that the two sides had rehearsed and coordinated their version of the meeting, Pakistan foreign office spokesman Masood Khan told journalists: "The two leaders discussed the positive impact of the recent confidence-building measures and hope that their momentum would be maintained. I want to make clear that I have not revealed the content of their discussions, only the context in which they were held."But unofficially, Pakistani officials said while Pakistan had brought up the issue of Kashmir, India had brought up terrorism.

Earlier in the day, Vajpayee told journalists after laying a foundation stone of an extension to the Indian high commission in Islamabad: "The two sides have to realise each other's problems and we have to find a way out together... Good relations with Pakistan are a big responsibility. New questions have come up and new answers are being sought." But reports like the one in the Daily Mail indicate that not everyone is happy with the thaw in relations. Pakistani journalists repeatedly grilled the foreign ministry spokesman on what Pakistan had received in return for the concessions made by Musharraf, including the ceasefire on the border.

"Doesn't anyone want to ask anything about SAARC?" was Masood's plaintive query at the press conference, where he was bombarded with questions on what transpired at the Musharraf-Vajpayee meeting.

But while many Pakistani journalists concurred with the Daily Mail's claims that India was sponsoring terror in SAARC states and the recent additional protocol, which attempts to check financing of terrorism, would give member states a handle to take on India, others dismissed it as preposterous.

"India has seized the advantage," said a senior columnist who declined to be named. The impression in Pakistan was that Musharraf was giving away too much, too soon, he added. "But such reports only vitiate the atmosphere, which has finally started showing an improvement in many, many years."
 
India's voracious appetite for arms

by Siddharth Srivastava

News reports this week that India was Israel's biggest arms purchaser in 2006 have once again brought into focus the South Asian country's growing defence requirements.

According to observers, India is expected to make purchases of more than US$10 billion every year over the next decade. Indian Defence Ministry estimates for the 11th Plan show that the country will spend more than $30 billion importing weapons during 2007-12.

'India was Israel's biggest customer, with purchases reaching US$1.5 billion' in 2006, Major-General Yossi Ben-Hanan, the head of Sibat, the Foreign Defence Assistance and Defence Export Department, has been quoted telling reporters in Jerusalem this week. Israel sold $1 billion worth of defence equipment to the US in the same period.

Israel's sales to India include the Barak naval anti-missile defence system, valued at $450 million, Hanan said, adding that Israel was not too concerned about the possibility of US entry into the Indian defence procurement market.

'America sells fighter jets, tanks and helicopters and we do not compete with them,' Hanan said. For Israel, missiles and anti-missile systems remain the priority area.

New Delhi has also concluded a $220 million deal with Israel for the supply of 50 Heron drones to the army. Indian Air Force personnel are being trained to operate the Air Early Warning and Control (AWAC) aircraft, of which three are to be delivered soon.

Military aviation is a big area for investment, with the Indian armed forces looking to seal deals for more than 500 aircraft, helicopters and unmanned aerial vehicles over the next few years.

A senior official of the US Aerospace Industries Association (AIA), the main lobby group for the US aerospace industry, has recently identified a number of needs in India's aerospace and defence sectors, including multi-role combat fighters, attack helicopters, radars and missiles.

According to Mark Esper, the vice president of the AIA, who recently led a high-powered US delegation to India, there is a tremendous opportunity for US companies to build alliances with aerospace suppliers in India.

The US entourage comprised representatives from 13 US aerospace suppliers and several main contractors, including United Technologies, Boeing and Lockheed Martin.

Since the visit, the the AIA has said in a survey that more than 86% of US civil and military aerospace contractors, including Boeing and Lockheed Martin, are planning to form joint ventures with Indian aerospace companies this year.

It is estimated that Indian purchases in the aerospace field will be well over $10 billion in the near future. Companies ranging from Boeing, Lockheed Martin and BAE Systems to Sukhoi, Embraer, Bombardier and SAAB have booked their space for Aero-India 2007, the international aerospace and defence exhibition to be held in Bangalore next month.

The biggest deal will be the purchase of 126 multi-role fighters for the Indian Air Force at a cost of more than $6.5 billion, which some say will rise to $10 billion. The aircraft contending for this contract are the Russian MiG-35, French Rafale, Swedish JAS-39 Gripen, Eurofighter Typhoon and the US F/A-18 Super Hornet and F-16 Falcon.

The air force is procuring 40 Sukhoi multi-role jets from Russia as a stopgap measure to fill in for the rapid depletion of its combat fleet. India is also seeking to hasten the purchase of 40 second-hand French Mirage-2000 jets, 80 Russian Mi-17 helicopters and six new midair refuelers.

The army is hoping that its $2 billion long-term artillery-modernization project for the progressive induction of towed and self-propelled 155-millimeter 52-caliber guns will take off this year.

In the recent past, India has widened its weapon-supplier base, purchasing the Phalcon early-warning defence system aircraft from Israel in 2004 for $1.1 billion, and a slew of items from France in 2005, including six Scorpene diesel attack submarines for $3.5 billion.

New Delhi has cleared defence procurements worth an estimated $1.5 billion from its public defence enterprises. Nearly $1 billion comprises 20 Jaguar ground-attack jets and an equal number of Tejas light combat aircraft for the air force from the state-run Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd.

Last year, the head of European aerospace giant EADS said on a visit to India: 'India is becoming a major player in the aeronautics India's voracious appetite for arms industry and is a high-priority country for EADS, because it offers market potential and solid competence in aerospace and defence.' EADS has announced that it will invest up to $2.5 billion over 15 years in high-tech research and production sites.

Israel has overtaken France, the United Kingdom, Sweden and other countries to become the second-largest defence supplier to India, with the value of arms transfers working out close to $1 billion each year for the period 2002-05, with 2006 a new high.

Russia has managed to retain its position as India's top defence partner, notching up more than $1.5 billion every year because of the deeply entrenched relations between the two countries that hark back to the 1960s. However, its position is under severe threat.

The US is another challenger (after the easing of sanctions) to lead pitched government boardroom battles in India.

Given Washington's extraordinary decision to allow India to acquire nuclear-energy technology on the international market (estimated to be worth more than $100 billion), the Pentagon expects the country to purchase as much as $5 billion worth of conventional military equipment.

Currently, US defence exports to India are at a low $300 million range. Washington will want these figures to improve substantially.

India and the US inked a 10-year defence agreement in June 2005 –– the New Framework for the US-India Defence Relationship –– signed by then defence ministers Pranab Mukherjee and Donald Rumsfeld.

The agreement is vast in scope and envisages a broad range of joint activities, including multinational operations, strengthening the two militaries to promote security and defeat terrorism, and deepening capacity to cope with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
Last year's US Congressional Research Service report, 'Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations', says India bought more weapon systems than any other country in the developing world in 2005, just as it did in 2004. India signed arms deals worth almost double the value of those signed by China in 2005.

The value of arms-transfer agreements inked by India in 2005 stood at $5.4 billion (it was $5.7 billion in 2004). Saudi Arabia was second with $3.4 billion ($2.9 billion in 2004), while China ranked third ($2.8 billion in 2005 against $2.2 billion in 2004). Pakistan came sixth ($1.7 billion in 2005).

According to the report, India has also been the largest arms purchaser in the developing world for the period from 1998 to 2005, sealing deals worth $20.7 billion.

At the same time, India continues to spend a little less than 2.5% of its gross domestic product (GDP) on defence, despite the armed forces regularly demanding that the figure be raised to at least 3%. In contrast, the figures for Pakistan and China hover around 4.5% of their GDPs.

http://civillibertarian.blogspot.com/2007/01/indias-voracious-appetite-for-arms.html
 
LTTE was created by India

By Sunil Jayasiri

Two former commanders of the Army and Air Force last week came down hard on India over comments made by the Indian National Security Adviser that Sri Lanka should not seek weapons from Pakistan or China.

Former Army Chief Hamilton Wanasinghe said India should not tell Sri Lanka from where it should purchase military hardware or not. It is Sri Lanka's choice, so the request is 'unfair'," General Wanasinghe who commanded the Army from 1988 to 1991 told the Daily Mirror.

Praising Pakistan and China for their continued support to Sri Lanka, the former Army Chief also said we had to depend on Pakistan and China at critical points of time in the past. "We can't antagonize those two countries, as they were there when we needed them." Accusing neighbouring India of creating Sri Lanka's conflict, the former Army Commander said India was partly responsible for creating the problem for us. "The LTTE was created by India. That's the truth."

Meanwhile, former Air Force Chief Air Vice Marshal Harry Gunatilake said Sri Lanka had the freedom to go to any country to purchase weapons.

http://nation.ittefaq.com /artman/publish/article_36720 .shtml
 
India bullies small Sri Lanka and cringes before giant China

H. L. D. Mahindapala

The statement made by A. K. Narayanan, India’s National Security Advisor, on Thursday (May 31) warning Sri Lanka not to go to Pakistan or China to seek weapons smack of India resuming its hegemonistic stance in bullying a small nation essentially to keep the weak Congress Party in power.

This statement was issued after Narayanan met Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi who props up the Manmohan Singh’s Coalition government with his DMK votes in Delhi.

Narayanan told the media: “We are a big power in the region. We don’t want the Sri Lankan government to go to Pakistan or China.

Whatever may be their requirement, the Sri Lankan government should come to us.” Obviously, the statement was made to keep Karunanidhi’s votes safely in Manmohan Singh’s pocket.

If India claims to be a big power then there are responsibilities that go with the big power status. One of them is not behave like a brutal street criminal tormenting and intimidating a little boy in the neighbourhood. Not surprisingly, India, like all big bullies, backs off deferentially, bending into two, when confronted by giants like China. India is still licking the wounds it got from the 1962 border war with China. To this day China relentlessly pursues claims to Indian territory. Despite all its friendly talks and joint military operations in the offing China still is in possession of 2000 sq km of Arunachai Pradesh in the north-east of India.

This week MPs from this state Arunachai Pradesh blasted India for virtually surrendering territory to China. Arunachai MP Kiren Rijju told the media: “India must show the guts to give a befitting reply to China on the issue of Arunachai.” He added: “The (Indian) Government appears to be committing the mistake which Nehru did then (1962 war with China) by surrendering a major chunk of Indian territory to China.”

So what kind of a big power is India? It crawls on its belly before China and poses as the almighty “big power” to small Sri Lanka. The Indians are surrendering vast expanses of its land to China and tells Sri Lanka not to go to China to buy goods. Statements like this by Indian leaders bring shame on all Indians. It makes all Indians look like mentally retarded drongos.

On top of all this Narayanan states: “India will not provide weapons with offensive capabilities to Sri Lanka”. It had no qualms in providing massive “offensive capabilities” (including arms, training and finance) to the Tamil terrorists. After arming the terrorists now it is refusing to let the democratically elected government of Sri Lanka buy arms to solve the problem created by India. Not only are the Indian panjandrums not letting Sri Lanka buy arms from elsewhere it is also refusing to sell Indian arms to Sri Lanka.

In other words, India is telling Sri Lanka to toe the Indian line. It is this imperious attitude that makes the Indian look like the despicable marauder of SAARC politics. SAARC region is stagnating because India had destabilized the region for its own gain. Besides, the tone and the import of Narayanan are bound to provoke Sri Lankans and affect Indo-Lanka relations, just at the time Sri Lanka thought that India had a benign role to play in solving its problems in Sri Lanka. It will bring India’s image down to that of a savage gorilla disemboweling a baby in the cot. If India expects gratitude from Sri Lanka after this the Indians should think again, if it has the brains.

India was severely mauled when it tried to dictate terms last time with the Indian High Commissioner Dixit acting as the imperious Viceroy in Colombo. Sri Lankans took it lying down for some time but gave it back with interest to the Indians who came with the fourth largest army in the world. Once again it looks as if Indian idiocy knows no limits. India should know by now that imperialism, particularly of the Indian kind, has only a short span of life. No self-respecting nation is going to tolerate such arrogant bullying displayed by insensitive Indian imbeciles who should be paid only for collecting the droppings of dodos in Jurassic Park and not for advising the prime minister in Delhi.

India’s attempt to humiliate Sri Lanka lends no credit to its status as a big power in the region. Is it for this that the Sri Lankans are asked to pay pooja to India? Isn’t it time that all the states surrounding India, and have suffered at the hands of India, formed a new alliance leaving India out? A joint force off all the states surrounding India will not make India that big as she imagines it to be. It might even tempt some Indian states to break away from India and join the new anti-Indian alliance.

This was unthinkable in the heady days when India gave moral leadership to the emerging nations of the region. Their collective political ideals were enunciated in noble terms of Panchaseela wrapped in Gandhi-Nehruvian phrases. But the Gandhi-Nehruvian doctrines have given way to a new set of imperialist masters whose brains have been addled by drinking too much cow urine. Of all the known leaders in history only the Indian leaders (not the good Indian people) believe that cow urine is good for their brawn and brains. No wonder their talk now smells like the grass that comes out at the other end of cow.

http://www.asiantribune.com/index.php?q=node/5976
 
Book Review - ' The India Doctrine'

by Isha Khan
bdmailer@gmail.com

Adorned in a saffron red jacket and embellished with a detailed map of South Asia the concept of an India Doctrine has been introduced to the readers in Bangladesh recently. The book 'The India Doctrine' has been published by the Bangladesh Research Forum and edited by Barrister M.B.I. Munshi and is priced at Tk. 300. Munshi's contribution to the book constitutes the largest section with several other writers from Bangladesh , Nepal and Sri Lanka providing some useful and informative chapters.

The book comes complete with a foreword written by esteemed scholar, Professor Ataur Rahman of Dhaka University who sets the theme of the book. We are reminded by Prof. Rahman that while India might have its own rationale for framing its regional policy compatible with its national interests, the fact remains that constant apprehensions, mistrust and tensions between India and the smaller neighbors including Bangladesh had its negative effects on any meaningful cooperation and security in the region.

This introduction neatly moves us into the chapters written by Munshi which are a series of discussions that covers the relations between India and East Pakistan/Bangladesh from 1947 to the present. It attempts a historical and geo-strategic appraisal of relations between the two countries but also offers a more wide ranging analysis involving the Indian external intelligence operations in Bangladesh and outside. The central idea of the chapters when taken as a whole appears to be that the India Doctrine as implemented by successive administrations in India is not limited to simply harming the economic interests of its neighbours but also has a historical and intellectual underpinning that comes from the thoughts and writings of Jawaharlal Nehru and Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar amongst others. The idea of a United India (or an 'Akhand Bharat') according to the author is still a goal of Indian policy making in South Asia .

Prof. Rahman is forced in his foreword to contend that this thesis may seem implausible and 'far-fetched' but also points out that Munshi supplements his ideas with an exhaustive and elaborate set of references and notes to back up his argument. However, a defect in this intricate framework of references is that the chapters lack a bibliography which would have made it easier to verify the arguments advanced by the author. The chapters also seems to be hampered by the fact that they were written originally as a 3 part article and the author clearly has had some difficulty in framing his arguments within this constriction. However, as we all know Francis Fukuyama and Samuel Huntington both started their seminal works in a similar manner with articles in prominent journals before they were rendered into book form and this does not seem to have affected the stream of their discussion and thoughts.

As this may be, the principle cause of disquiet will certainly be Munshi's interpretation of significant historical events and his commentary on the motivations of characters such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ayub Khan who are all now long dead. I was certainly surprised by some of his findings but it was difficult to find fault here as most of his views are backed-up with thorough research and investigation. His chapters on the 1971 war and the insurgency in the CHT are probably the most tantalizing in terms of historical data and comparisons.

Some of Munshi's arguments are further buttressed by a short chapter by Khodeza Begum who makes reference to events that occurred during the 1990's related to clandestine meetings held in Dhaka concerning the reunification of the subcontinent. In her chapter, there is an extensive discussion on the policies being pursued by the Indian government that according to her is detrimental to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bangladesh. She analyses the concept of a United Bengal that has featured in some of the Indian political literature in recent years. She has also summarized the tactics and strategies adopted by the Indian government and its intelligence agency to undermine the unity of Bangladesh and to inculcate the population of the country with a perspective adverse to the nations integrity.

Although solidly written there is a problem with the length of the chapter as well as the dated materials used by the author. A more contemporary approach may have served better but the evidence seems irrefutable and the author should update her research before a second edition is considered.

In a sudden change of location Brig. Gen. M. Sakhawat Hossain inexplicably takes us all the way to the Indian Ocean and the emerging strategic scenarios being played out in the area. One may legitimately question the relevance to the overall context and theme of the book but the author makes this abundantly clear when he remarks that rivalries in the South Asian region are primarily based on events in 1971 and India's intent on dominating the region has had to appreciate the ground realities that this cannot be achieved alone. Hossain expertly explains the intricate alliances being forged in the region and the importance of the Indian Ocean in the strategic thinking of India , China , the USA and Pakistan . His comments on the North-East insurgency and the recent uprising in Nepal are highly commendable and very insightful especially in the latter case where he had visited prior to writing the chapter.

Following the chapters by the Bangladeshi authors mentioned above come the section written by the Nepali writers. In the case of Madan Prasad Khanal, Nishchal Basnyat and Sanjay Upadhya their contributions to the book are highly articulate, elegant and almost near impeccable. Each author discusses differing aspects of Indian interference and intervention in Nepali internal affairs and in some cases provides possible solutions to these problems. But with a clear conception of the implications of Indian domination on Nepal Dr. Shastra Dutta Pant appeared a little confused in his expressions.

The final chapters of the book are by two Sri Lankan writers Dr Rohan Gunaratna and Arbinda Acharya. Both writers collaborated to produce a single chapter on the Sri Lankan attitude to Indian interference or as the authors themselves put it, "India's involvement in Sri Lankan ethnic imbroglio has been one of the most controversial, ironic as well as tragic aspects of New Delhi's foreign policy." While concentrating on the Sri Lankan situation the writers also manage to draw in examples from Bangladesh, Pakistan , Nepal and Bhutan to back up their case on Indian aspirations in South Asia . Of significance is the Indian involvement in the protracted and apparently insoluble conflict with the Tamils. The chapter also involves a geostrategic appraisal of Sri Lanka and its growing relationship with China and Pakistan . It is unfortunate therefore that the authors were not as forceful about Indian interventions in Sri Lanka especially during the time of the premiership of Rajiv Gandhi. The chapter seems somewhat apologetic about Indian intervention rather than condemnatory which would have been an appropriate response from Sri Lankan nationals.

The India Doctrine
Edited by MBI Munshi ( mbimunshi@gmail.com )
Published by Bangladesh Research Forum
Dhaka July 2006
Pages: 288
 
Political Hindutva : The Countdown Has Begun?

By Subhash Gatade

(...A report prepared by one of the national secretaries of the BJP Mr Prabhat Jha analysing the election results to UP, ( Bhaskar, 12 June 2007) provide enough proof of the pathetic situation in which the party itself finds today. This report would be presented before the national executive meeting of the BJP to be held in last week of June and much fireworks are expected there...)

Media personnel bearing sympathy with the Hindutva cause - who are in decisive positions at various levels - have an uncanny ability of deflecting the attention of the public from the pathetic situation in which the Sangh Parivar finds itself today - morally as well as organisationally.

May it be the Parivar's sermonising on Character building going tatters a la the Babubhai Kataras or the Bangaru Laxmans or the Dileep Judeos, or the Party with a difference tag becoming a joke of the decade or the 'disciplined' infighting at various levels becoming a public spectacle, these pen/bytepushers make feverish attempts to maintain the aura intact.

Of course there are moments when it is next to impossible for them to push the real issues under the carpet or present a rosy picture of the disorientation in which the parent formation and its affiliated organisation find themselves today. Interestingly recent results to byelections in different states or assembly elections to UP and Goa have helped brought the issue to the fore. And the world at large is finding that the countdown has finally begun for Political Hindutva - the ideology of hatred and exclusion formulated by the Savarkars and Golwalkars.

A report prepared by one of the national secretaries of the BJP Mr Prabhat Jha analysing the election results to UP, ( Bhaskar, 12 June 2007) provides enough proof of the pathetic situation in which the party itself finds today. This report would be presented before the national executive meeting of the BJP to be held in last week of June and much fireworks are expected there.

The 56 page report, whose copies have been sent to the senior leaders of the party, at its own level, tries to undermine the gravity of the situation. It tells us that the party lost elections to 17 seats merely by a margin of 2,000 plus votes. But figures presented in the report themselves reveal that it received five percent or less votes in 40 seats. There have been six seats where it got less than 2 per cent votes.Out of 89 reserved constituencies, its candidates won merely on 7 seats. But the parties most pathetic performance has been visible on 81 seats where it stood fourth or fifth. Of course on four seats it went down to sixth or seventh number. If one compares its present performance to the last elections held in 2002 where its candidates were either in the number one or number two positions in 297 segments, when it had gained only 88 seats, its downward march becomes more blatant.

Interestingly an important point which did not receive the attention it deserved as far as the UP debacle was concerned pertained to the role of Modi, the man in waiting for the top post in BJP.It is worth noting that Narendra Modi addressed 17 meetings in UP, and most of the elections were lost by BJP. Also these elections were held under the direct supervision of the RSS as the parent organisation had felt that political formation at times takes a sloppy attitude towards Hindutva - the raison detre of the Parivar. Many of the RSS Pracharaks were sent to the state to streamline the party at district level also. The intervention of the RSS in the whole campaign was evident also from the way in which a incalcitrant looking Yogi Adityanath was tamed in or how the fiery Sanyasin Uma Bharati was asked to withdraw her candidates from the fray supposedly to 'save Hindu Unity'. It is clear that all the feverish efforts could not fetch any extra seats and the BJP had to remain satisfied with half the number of seats only which it held earlier. ( 93 to 50).

Of course the lack of transparency with which the Sangh Parivar functions also became clear once the results were out. Despite the fact that Sangh had supervised the elections and helped BJP to finetune its strategy for polarising the voters on communal lines, the RSS mouthpiece did not lose a minute in blaming the state BJP itself for its poor performance for not being 'Hindutva' enough during the campaigning. It also added a 'pearl of wisdom' to its analysis by claiming that Mayawati's victory is essentially a victory of their ideology only. One was reminded of the famous Aesop's fables which tells us of a dog walking under the bullockcart and thinking that it is he who is carrying the load.

Of course analysis of the UP debacle would not be the only worrying thing which the BJP leadership would be addressing in its national executive meeting. UP fiasco- where all the top bosses of the BJP and their near and dear ones had to bite the dust and the home district of the party president Rajnath Singh could not even return a single BJP candidate to the assembly - has been followed by defeat in Goa where despite strong anti-incumbency trends much in the air, the BJP faced second consecutive defeat.

It was for everyone to see that the Hindutva brigade had pulled all stops there to come to power. As it is clear from the results BJP will have to continue to seat in the opposition with reduced number of seats (14) than its earlier tally which it had won in the last elections(17). The desperation with which BJP had tried to wrest power from the ruling coalition can be gauged from the fact that it had stayed out of 7 constituencies to allow rebels of the Congress to have a free run against the Congress. Apart from forging alliance with all sorts of dubious people, it had also tried to act smart by trying to sell the ‘clean image’ of the ex Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar. But the most disturbing acts which the Hindutva brigade organizations had engaged in pertained to their attempts to polarize Goan society on communal lines.

It was in the first week of April that news of vandalisation of two temples in an area which are five kilometers away from each other and the planned mobilization of people people belonging to particular community who came out on streets immediately to protest the incident had sent shivers down the spine of the police. The alleged desecration of temples at Cuchorem-Cacora near Panaji and the police suspecting role of miscreants out to create communal tension had even rekindled memories of the March 2006 communal riots in Savordem and Curchorem. It is now history how rightwing organisations especially the BJP had incited trouble in the area then after demolishing a structure which housed a mosque and a madarsa. Fact finding reports on the violence had even specifically named a BJP leader and a candidate for the Assembly elections for instigating the violence. (Ref :’ Goa :Communal Tinderbox Waiting to Explode’ ( www.countercurrents.org 10 april 2007)
But not content with this planned vandalisation of temples the mischievous elements belonging to the Hindutva brigade had tried to foment communal tension in Marmgoa after the alleged harassment of a hindu girl by two youth belonging to minority community. (May 2007)They had tried to terrorise the minority community in and around Marmgoa continuously for two consecutive days and the local administration had turned a blind eye towards their activities.

Apart from the drubbing it received in UP as well as Goa the BJP has come a cropper in two hotly contested byelections which were held in states where it is part of the ruling arrangement namely Karnataka and M.P. As has been rightly noted by analysts the defeat of the BJP candidate in Ullal (Dakshin Kannada) by a comfortable margin of 8,000 votes, in the recently held byelections to the Karnataka assembly has definitely added to the worries of the coalition which is ruling the state since more than one year. Coming after the defeat faced by the coalition in the Chamundeshwari byelection, this second consecutive defeat has definitely impacted the morale of the coalition partners namely BJP and Janata Das(S).

While the Janata Das (S) has tried to save its face by saying that a sympathy factor helped Mr Khader of the Congress win the elections, the state leadership of the BJP has tried to wriggle itself of the situation by saying that the Congress tried to create fear about the BJP in the minds of Muslims ( who incidentally comprise 52 percent of the population).

It is a different matter that the BJP wanted to conveniently forget the manner in which it tried to foment communal trouble with due help from the local administration and a partisan state ministry. All its attempts to terrorise the minorities by giving free reign to the affiliated organizations of the Sangh Parivar had received condemnation from different quarters of the media. Commenting on the byelection result an editorial in the Deccan Herald ( June 6, 2007) under the heading ‘Vote for Secularism’ rightly underlined:
“Ullal byelections held in the backdrop of communal riots which rocked the district for nearly 2 months recently. The local BJP leaders, including a minister, allegedly had a hand in fuelling the trouble. The people of both communities especially minorities suffered a great deal but police remained passive spectators.Mr. Kumarswamy did not even show the courtesy of visiting the riot hit areas and home minister M.P. Prakash showed reluctance to act against police officials who has failed to function properly”

While experiments in hardline hindutva seems to have come to a naught in this keenly fought elections in the Southern State, the way the BJP lost its bastion Shivpuri (M.P.) in the recent byelections to assembly must have set alarmbells further ringing in the party. This despite the fact that the Hindutva brigade is moving in this state in a planned manner to consolidate its base and further marginalise the minorities. It need be told that there have been more than 117 communal flareups since BJP came to power in the state. Many districts witnessed riot or riot like situation for the first time in post-independence history. And the modus operandi is similar : free play to the lumpens of the Hindutva brigade and a saffronised administration turning a blind eye towards all such acts.

UP, Goa, Karnataka and M.P. - states where the political environment and ethos cannot be said to be similar - all are underlining a single feature vis-a-vis the future prospects of the BJP are concerned. With progress of time India of the 21 st century would have less and less space for formation(s) based on exclusiveness and hatred. All such formations would be faced with the same predicament : shrinking base and a disoriented cadre which would engage in sporadic looking violence from time to time to keep its flock in check.

Vijay Singhvi ( The Tribune, 13 June 2007) in his OP-ED piece BJP's Shrinking Base observes :

'Young minds in India have changed their aspirations, ambitions, their idioms and their way of thinking about life and the future. The modern mind is not taken in by the BJP’s now already stale mantra of minorityism, pseudo-secularism and the national security state. The global economic movement has demolished the state boundaries into an unrecognisable shambles, that has in turn affected the definitions and understanding of patriotic fervours on which the Sangh Parivar has built its entire edifice of the Hindu Rashtra.'

Anyone remotedly familiar with RSS brand of politics and is familiar with the changes in the national-international situation can understand that the 'Jurassic Park' mentality of ushering into a Hindu Rashtra envisaged by the Hedgewars-Savarkars-Golwalkars does not have any future in today's India. It is bound to fail. Ofcourse that does not mean that their journey into oblivion would not be accompanied by untold sufferings of the masses and Gujarat like 'successfuls experiments' littered with blood.

With onset of time it would become further difficult for the BJP to gain new social support group to its side while the traditional support base gets further dwindled. As it is clear it took four decades for the Congress to suffer shrinkage of its vote base. The BJP which claims for itself a different Chaal, Chehera and Chintan ( could be roughly translated as 'movement, face and thinking') achieved it in less than a decade.

Contact : subhash.gatade@gmail.com
http://www.countercurrents.org/gatade150607.htm
 
A Humanist Alternative for the Dalits

Untouchables, or achuta, perform jobs considered unfit for higher castes, which includes tanning animal hides, manually unclogging sewers and toilets, cremating the dead, and removing road-kill from the streets.

The emancipation of Dalits started as an essentially Humanist movement, but as the movement grew politically, the Humanist element has been lost. It is high time the Humanist alternative be made available again to the Dalits, writes V.B. Rawat.

Dr. Ambedkar's Revolution

Through his writings on the Indian social structure, through his analysis and criticism of Hindu thought and mythology, and through the political mobilization of the masses around their problems, Dr. Ambedkar, himself a Dalit and also father of the Indian Constitution, inaugurated a social and political revolution in which the Dalits were active participants. Underlying this approach was Dr. Ambedkar's realization that political empowerment of the Dalits was possible only on the basis of a social revolution.

Dr. Ambedkar's sophisticated strategy put the Dalits on a course of personal liberation while at the same time mobilizing them as a community of victims. His strategy never ignored the individual: "Unlike the drop of water that merges its existence with the ocean in which it drops, man does not lose his entity in the society in which he lives. Man's life is independent. He is not born for the service of the society but for his self- development," he wrote. This is a Humanist approach, consonant with M.N. Roy's idea that "Freedom of society must be the totality of the freedom of individuals … the doctrine that the individual should sacrifice for the benefit of welfare and progress of society is fallacious. That it is not a liberating but an enslaving doctrine."

Like the other backward castes that fought hard in the early 1900s, the Dalits too made impressive contributions to the spread of Humanistic values. Seeking the human dignity that was denied them for centuries by upper caste Hindus, they fought against the scriptures authored by the priestly class, and they defied the divinely ordained caste system. Both Dr. Ambedkar's approach and the movement that was inspired by him was essentially a Humanistic struggle.

The Revolution is Lost

Today this very Dalit revolution has reached an impasse because its character has changed. As Dalits become progressively involved in electoral politics, there is a steady move away from emphasis on individual emancipation. To mobilize people in electoral politics the leadership of the Dalits is emphasizing their caste identity – today's Dalit movement and its new leaders would rather consolidate caste identities than create a casteless society.

The important north Indian state of Uttar Pradesh is a case in point. Here, for the first time, Ms. Mayawati, a powerful Dalit woman became Chief Minister. Mayawati and her colleagues built a political movement under the leadership of the recently deceased astute political strategist Kanshi Ram. They mobilized the Dalits and the other backward castes, and fashioned them into a powerful and influential vote bank. And then they struck an alliance with the Hindu political party the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and came to power holding onto their coat tails. The leadership of the Dalits – including many intellectuals, applauded this development, but they did not stop to ask how Dalits could seek the support of a political party which represents the crass interests of the upper caste Hindus – and which was responsible for the genocide of 2000 Muslims in Gujarat state. At the same time as praising Dr. Ambedkar's explosive work 'Annihilation of Caste', they now seek an alliance with the casteist and political Hindus. Social development is not on their agenda, as it does not fetch you publicity. Through these opportunistic alliances and the loss of focus, the revolution has lost its moral character. They have ended up with an alliance with the oppressor, rather than create a Humanist alternative to the Hindu mindset!

Deepening Caste Identities

As the ideological fight has turned into an 'identity' struggle, Humanism and Human values do not necessarily inform it anymore. In Uttar-Pradesh, many Dalit activists have set up their own God men who are sucking the life blood of the community. Today, to many Dalits, a priest is bad only if he is a Brahmin by birth – but good if he is a Dalit. In Kushinagar where the Social Development Foundation works, I was aghast to see how the poor Mushahar (an untouchable community) women were being exploited by a local Tantrik who is also a Dalit (Dushadh). Many years ago, an ideologue of the Dalit movement asked me not to be too critical of Lord Rama as he was a 'Kurmi', a backward community person. I was not aware of this lineage of Lord Rama, since he is considered to be a Kshatriya. In any case, my reaction was "So what if he was a Kurmi? His life does not inspire me!" Similarly, attempts are made to suggest that the Buddha was either a tribal or a Saakya. It is sad when you like the Buddha not for what he has said or done, but for what his caste was.

Once the egalitarian thrust is lost, the first victims are amongst the Dalit community which itself is made of different castes. The community of scavengers literally carries the burden of tradition by cleaning human excreta manually and transporting night soil. Unfortunately, this community, called the Valmikis, feels alienated from the wider Dalit movement in India – as the lowest amongst the Dalits, they do not have the support of the rest of the Dalits – and hence they do not get a share of the benefits that accrue to the Dalit community despite the sudden spurt in the number of donor agencies and NGOs taking an interest in their plight. We in the SDF have been involved in a struggle for reclamation of 1167 acres of land from a private company in Shaheed Uddham Singh Nagar. Some 150 Dalit families were tilling this land which had been declared ceiling surplus under the Land Ceiling Act which limits the amount of land one can hold in India. In 1990 the industrial house demolished the Dalit colony – and it took us 14 years to obtain a judgement in favour of the Dalits. We have seen how the victims have been used by a large number of human right organizations for political and other ends. Even Dalit groups have been guilty of this.

Getting it Right

Ambedkar condemned India's village system, terming it a 'den of feudalism, corruption and nepotism'. These words are as true they were in the past – yet many of the NGOs which are working to 'emancipate' the Dalits continue their glorification of India's past and of our village system. This is because many of these NGOs are religious and are driven by the religious value system. Also, religion, rather than the welfare of these people is their main agenda. Religiosity dis-empowers the marginalized. The poor, marginalized communities are sandwiched between different Gods and their different followers. When we focused on the issue of Mushahars, a community of *** eaters who were dying of hunger and starvation, a few 'God-fearing' activists came over and asked me whether the community members wished to convert to another religion. My answer to them was that the first priority of the Mushahars was to get two meals a day.

While the problem is in, and with religion, the Dalit movement faces a grave danger from those religious groups which suggest that there is liberation through conversion to Christianity and to Islam. Conversion to either of these religions has not really helped them in their struggle for emancipation – on the other hand it has turned them apolitical. Except for Ambedkar's conversion which was really a political conversion (Buddhists Dalits are highly motivated and active with a Humanist vision) conversion to either Islam or Christinaity has not really helped, even if they are better than the brahmanical system. Those who are motivated by the desire to preserve Hinduism insist that the scriptures do not discriminate against them! When we report that people are dying of hunger in the remote corners of the country, the religious gangs pack their bags with bibles and food and set out for these villages to 'save' their souls; and the Hindus scramble to the affected areas to 'save' the victims from being converted. None seem interested in empowering them.

Starting Again

What binds the Dalits together is a common-sense of denial of dignity by the brahmanical system, a denial of justice by religious scriptures and religious system. What they fear is violence by the dominant upper castes and also by those in power – including the police and the administration. Since the Dalits have been victims of religious values and a society based on religiously ordained and sanctioned caste, it is humanist values which can bring them dignity and human rights.

We have therefore to introduce Humanism and Humanist values to all our developmental programmes. Our aim is clear. We do not want the Dalits to suppress themselves with the burden of God, be that a Christian God or a Muslim God or a Hindu God. For us, the concept of God itself is the creation of an exploitative society and the sooner we get rid of it, the better it would be for entire society. We do not wish the Dalits to 'convert' to Humanism; but we will have to create a humanist alternative for the Dalits – this is what Dr. Ambedkar did when he identified Buddhism as an option for Dalits.

Cultural emancipation and economic empowerment of the Dalits will mean their liberation from the shackles of religion and the oppression of the idea of God. It will mean the Dalits obtaining training in alternative livelihood skills. This will necessitate offering them training and education in practical skills as well as in universal human rights and in Humanism.

Dalits are entering the Humanist movement of their own accord. When Humanists themselves take the initiative to reach out to the Dalits, the results will be dramatic.

http://civillibertarian.blogspot.com/2006/12/humanist-alternative-for-dalits.html
 
A BRIEF SURVEY OF COMMUNAL SITUATION IN THE POST BABRI-DEMOLITION PERIOD

by Asghar Ali Engineer

It is about 10 years since demolition of Babri Masjid on 6th December 1992. The demolition of Babri Masjid itself was a major event, which seriously dented our commitment to secularism. The demolition also created a serious crisis of identity for Indian Muslims and resulted in earth-shaking riots in Mumbai and number of other places in India. In this article we will take a brief look at the communal situation in India in the post-Babri demolition period.

As pointed out above the demolition of Babri Masjid was followed by outburst of communal violence throughout India particularly in Bombay, Ahmedabad, Surat, Calcutta, Kanpur, Malegaon, Bhopal, Delhi and several other places in which hundreds of people lost their lives. In fact the whole decade of eighties and early nineties was a period of great communal crisis.

As it is well-known the Ram Mandir controversy was purely political one; it was neither religious nor even historical in nature. Most eminent historians belonging to secular schools of thought maintained firmly that there is absolutely no historical or archaeological proof for existence of any temple at the site of the Babri mosque. When confronted with the historical and archaeological arguments the Sangh Parivar leaders changed the line of arguments and started saying that it is not historical matter alone, it is basically a matter of faith for the Hindus.

However, in this article we are more concerned with the post-Babri demolition decade and communal situation therein than all these endless arguments. As pointed out the Ram Mandir controversy was raised only to polarise votes between Hindus and Muslims. And there is no doubt that the BJP was great political beneficiary of this controversy. It went on increasing its seats in parliament thanks to the Ram Mandir controversy and through strategic alliances in the elections. It had increased its strength from two to 88 seats in Parliament in 1989 elections itself with the help of this controversy and through alliance with V.P.Singh's Janata Dal and other secular parties. In 1991 elections this controversy was at its height and the BJP further increased its strength from 89 to 114.

The Narsimha Rao Government, however, continued for full term until 1996. In this election though the BJP increased its strength further. However, it was isolated from other secular parties. It tried to form its government on the basis of being the largest party and hoped that once it forms government other 'secular' parties will be tempted to support it for temptation of power. However, until then the secular parties considered the BJP as really untouchable and refused to come to its rescue. Thus the BJP Government failed after 13 days in existence. And Janata Dal was invited to take the reins of power as it managed to gather necessary strength in parliament.

Then it appeared as if the secular parties cared for ideology and refused to compromise with communal forces. But this situation lasted but for a short period and soon number of 'secular' parties teamed up with the BJP to ride piggyback to power. It is true that in the post-modernist world ideologies have lost all meaning. However, religious ideologies are gaining in strength and hence religious fundamentalism has gained in strength all over the globe. In India Hindu fundamentalism, as in Pakistan Islamic fundamentalism has gained in strength considerably. But for temptation for power by these secular parties the BJP would not have been in a position to lead the NDA coalition.

Meanwhile the Shiv Sena -BJP alliance came to power in Maharashtra. It is interesting to note that under the Congress Government at the Centre and in Maharashtra the Muslims had suffered so much that in sheer desperation a small section of Muslims voted for the Shiv Sena candidates. Their argument was that it is better to deal with a known enemy than with a hidden enemy. There was also another contributory factor to the victory of Shiv Sena-BJP alliance in 1995.

Angered by the 1992-93 riots in Mumbai in which about 1000 people had died or disappeared, some anti-social elements allegedly led by Dawood Ibrahim and it's cohorts and aided and abetted by Pakistan's ISI. It naturally had greatly angered the people of Maharashtra. The Government in Maharshtra at that time was of the Congress and was headed by Shri Sharad Pawar. Also the Shiv Sena made several promises to the voters like providing free houses to the slum dwellers of Mumbai. All this combined the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance won the 1995 assembly elections.

The BJP of course cashed in on the Ram Mandir sentiments. The Maharashtra was one of the most affected states by the Ram Mandir controversy. The RSS was after all founded by a section of Brahmins in Maharshtra. The Success of the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance was partly the result of Babri Masjid-Ramjanambhoomi controversy. The bomb blast in March 1993, which was result of Mumbai riots of 1992-93 also, as pointed out, contributed to the success of Shiv Sena-BJP alliance in Maharashtra.

COMMUNAL VIOLENCE IN POST-BABRI DEMOLITION PERIOD

It is interesting to note that the number of major communal riots in post-Babri Masjid demolition period went down considerably. Three major riots took place in this period, besides several small riots in which 2 to 6 persons were killed. These three major riots are Coimbatore in in Tamilnadu in1997, Kanpur in U.P. in March 2001 and Malegaon in Maharashtra in October 2001. In Coimbatore riots more than 40 persons were killed while in Kanpur and Malegaon more than 15 persons were killed. In between these major riots more than 150 small riots have taken place throughout India since the Mumbai riots of 1992-93.

However, absence of major riots should not delude us to conclude that the communal situation has eased in India in the post-Babri demolition period. Far from it. It has, on the contrary worsened. Two important trends are quite noticeable in this period. The South India which was relatively free of communalism and communal violence began to experience outburst of communal violence. Thus the Coimbatore communal riot and subsequent bomb blast there during February 1998 is symptomatic of this. The Coimbatore communal riot was result of aggressive communal propaganda by the Hindu Munnani which gave rise to some Muslim youth taking to path of violence to pay the Hindu Munnani in the same coin. Some Muslim youth murdered RSS activists and the Hinud Munnani people murdered Palani Baba, a Muslim saint who was allegedly the inspiration of the Muslim fundamentalist youth. Ms. Jaylalitha also tried to take advantage of the situation and adopted rather pro-Hindutva stance. It is alleged that the Hindu Munnani got political support from her.

The second noticeable trend was anti-Christian attacks after the BJP came to power in Gujrat and after the BJP-led Government consolidated its power at the Centre. The attacks on Christians were not known earlier. Communal riots usually took place between Hindus and Muslims. However, since 1998 anti-Christian violence began and mainly the VHP and Bajrang Dal were involved in these attacks on Christians. After Gujrat number of incidents took place in U.P., Maharashtra, M.P., Bihar and Orissa. Orissa witnessed the ghastly incident of burning alive of a Christian priest Father Grahm Staines and his two young children at the hands of Bajrang Dal activists. The Wadhwa Commission report also concluded that Bajrang Dal had a hand in this ghastly incident.

The Gujrat also witnessed number of anti-Muslim incidents particularly in the rural areas after the BJP assumed power in Gujrat. The BJP adopted most aggressive communal stance in Gujrat in the post-Babri demolition period. The Bajrang Dal and VHP cadres adopted very aggressive stance against Christian and Muslim minorities in that highly communalised state.

Since the BJP came to power at the Centre it has to be rather cautious in communal matters to keep the alliance together. Various secular partners of the National Democratic Front have to care for their minority, especially Muslim voters in their respective states, particularly in Andhra Pradesh. It, therefore, keeps out of the Hindutva agenda, which still includes construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya. But the other constituents of the Sangh Parivar like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad have no such constraints. Thus its office bearers like Mr. Singhal and Pravin Togaria openly talk of starting the construction of Ram temple at Ayodhya from March 2002. The Sangh Parivar is not only keeping the issue alive but is also exploiting it for the forthcoming elections in U.P. in early 2002.

Since the NDA Government led by BJP has come to power the education system has been greatly communalised. It is well known policy of the BJP to take over most sensitive like Human Resource Ministry which not only controls education but also premier research institutions like the ICHR, ICSSR, NCERT etc. All these key research institutions have now been taken over by the hard core RSS elements. All key research projects are being now monopolised by them. The important Towards Freedom volumes which were critical of the RSS role during freedom struggle and its pro-British stance were suddenly withdrawn from publication. Also, the school text books are being tempered with. Recently the CBSE (Central Board of Secondary Education) suddenly has issued circular to edit out certain portions of history text books written by noted secular historians like Romila Thapar, R.S.Sharma, Bipan Chandra and Satish Chandra. Such selective withdrawal will help indoctrination of young minds and will be prohibitive of encouraging critical understanding of history. The communal forces often temper with history and project the past uncritically as the golden era particularly the past dominated by the majority community rulers and denounce whole sale the past if dominated by minority community rulers.

CONCLUSION

There is no doubt that India has been passing through very critical period in the post-Babri demolition period as far as its secular polity is concerned. Not only political but also social and cultural space has been communalised. The eighties of course witnessed major communal riots but the BJP began to acquire strength by raising historical controversy like the Ramjanambhoomi and communalised politics as never before. But after it came to power as a major partner of NDA it began to monopolise the educational and cultural space which is much more harmful. The Sangh Parivar in U.P. did not allow shooting of the film Water whose script was approved by the Home Ministry. Indian cultural space is being increasingly communalised. Secular space in the fields of education and culture is of vital importance for unity and integrity of India. A long term damage will be done to Indian unity if socio-cultural spaces come under communal ideology. All secular forces should come together to prevent this.

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