fatman mate, if you do have access to information, then post about the NCW capacities of IA.
You would really and i mean -really be surprised with what IA is busy with nowadays and has been for the last 2 years! The big budgets are actually manifesting themselves into intangible stuff. Thats why you'd wonder that inspite of the ever increasing defence budget with the largest pie going to the IA, there was literally next to nil capital acquisitions compared to the budget they are getting.
found this 2004 article.....
Country Briefing: India - Divided interests
RAHUL BEDI JDW Correspondent - New Delhi
Failing morale, internecine rivalries, ambiguous policies and financial constraints are just a few of the obstacles blocking India's road to modernising its armed forces
India's armed forces are struggling to overcome a number of obstacles as they strive to rebuild themselves into a nuclear-capable force adept at meeting emerging regional and global security challenges. The services are battling against a traditional mindset, an ambiguous defence policy and a crisis in decision-making. Finally, an unrelenting squeeze on financial resources is hampering urgent equipment modernisation efforts.
This predicament is exacerbated by the continuing rivalry between the divided armed forces and the civilian-dominated Ministry of Defence (MoD). The political leadership, largely ignorant about security and nuclear-related issues, but the final authority on military budgets and equipment allocations, adds to the beleaguered military's woes.
"Neither the political leaders concerned nor the bureaucracy that is tasked with the purpose give two hoots about national security," says former vice chief of army staff, Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi. K Subrahmanyam, former head of the National Security Advisory Board, says the 'lotus eating' attitude of the MoD's 'generalist' civil service has neither been conditioned nor trained to think through long-term international and national security issues. This situation, he adds, became "starker" after India emerged in 1998 as a nuclear weapon state.
The alleged arms corruption scandal involving senior army and MoD officers that led to defence minister George Fernandes' resignation in March 2001 - he rejoined seven months later - has almost permanently scared decision makers into deferring the acquisition of necessary hardware. Fearing future repercussions, few in the armed forces or in the MoD's newly created Defence Procurement Board are willing to finalise contracts, officials admit.
This vacillation in equipment purchases led the government to pressure the MoD into surrendering Rs100 billion ($2.08 billion) of its unspent allocation for Fiscal Year (FY) 2002-03 to meet the country's rising deficit. This includes around Rs64.99 billion of its capital outlay earmarked for new and retrofitted hardware, which the parliamentary standing committee on defence attributed to "slippages, slow progress of work, non-finalisation of deals and contractual commitments".
Apart from the ninth five-year defence plan, which ended in 2002, none of the previous eight plans received government approval. This led to "lop-sided growth" according to many serving and retired officers, and merely addressed the "immediate point of pain" and not collective force levels. "With persistently low expenditure on modernisation, India is not only unable to modernise its defence capability, but [it] actually adds to its obsolescence," says retired Air Cdr Jasjit Singh of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Delhi. The 10th defence plan (2002-07) has not yet been approved.
The impetus to revamp the country's security, defence and intelligence apparatus followed the report of the inquiry committee investigating the army and security agency's failure to detect, for several months, the infiltration of thousands of Pakistani troops and Islamic militants into Indian-administered Kashmir in 1999 (Jane's Defence Weekly 9 June 1999 ).
Attempts thereafter to revise the military's hidebound ethos and procedures by appointing a chief of defence staff (CDS) to streamline the defence machinery, have been stymied by inter-service turf wars and political and bureaucratic machinations. The CDS is envisaged as a crucial interface between the defence, civilian and political establishments and to help re-order archaic procurement and operational procedures.
As a compromise, the government created the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) in October 2001 to create greater synergy between the services and the MoD. The strategic force command (SFC), India's only tri-service command on the Andaman and Nicobar island territory off the east coast was formalised earlier this year and placed under the IDS. The Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) was also made subordinate to the IDS. Both were originally supposed to be under the authority of the CDS.
But in the absence of any precedent or culture of togetherness the IDS is struggling for an identity to play a definitive role in a regrouped force. In turn, it reports to the consensus-driven and largely divided chiefs of the staff committee (CoSC) and its essentially personality-based orientation, headed in rotation by the senior most service chief.
"The IDS cannot perform coherently or effectively without an authoritative and accountable head, much less give advice to the defence minister or the cabinet committee on security," says former chief of army staff Gen Ved Prakash Malik. The CDS is the cornerstone of the armed forces' reforms and its non-implementation is the most serious holdback, particularly as India is now a nuclear weapon state, he adds.
India's nuclear status and the rapidly altering regional and global security scenario, however, have led to a gradual broadening of the military's introverted horizons. "It [the armed forces] is beginning to re-define regional priorities in keeping with its perceived vision and strength, besides strengthening the Indian Navy's (IN's) strategic role and its role overseas as a credible force projector" says an officer associated with Delhi's 'outward thrust' towards creating strategic regional alliances.
ARMY
The flagging morale of the 1.1 million-strong Indian Army following last year's 10-month deployment along the Pakistan frontier in a heightened state of alert, plus the further degradation of its dated equipment, has only added to the problems of an overburdened force (JDW 25 September 2002).
The enormous cost of the mobilisation that ended last November, estimated at more than Rs10 billion ($208 million), has led the government to impose a special state levy and cancel all annual major army manoeuvres. To some extent, it has contributed to the postponement of new, long-awaited equipment. The army's FY03-04 allocation of Rs345.74 billion is barely enough to maintain its existing assets, leaving a meagre amount for capital expenditure to modernise and purchase new equipment.
Despite repeated declarations by successive chiefs of staff of evolving into a "lean and technologically-driven force", the army is actually adding more units in the hope of re-establishing the conventional edge it once enjoyed over Pakistan and to combat the interrelated Kashmiri insurgency.
The 1999 border war with Pakistan along the Line of Control in the Kargil region thwarted the army's five-year-old plans to reduce force levels by 100,000-150,000 personnel by 2015 by using up funds saved for modernisation. According to the Indian Ministry of Defence (MoD), the army instead requires augmented force levels to meet "emerging operational situations along the borders".
"Other than redressing the existing deficiencies in hardware, ammunition and force levels, the declining combat ratio (CR) with Pakistan also needs attention," says a senior officer. Before 1990 the CR was 1.74:1 in favour of India. After 1990, the CR declined to 1.56:1 and 10 years later it is 1.22:1. "This attrition is due mainly to fatigue from extended counter-insurgency (COIN) deployments, inefficient and bureaucratic modernisation procedures, lop-sided promotional policies underpinned by increasing political interference and an acute officer shortage," according to another officer.
In January, the Cabinet Committee on Security sanctioned four additional Special Forces battalions that will be trained by Israel in "irregular warfare". They will be equipped with Israel Military Industries' 5.56mm Tavor 21 assault rifles and 7.62mm Galil sniper rifles and will be stationed in Kashmir. And, after witnessing the success of the US Special Forces in Iraq, India's Chief Of Army Staff, Gen Nirmal C Vij, has asked the Directorate of Military Operations and the Army Training Command to draw up a blueprint for a similar, flexible force to execute specialised missions of a political or strategic nature behind enemy lines.
By 2006-07 the army also plans to establish another 25-30 Rashtriya (or National ) Rifle (RR) battalions dedicated to COIN operations to augment the existing 36 RR units operating across Kashmir. The RR was raised in 1990 as a specialised army-oriented force to exclusively tackle insurgency and rear-area security in order to free regular units from COIN operations and allow them to revert to normal training and thus improve morale.
The army recently announced the formation of its second artillery division achieved by reorganising existing artillery brigades that will be based at Southern Command headquarters at Pune, western India. The 41st Artillery Division will augment armour and mechanised formations in the Rajasthan and neighbouring Gujarat sectors to neutralise strategic Pakistani targets. Besides missiles, it will eventually be equipped with 155mm/52-cal howitzers.
The Strategic Rocket Command, the army's second missile regiment, is also preparing to introduce a variant of Agni, the locally developed intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) that has a range of 2,200km. The Agni has gone into series production and is expected to enter service soon. The short-range Agni variant, tested earlier this year to a range of 700km to strike high value Pakistani targets, and another IRBM capable of hitting targets more than 3,000km inside China, are also likely to be handed over to the Strategic Rocket Command. The 3,000km-range variant, often referred to as Agni III, is being tested later this year.
THREAT ASSESSMENT
India's armed forces are slowly widening their security dragnet to include Afghanistan, the Central Asian Republics and members of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). According to some Indian sources, it hopes to strategically surround Pakistan and to contain China, its long-term threat.
India is finalising negotiations to train the Afghan National Army (ANA), open its first foreign military base in Tajikistan and to hold military manoeuvres with the Tajik Army to establish a presence in the oil-rich Caspian region. ANA and Afghan police officers currently attend several of its training academies.
New Delhi is also forging closer military ties with Burma (Myanmar) where China and, to a lesser extent Pakistan, play a dominant security and military role. It has also cemented defence and naval ties with Vietnam and has agreed "in principal" to supply Hanoi with its locally developed Prithvi surface-to-surface missile, with a 150km range, and to train Vietnamese nuclear scientists.
Of growing significance are India's burgeoning military links with Israel over the past five years and, after 11 September 2001, with the US once Washington lifted nuclear sanctions. Since the Hindu nationalists assumed office five years ago, Israel has emerged as a principal supplier of military equipment after Russia, providing an assortment of equipment, upgrades and ordnance to all three services.
The Indian and US navies jointly patrolled, until late 2002, the Malacca Straits over which China exercises considerable control and through which pass more than 80% of Japan's oil supplies from west Asia. A recent US Department of Defence analysis declared that Washington's 'long-term' security alliance with India is also aimed at containing China, which they both view as an emerging economic and military competitor. The 130-page report, "Indo-US military relationship: Expectations and perceptions", states that if Washington's future relationships with traditional allies - Japan, South Korea and Saudi Arabia - become more fragile, India will emerge as a "critical component" of US military strategy in the region.
Besides exercises with the US Navy in the Arabian Sea last October, the Indian Navy held joint manoeuvres with France, Iran, Oman and Russia. India is also to help Iran maintain its three Russian Kilo-class diesel-electric submarines; train Iranian naval personnel; and service its Soviet and Russian BMP armoured personnel carriers. Indian Air Force technicians will also help Tehran support an assorted range of Iranian fighter aircraft like MiG-29 interceptors, Su-22, Su-24 and Su-25 ground-attack aircraft.
INDUSTRY
Technological overreach, mounting inefficiency, poor quality control and an increasing dependency on imports are adversely affecting India's monopolistic state-owned defence industry, which continues to resist urgent calls for privatisation.
The armed forces, supported by the Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), continue to demand a competitive source for equipment and spares. However, politicians and Ministry of Defence (MoD) officials are resisting such attempts in order to protect the employment and economic stakes in the over-staffed and wasteful 39 ordnance factories and eight defence public sector units (PSUs) that operate at less than half their declared capacity.
"They fear social chaos if workers are laid off in any move towards privatisation that is essential to meet India's ambitious target of locally producing 70% of its defence equipment and spares by 2005-07," says an army officer, who declined to be named. Otherwise, India's vast requirements to replace its ageing Soviet and Russian equipment will financially "bleed it dry" he adds.
Despite its enormous military-industrial complex, India's defence exports in 2002-03 totalled $45.22 million, a quarter of the projected target of $208.3 million, and included mostly low-end items like boots, small arms ammunition, explosives, uniforms and belts. "Even when India is able to offer a saleable product, the time and cost overruns associated with its manufacturing units renders the product non-competitive," former chief of naval staff Adm J G Nadkarni said in an article in the newspaper Asian Age. The locally developed, but still inefficient INSAS 5.56mm assault rifle (AR), for instance, was priced at around Rs16,000 ($333.33) per piece, while the relatively better performing Romanian AK-47 ARs, imported in the mid-1990s, cost around $90-$93 each.
Defence Minister George Fernandes recently described India as a "third-rate" weapon-producing nation that is forced to source its military hardware requirements from overseas. Calling for greater privatisation, he said there was a need to instil greater "discipline and integrity" in the defence sector's work force as it took Indian shipyards three times as long to build a warship compared with Russia. He was referring to Garden Reach Shipbuilders and Engineers (GRSE) at Calcutta, which completed INS Brahmaputra, the first of three locally modified Godavari-class frigates that was commissioned in 2000, after 12 years. The two remaining Project 16A boats, INS Beas and INS Betwa, are still under construction and will not be commissioned before the end of 2004, several years behind schedule. All three frigates, however, will have to wait to be fitted with Russian/Israeli missile systems since, like all other Indian Navy (IN) vessels, the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has failed to produce any missile systems locally.
Trishul (Trident), the indigenously developed quick-reaction, low-altitude surface-to-air missile (SAM) was recently withdrawn due to technical problems (JDW 1 May). Trishul was part of the nearly two decade-old integrated guided missile development programme. It will be continued as a technology demonstration programme. Nearly 400 employees at Bharat Dynamics Ltd (BDL), India's principal public sector missile manufacturer in Hyderabad in the south, have been shifted over the past year to the production of 7.62mm self-loading rifles and 9mm pistols for the paramilitary forces. User trials for two other IGDMP products remain incomplete: the multitarget Akash (Sky) SAM and Nag (Snake), the third-generation anti-tank guided weapon.
"Optimal use had to be made of staff employed in the workshop for manufacturing missiles," BDL officials told the parliamentary defence committee recently. BDL's production values too have dropped from Rs3.55 billion in 1997-98 to Rs2.71 billion in 2001-02.
Parliamentary and other defence watchdog committees have repeatedly, over several decades, criticised the government's interminably delayed military equipment development programmes and its resistance to privatisation, but to little avail.
Ambitious and politically sensitive projects like the 20-year old light combat aircraft (LCA) - recently christened Tejas - which was initiated to replace the air force's ageing 300-400 MiG-21s, is not only 10-12 years behind schedule, but highly import dependent. It is powered by the US General Electric F 404-GE-F2J3 engine, while Martin-Marietta has provided the LCA's flight control system. Indian Air Force (IAF) officers privately admit to not taking the LCA into "serious" operational consideration since it will be "technologically obsolete" by the time it enters service around 2006-07. IN officers treat the LCA's proposed naval version with similar scepticism.
Plagued by cost overruns and technological snags, various electronic warfare (EW) systems started in the mid-1980s are nowhere near fruition, while the programme to upgrade 125 MiG- 21bis fighters with improved French and Israeli avionics, weaponry and EW systems is running three-to-five years behind schedule.
Technological and operational shortcomings in the Arjun main battle tank (MBT) after nearly 25 years of development, user trials and limited series production led to the import two years ago of 310 Russian T 90S MBTs for $700 million-$750 million. One hundred and twenty four were completed in Russia and the 186 remainding are to be assembled at the Heavy Vehicles Factory at Avadi, south India, thereafter manufactured locally under licence. Some 124 Arjun MBTs, cleared for manufacture by the Heavy Vehicles Factory in the late 1990s, are awaiting further government approval.
Submarine and frigate building programmes at expensively developed facilities at Mazagaon Dockyard Ltd (MDL), Bombay, have barely been activated, leading to the "lost decade" of the 1990s during which IN force levels dropped appreciably. This, in turn, led to the import of three Russian Krivak III (Project 1135.6 ) Talwar-class frigates that are due to enter service by year-end. Official sources say the IN plans to buy three additional Krivak III-class frigates as indigenous shipyards constantly re-adjust delivery schedules and remain unable to meet the navy's demands.
But under pressure from the CII and the services, the MoD has opened up to private participation through licensing by amending the 47-year-old Industrial Policy Resolution and by permitting a foreign direct investment (FDI) limit of 26% to facilitate technology transfers and meet challenges posed by the revolution in military affairs (RMA).
The newly formed Integrated Defence Staff has also constituted the all-Services Horizon Core Technology Group, headed by a two-star officer, that includes DRDO scientists from the Group for Forecasting and Analysis of Systems. The group will examine technologies and systems that will play a predominant role in developing India's military capability and will recommend measures to implement them.
CII projections indicate that by 2010 around 14,000 private companies will be involved in the defence sector, but many manufacturers are wary about vested MoD interests limiting them to merely making components and sub-systems, instead of completed weapon systems and ordnance. They also remain wary about investing in defence research and development, as insufficient orders from an "untrustworthy buyer" would make their participation commercially untenable.