jhungary
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This was not written by me, instead it was written by Brigadier (now Lt Gen) Rizwan Akhtar, now the director general of Pakistan Inter-Service Intelligence in 2008 as part of Academic Dissertation for his Master of Strategic Studies degree with the United States Army War College.
This article will discuss the trust/mistrust between US and Pakistan and what is the obstacle of an advancing relationship between the two nation. Written in 2008, it also discuss both strength and weakness of such alliance (US-PAK) and how does it affect or affected by the global war on terror.
Part 2 will be this poster (Having a Master of international Business with limited Military Experience) trying to response to Lt Gen Akhtar article in 2015 stand point.
Please do enjoy, and discussions are welcome
The relationship between Pakistan and United States has been and continues to
be complex and varied.1 Throughout Pakistan’s brief history, the two countries have
oscillated from an uneasy alignment, to nearly a complete detachment, to re-alignment,
then to renewed sanctions, and now back to being allies.2 During the periods of
cooperation, both countries had compelling coincident interests and generally
overlooked past or ongoing differences.3 The global war on terrorism (GWOT) has
provided the most current opportunity for establishing a close and lasting US- Pakistan
relationship. However, the war neither limits the relationship's scope nor necessarily
overcomes the attendant bilateral challenges that could erode the relationship in the
future.4 With Pakistan being an unwelcome addition to the nuclear regime, a crucial
partner in the war on terrorism, and with a volatile political and social environment, the
United States faces a broad range of foreign policy challenges when dealing with
Pakistan.5 Moreover, U.S. policy choices toward Pakistan have to be integrated with
broader regional policies as the relationships between the regional actors and the global
role of South Asia undergoes rapid changes. Adding to this complexity is the friction
caused by disagreements of the two allies on operational aspects of the conduct of the
GWOT.6 For instance, Pakistan has repeatedly rejected requests by the US to allow its
combat troops to operate in the tribal areas inside Pakistan or to allow US personnel to
deal directly with local tribal leaders. This coupled with Pakistan’s cautious and
measured approach towards combating militancy, particularly in the North-West Frontier
Province (NWFP) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), has been met
with sharp criticism from many influential quarters within the US. Correspondingly,
certain elements in Pakistan – particularly those critical of the military, view the US as a
"disloyal and inconsistent friend"7 which cannot be relied upon.8 As for the larger
Pakistani population, they are also cautious about current US support.9 Notwithstanding
the divergence of interests on several bilateral, regional and global interests, the GWOT
provides a very real opportunity for establishing a strong and lasting strategic
partnership between the US and Pakistan. Conversely, as with previous periods of
engagement, the current relationship could also lead to immediate or latent problems, if
not handled prudently, that may complicate regional security in the mid- to long- term.
What the US and Pakistan, especially with the new government in power, decide to
pursue, and how they do it, will likely have a profound impact on future stability of the
region and overall strategic success of the GWOT.
This paper evaluates the current US-Pakistani relationship, examines and
assesses the sources of friction and distrust between the two countries, and
recommends specific measures both countries can take to solidify their relationship,
provide for long-term regional stability, and make substantial progress in the GWOT.
Background
The US and Pakistan have been drawn together by coincident interests on three
separate occasions. The first occurred during the height of the Cold War (from the mid
1950s to mid-1960s); the second was during the Afghan Jihad in the 1980s (again
lasting about a decade); and the third engagement dates to September 11, 2001, and
the subsequent war on terrorism. Since the event of 9/11, Pakistan has been a key ally
in the Global War on Terrorism. Pakistan’s cooperation with the US in the Global War
on Terror has increased the effectiveness of its operations against terrorism but also led
to severe consequences for the Government of Pakistan, the Pakistan Army and for the
country’s social fabric.10
The previously mentioned oscillating relationship between the US and Pakistan
has left in its wake resentment and a sense of betrayal within Pakistan. Yet, US
Pakistan cooperation has served some important mutual interests in the past and is
doing so to some extent again in the present. Historically, the issues marking the US
Pakistan relationship, whether they united or divided the two countries, have had
regional and national impacts.11 In developing a path towards a stronger bilateral
relationship, it is useful to examine and assess the wide range of attendant and exigent
issues influencing these two allies.
Pakistan-US Relations and Current Bilateral Issues
Following 9/11 and the United States request for assistance, Pakistan provided
unprecedented levels of vital support to the US-led operations in Afghanistan.12
However, even prior to 9/11, Pakistan had recognized the growing threat of extremism
and had taken aggressive actions to curb this extremism and combat terrorism.13
Nevertheless, following the 9/11 event, Pakistan increased its operations and vowed to
prevent terrorists from using its territory as a base of support for terrorism of any kind.14
Correspondingly, Pakistan was designated as a major Non-NATO United States
ally in June 200415 and most of the aid which was cut off in the 1990’s was also
restored.16 This resumption of aid and increased exports to the US helped Pakistan in
their efforts to upgrade their military equipment and receive weapon systems previously
purchased from the US but subsequently held back because of the reinstatement of the
nuclear non-proliferation related sanctions. Likewise, in 2003, a US-Pakistan
Afghanistan Tripartite Commission was established to bring together military
commanders to discuss stability and related issues concerning the border regions of
both the countries. The resultant security assistance programs were basically aimed to
enhance Pakistan’s counterterrorism and border security capabilities. The US also
instituted a number of training programs for military and civil education in United States
for Pakistan. Concurrently, the US provided Pakistan some modern equipment with 18
newly-built advanced F-16 combat aircraft (and an option for 18 more) along with their
related munitions and equipment, Cobra Gunship Helicopters with spare parts, as well
as other gear and equipment useful for the GWOT.17 Although, the equipment was both
important and appreciated, many within Pakistan viewed the provision of the F-16s with
great cynicism since the US was providing platforms that had already been ordered and
paid for when the two countries were working together but were not delivered because
the sanctions had subsequently been reinstated. Similarly, there has surfaced a diverse
number of other strategic issues affecting US-Pakistani relationships.18
The issue of Abdul Qadeer Khan’s nuclear proliferation network and Pakistan’s
nuclear transparency has been one of the main friction points of US-Pakistani bi-lateral
relations. Following an internal Pakistani investigation by the National Accountability
Bureau, and significantly prior to US political pressure,19 Abdul Qadeer Khan’s network
was identified, dismantled and he was brought to justice. Following his confession and
subsequent pardon by the President, he was placed under house arrest and he remains
confined to his house (his house being declared as a sub jail).20 Due to his venerated
status within Pakistan (he is literally considered a National hero by most of the country)
and his expurgatory confession, Abdul Qadeer Khan received very lenient treatment.
Additionally, Pakistan continues to restrict direct access to both him and his laboratory.
The leniency perceived to be shown to Abdul Qadeer Khan and the denial of access to
his papers to allow the US to fully assess the impact of his transgressions continues to
be an issue with US-Pakistani relations.21
The on-going dispute between India and Pakistan has also continued to be a
source of both regional instability and international concern. On a positive note, the
United States strongly encourages an ongoing Pakistan-India peace initiative.
Additionally, several recent confidence building measures have eased tensions to a
level that makes another war unlikely. The US’s proactive mediation has helped diffuse
the Kargil incident and the subsequent 2001/ 2002 mobilization of both countries that
resulted in forces juxtaposed across the border on the verge of war.22 Pakistan,
however, is concerned about the recent US-Indian nuclear agreement, and also aspires
for one itself, and is willing to accept all the associated safeguards and inspections that
follow.23 How this will play out within the region and between the two nuclear-armed
antagonists is still uncertain. What is certain is that US-Indian activities have a profound
affect on the Pakistani populace and Pakistan’s perceived security which can disrupt or
derail an otherwise positive US-Pakistani relationship.
Pakistan geographical location as a crossroads within the region also provides
some challenges. Pakistan is sometimes used as a transit country for opiates that are
grown and processed in Afghanistan and distributed worldwide. The counter-drug
campaign is both related to the war on terrorism and a separate and distinct problem for
the consumers in the US and the west. Thus, Pakistani progress in controlling and
eradicating drug production and trafficking becomes an area of US and international
concern. Pakistan has demonstrated its commitment by lending strong support to US
State Department in its narcotics control efforts.24 Also, Pakistan has almost eradicated
opium cultivation within Pakistan; however, a spike in the opium production in
Afghanistan has undermined much of this progress.25 Most of these drugs find their way
into western countries and the US, where it becomes a source of discord. Moreover, the
drug money is being extensively used to buy weapons for terrorism and terror related
activities.26 The infiltration of the border areas by drug traffickers and corresponding
economic influences in rural areas on the border and along the major trafficking routes
have become a source of friction both within the country and between Pakistan and
Afghanistan.27 How the US and the west portray the problem and the corresponding
rhetoric can serve to undermine US-Pakistani relations.28
The development of democratic institutions within Pakistan has historically been
one of the most important issues for the US and has often been linked rightly or wrongly
with the reduction and control of extremism in Pakistan.29 Unfortunately, the path
towards democracy has been impeded by several recent events: the state of
emergency declared by President Musharraf in November 2007; political instability
created by the assassination of the leader of Pakistan Peoples Party Muhatarma
Benazir Bhutto; and more recently by the situation created by the election results on
18th February 2008. How the winds of democracy shift within the volatile political context
emerging in Pakistan; the actions of the current and newly elected leaders; the
perceptions and activities of the major political factions within the populace; and the role
of the military in establishing order or enforcing the will of the people will all significantly
influence US-Pakistani relations.30 Hopefully, the US response to recent political
challenges can be a guide for future responses. Although there was furor among the US
Administration and the intelligentsia casting doubts on the Pakistani government and its
ability to provide security to the political leaders within the country, the US-Pakistani
relationship was not appreciably disrupted by the US Administration. Despite the
strident rhetoric, the US remained generally supportive of the President’s actions and
his decision to hold the elections in February of 2008, which has resulted in a fair
election and success of main political parties of ‘Pakistan Peoples Party’ and ‘Pakistan
Muslim League (Nawaz).’ Defeat of the religious parties in the recent elections is also a
testimony of the people’s desire to marginalize ethnicity and the militant version of
Islam. How it impacts the US -Pakistan relations is yet to be determined. As Pakistan
progresses towards democracy, the strategic environment holds both opportunities and
risks. In large measure, the immediate actions of both the government of Pakistan and
of the US regarding the march towards democracy will create the conditions for long
term success or failure for US-Pakistan relations.31
Economic prosperity is the primary enabler of internal stability. United States by far
is Pakistan’s leading export market, especially for cotton, textiles and apparel, rice, and
leather products. Direct foreign investment in Pakistan’s economy has exceeded $7
Billion for FY 07 of which about one–third of the volume came from US investors.32
Pakistan’s challenge is to instill international confidence in the internal stability of the
country to help foster increased foreign investment, curtail corruption and ensure
transparency. In many respects, perceptions of stability are just as important as reality
when influencing foreign investment. Thus, the impact of even minor variations in the
US-Pakistani relationship can shake or reinforce investor confidence and, as a second
order effect, cause instability or improve prosperity and stability.
Potential "Wild Card" Influences
The above referenced bi-lateral influences can be aggravated by other "wild-card"
events almost completely out of control of the major political actors. However, what is
important is how the major players react to those incidents.
For instance, the incident of desecration of the Holy Quran in April/ May 2005 at
Guantanamo created a strong sentiment against the US in almost all the Muslim
countries. In Pakistan numerous protests were staged to show the public distaste and
anger over the issue. Although Newsweek later retracted its story, the damage had
already been done. In parts of Waziristan and the North West Frontier Province and
certain other portions of the country, angers soared high and it all turned against the
Musharraf Government and the Pakistan Army for their association and apparent
support of the US.33 This single incident left cleavages in the relationships between the
Pakistani Army and the tribals and also between the general Pakistani masses and the
US.
Similarly, the publication of Cartoons by "Jyllands-Posten" about the Holy Prophet
Hazrat Muhammad (Peace be upon Him) in a Danish Newspaper in September 2005,
initially had little impact since the cartoon was not widely published and was unavailable
to most countries. However, when Denmark published the same cartoons for the
second time in January 2006, actually leading to printing of the same in France,
Germany, Italy and Spain in February 2006, it sparked a violent protest in Pakistan
including in the North West Frontier Province and Waziristan Agencies.34 Muslims
probably expected a higher level of cultural and religious sensitivity from the Europeans
and the United States. However, when the Danish Premier thanked European leaders
and US President George W Bush for their support and solidarity with Denmark,
Muslims all over the world erupted. In response, President Musharraf appealed to
Western governments to condemn the drawings and recalled the Pakistani ambassador
to Denmark. The protests in major Pakistani cities that erupted as part of the outrage
caused some damage to western business concerns in the country. This cultural and
religious insensitivity on part of the west, with the apparent acquiescence of the US, led
to increased internal instability and provoked major portions of the population.
The constant barrage of accusations hurled against Pakistan from mainly Afghan
leaders and certain Coalition Force (CF) participants that criticize Pakistani efforts to
eliminate militant safe-havens and cross-border operations also does little to improve
relationships. These accusations have become a constant irritant that also serves to
erode US-Pakistani relationships at the highest diplomatic and military levels. Both the
US and Pakistan need to better communicate and coordinate their respective strategies
and avoid passing judgment on the efficacy of each. There also needs to be an
increased recognition (and assigned culpability) for the many external influences
undermining Pakistan operations within the Waziristan Agency including those
emanating from Afghanistan. From the Pakistani perspective, building credibility and
legitimacy within the closed and insulated tribal regions requires patience and time.
Kinetic operations have their time and place but usually only reap strategic gains if
conducted within the context of a larger social-political-cultural effort. Pakistan seeks to
combine both short term measures to control the local security environment with a long
term approach focusing on developing lasting relationships with the fiercely independent
tribal leaders. Only through these long-term relationships can Pakistan establish the
conditions that will deny Taliban/Al Qaeda sanctuary and local support both now and
into the distant future.35 The Federally Administered Tribal Areas are a vast, remote,
and rurally populated region. Finding and eradicating small pockets of radicals without
the cooperation of the tribal’s is like finding the proverbial needle in the haystack without
help from the "straw".36 The Pakistani government understands the importance of
building close ties with the tribal chiefs (Maliks) for the long-term strategic success
against the Al Qaeda/Taliban radicals. Conversely, the US interests focuses more on
short term kinetic operations against the immediate threat seeking to prevent any and
all cross border operations regardless of tribal sensitivities or perceived tribal
sovereignty. While some of these operations achieve immediate local and tactical
successes they oftentimes alienate the tribals and result in increased tribal support for
the Taliban/Al Qaeda. Generally, the US has a short term perspective and seeks to
achieve a quick victory so it can eventually finish their job in Afghanistan and withdraw.
The difference in approaches and perspectives of both sides along the Afghan-Pakistani
border remains a contentious issue that can disrupt long term US-Pakistani
relationships.
The fog and friction inherent in war and military operations can also result in
incidents with dramatic political fallout. In the month of February 2007 an incident took
place at the operational level that had strategic effects. A US fighter aircraft dropped two
bombs (GBUs 34 and 38) on the Zoi Narai Post along Pakistan-Afghan border killing
one Frontier Corps Soldier and injuring many others. This incident had a very bad effect
on the soldiers deployed along the border as it instilled fear and anger for what
appeared to be irresponsible targeting by Coalition Forces (CFs). The incident resulted
in a joint inquiry with Brigadier Joseph L. Votel, DCG-O, CJTF-76 leading from the
Coalition Forces/ISAF side and Brigadier Rizwan Akhtar, Commander 27 Brigade, from
Pakistan Army. The conclusions of the inquiry were jointly presented at the General
Headquarters to the Director of General Military Operations, Pakistan Army and Major
General Hemley from the Office of the Defense Representative in Pakistan (ODRP). 37
The conclusions were different, though the recommendations were identical. However,
what is of paramount importance is that these inevitable incidences be thoroughly and
objectively investigated to the satisfaction of both parties and be accompanied by
appropriate corrective action that is publicized so that there are no perceptions of
favoritism or inequality in accountability.
How political agreements and bilateral engagements are described and couched
within the rhetoric of politicians and national leaders and reported by the news media
can cause significant misperceptions. For instance, it is routinely reported in the news
media that the United States has given Pakistan more than $10 billion in assistance,
channeled primarily through the Pakistani military, and these reports add that Pakistan
is not doing enough to control Taliban/Al Qaeda elements in FATA.38 The general
impression it gives to the Pakistani people and many international actors is that this is
some sort of business transaction where Pakistan was hired to perform a job and is
being paid. This perception marginalizes the coincident interests of both nations39 in
fighting the radical Taliban/Al Qaeda elements and also demeans the overall efforts of
the Pakistan Army in the GWOT. Although the US and Pakistan share coincident
interests in the GWOT, there still remains a very real need for the US to employ soft
power with Pakistan to positively influence the Pakistani populace. More deliberate and
continuous efforts must be made to accentuate areas of cooperation and highlight
operational successes. For instance, national leaders should respond to media criticism
of Pakistani efforts in the GWOT by publicizing those areas of Pakistani cooperation
such as: (1) the extension of basing and over-flight authority for US air assets during
Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) / Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) when Iran had
denied the US’s request; (2) the granting of US ground troops access to a select
number of Pakistani military bases; (3) the use of Pakistani forces for the force
protection of US forces in country and for the security of US ships in the Indian Ocean;
(4) the provision of Pakistani logistical support to the U.S. war effort, including vast
amounts of fuel for coalition aircraft and port access for the delivery of vital supplies;40
(5) the deployment of large numbers of Pakistani troops along the Western Borders and
the utilization of Frontier Corps in operations against the radical Taliban/Al Qaeda
elements for which it was not designed; and (6) allowing US access to Pakistani
intelligence resources. Also correcting associated media distortions of the use of those
funds could also dispel some misperceptions. For instance, of the $10 Billion received,
$6.5 Billion was intended to reimburse Pakistan for the cost of the facilities US Forces
are using. Three Billion dollars has been pledged (and not yet released) in accordance
with the Camp David Accord, of which $1.5 Billion is for military assistance and an
economic stimulus package.41 A certain portion of these funds are intended for the
Frontier Corps to enhance their capability to fight in the GWOT. Also, some funds have
been targeted for humanitarian and infrastructure projects such as the digging of wells
and construction of roads, schools and medical care facilities within the FATA. The
overall effect of these mis-statements by administration officials and politicians is to
weaken US-Pakistan relations, damage the Pakistani government’s image and
reputation within its own populace, and foment hatred against the US and sympathy for
the radicals.
Factors Shaping the Perceptions of the Pakistani Populace
A common Pakistani has always looked at the relations with the US as part of its
overall security framework focused primarily on the perceived threat from a militarily
stronger India.42 Following the partition, Pakistan’s vulnerability to a potentially
belligerent India provided the impetus to seek external security assistance from the
US.43 However, Pakistani security relationship with the US has been periodically
shaken by US overtures to India and a perception that the US may be an unreliable ally
should conflict between the two South Asian nations erupt.44 Consequently, anti
Americanism within Pakistan has always been a complex dynamic45 and is profoundly
influenced by the brief history of US-Pakistan oscillating relations and the perception of
the treatment of Muslims and Islam by the West.46 Notwithstanding, the threat posed by
India47 has served as a primary enabler for US-Pakistani relations as US involvement
and support can help mediate and ensure an equitable settlement of the Kashmir issue
as well as help represent Pakistani interests within the United Nations.
By and large, Pakistan remained anti-Soviet (and by association pro-US)
throughout much of the Cold War. This was brought to the fore following the USSR
invasion of Afghanistan when public support turned even more towards the US as both
countries supported covert and overt Taliban operations against Soviet forces in
Afghanistan. However, following the eventual defeat of the Soviets, subsequent US
withdrawal from the region, and reinstatement of US nuclear non-proliferation sanctions
against Pakistan, major portions of the Pakistani populace lost faith in the US and have
remained skeptical of the US’s reliability as a strategic partner ever since.
Additionally, even throughout the Cold War there existed major portions of the
populace that aligned themselves opposite to that of the Pakistani central government
and, within the Cold-war dichotomy, away from the US and towards the Soviet Union.
This allowed the dissenting political parties to develop links with Moscow throughout the
cold war era. During this period, the more the Pakistan central government was
identified with Washington, the more these elements cultivated anti-US feelings.
However, with the end of the Cold War, this anti-US dynamic was largely mitigated
although there remains some residual Cold-War-based animosity within certain
social/political quarters.48
Another important dimension to these anti-US sentiments is rooted in the Islamist
Framework.49 There is a very real perception that the US actions against terrorist and
terrorism is becoming increasingly religious-based with a growing focus against Islam in
general. As one of the World’s largest Islamic countries, Pakistan understandingly
identifies and empathizes with the rest of the Muslims in the World.50 This affiliation is
entwined with both nationalism and even tribal identities. Thus, as an increasing number
conflicts portray Muslims as victims in one or the other part of the world, the Pakistani
populace has grown suspicious of the US’s implied or overt role, or lack of it, in these
crises. The common perception is that certain ‘Muslim" societies are currently under
foreign occupation. Additionally, the United States seems to be fighting terrorism with
traditional instruments of power whose bluntness obscures the subtlety and complexity
of the issues. The US’s mostly unilateral use of force also depicts a "crusader-like" zeal
that appears more like an ideological struggle in a clash of civilizations vice the
purported securing of US security interests.51
Even where the US is not directly involved in these Islamic trouble spots it still
assumes some culpability in the eyes of the populace. The perception with many in
Pakistan is that as the World’s sole super-power, the US bears de facto responsibility
for many of the injustices inflicted on the international Muslim community because it
uniquely possesses the apparent means to resolve or prevent them but chooses not to.
Nonetheless, there is also a muted appreciation of what America has done for Pakistan,
especially in the nation's early history when it was struggling for survival, and more
recently because of the US’s rapid humanitarian assistance to Pakistan following the
devastating earthquake in 2005.52 Consequently, all the main political parties, including
the Islamists, maintain an open, albeit suspicious, attitude towards the US and are
generally prepared to work with it.
In the same way, Israel has become an object of Muslim hatred within Pakistan, as
elsewhere, for its apparent persecution and punitive actions against the Palestinian
nation.53 Regardless of Israel’s stated justifications, the repeated portrayal of Israeli
Defense Force atrocities in the Arab media have, over time, solidified an anti-Israeli
prejudice within the populace. Despite whether the US could actually curb or deter
Israeli actions against the Palestinians and its other Arab neighbors, the US’s overall
support for Israel is viewed as an enabler of Israeli atrocities and social injustices and is
also viewed as the guarantor of Israeli hegemony within the Middle East.54 For instance,
the blockade in Gaza and related violence soon after the visit of President Bush from 9
to 11 January 2008, coupled with the fresh spate of apparently disproportionate
responses to rocket fire that resulted in the deaths of large number of Muslims55
reinforces these perceptions.
Finally, the US’s establishment of additional restrictions for visiting the United
States has caused some consternation and suspicions. Many Muslims perceive the
United States is singling them out and closing its doors on them with some of the more
heavy-handed visa policies of the Department of Homeland Security. This perception,
when added to those outlined above, serves to paint a broader picture of US prejudice
and discrimination against Muslims in general.
The Overall Trust Deficit
The history of US-Pakistani relations, a series of cascading "wild card" influences
and other factors shaping the perceptions of the Pakistani populace have all served to
create an overall US-Pakistan "trust deficit."56 There is a sense that the United States
has abandoned many of its ideals and historic soft power approaches and that its
foreign policy has shifted towards the use or threatened use of force to pursue its policy
objectives.
As previously outlined for several related issues, significant damage to the US
Pakistan relations, and at times the GWOT, is caused by irresponsible and distorted
press reporting and ill-informed political pundits. Of course within an increasing global
free press, there will always be distortions caused by ignorance and special interests.
However, the challenge for both the governments (Pakistan and the US) is to cultivate
their relations with the press and take immediate measures to inform the "experts" and
dispel and discredit deliberate distortions when and where they occur. Understanding
the issues, the social dynamics, culture, and perceptions of the "Pakistani People" is
essential in understanding the impact of these distortions and formulating an
appropriate response. Developing informed and coordinated responses by political
leaders from both countries on exigent events and avoidance of distorted press
reporting can help alleviate some of these negative consequences and help ameliorate
some of the liabilities associated with a free press.57
The Path Towards Bridging the Trust Gap
The current US engagement with Pakistan is primarily focused on the GWOT, with
some mutual interest in meeting other strategic challenges such as: avoiding conflict
with India and ensuring regional stability; stopping opium production and drug transit
through Pakistan; security of nuclear weapons and continued non-proliferation;
exploiting economic and strategic opportunities in South Asia; re-establishing
democracy; and limiting anti-Americanism/ extremism in Pakistan.58 It is through the
recognition and strength of these primary mutual interests that must bridge the trust gap
and move the countries towards closer relations. Each country should recognize that
the mutual benefits accrued through a strengthened relationship is more important than
any single point of contention and refrain from allowing any one area to irreparably
damage the overall relationship. Nonetheless, critical U.S. and Pakistan policy choices
in the region require an integrated approach to the issues as they are all inextricably
linked. Success in bridging the trust gap will depend upon the coordinated actions of
both the countries.
Pakistan Specific Measures
Pakistan needs to enhance its credibility by publicly identifying some of its critical
strategic challenges. It must reform its governance, improve the economy, confront and
eliminate Islamic extremism, and create a more tolerant society.59 Most important, it
must aggressively pursue rapprochement with India.60
Pakistan must improve public services; eradicate corruption, end inequities among
the provinces, and improve illiteracy rates. Good governance begins at the lowest level
and extends upward to the National level. Better management of the relations between
the central and provincial governments will stimulate the economies of both and help
realize full economic potential.61
Political stability and internal order are complementary and are essential for
attracting critically needed foreign investment for economic development. The ability to
provide such security depends upon the integrity and effectiveness of Pakistan's
political process. The mechanism for establishing the rule of law begins with a free
political process but also extends to an effective and independent judicial system and a
modern, well equipped professional police force. The role of the military should be
limited to ensuring the Nation’s security from external threats and in waging the war
against terrorists and only be utilized for internal security as a last resort.62
Pakistan should also provide greater transparency for its nuclear program. In this
regard, it needs to take a more concerted effort to assure the United States and the
world about the security of their nuclear weapons and facilities and the intentions of its
nuclear program.
United States Specific Measures
The US-Pakistan alliance in fighting the Global War on Terrorism provides the
immediate and compelling impetus for close relations. Continued US coordination and
support in this area is essential. However, and as indicated above, there is a broad
range of coincident interests that should also be exploited during this intense period of
cooperation to provide a basis for establishing a long term and stable relationship.
These measures could provide a more stable foundation that can be expanded to other
areas of primary need within Pakistan such as developing closer economic ties, creating
new educational opportunities, establishing closer cultural linkages, and developing a
shared understanding of the each country’s perspectives on terrorism, democracy, non
proliferation, and other regional issues. As indicated above, a key factor in current and
future US-Pakistan relations is the US interactions with India and how they are couched
within the regional and Indian-Pakistani contexts.63
The resolution of the Kashmir issue and securing a lasting peace with India is vital
to the stability of Pakistan and the region.64 This could free up significant Pakistani
military forces for potential employment in other troubled areas for operations against
the Taliban/Al Qaeda. Also, an externally stable and secure Pakistan is more likely to
focus on its economic well being and eventually serve as an example of a successful
and democratic Islamic country both for the region and globally. More deliberate and
energetic efforts by the US with both India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue
and lay the groundwork for Indian-Pakistani rapprochement would dramatically improve
the US-Pakistani relationship.65
As the country continues to edge towards a stable democracy, the US can help by
demonstrating both a better understanding of the socio-political currents within Pakistan
and the need for patience and tolerance. The United States must understand the
requirement and dynamics of democracy in Pakistan and continue support of Pakistan
and its new civilian Government with or without President Musharraf.66 Applying
diplomatic or covert pressure on any aspect of the new government formation can
cause irreparable harm to the process and the bi-lateral relationship.67
The US and, in particular, USAID should make a concerted effort to assist the
implementation of educational reforms within Pakistan. This would include help in
establishing sound educational policies, developing comprehensive strategic plans,
teacher and administrator training, adult and youth literacy programs, and assistance in
improving coordination and standardization between the public and private spheres.68
An essential goal of the effort should be the improvement of educational facilities and
associated programs within the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA); and to
increase the number of Pakistani educators trained in the United States. However, the
program should be aimed at improving education and literacy countrywide and
emphasize local solutions for meeting educational requirements rather than imposing
unworkable or culturally insensitive solutions with a centrally managed and administered
program.
The United States needs to view their engagement with Pakistan in a holistic
manner. Programs should focus on the populace in general and not just the central
Government or be confined to assistance on GWOT. Broad-based programs focusing
on improving security, prosperity, stability, education and infrastructure will raise the
people's confidence in the country's relationship with the United States. A broad US
focus would represent a long-term commitment to US-Pakistan relations and would
improve confidence and trust across all areas of engagement. The potential long-term
benefits in other areas of mutual interest, such as for GWOT operations or for improved
regional stability, could be profound.
Recognizing that many of the global problem areas and flash points involve
Muslim factions, the United States must still be careful not to appear to be in conflict
with Islam. The adopted terminology, corresponding political rhetoric, and diplomatic
and military responses must be carefully crafted so as to avoid generic references to
Islam. The US should also be careful not to reinforce the perception that the conflict is
somehow a religious-based crusade of Christianity versus Islam. Likewise, when the
opportunity arises, the US should make demonstrative efforts to support and praise
Islamic socio-political advances and, where possible, make concessions when the
negative political-economic consequences are relatively low.
The threatened use of sanctions against a trusted strategic partner obviously
undermines the relationship.69 Additionally, these threats directly convey a subordinate
or submissive stature of Pakistan in the bilateral relationship and alienate the
government and the populace.70 Moreover, Pakistanis realize that US extended
economic and political support is always subject to withdrawal and the potential of the
imposition of sanctions is always considered by Pakistan before deciding on a policy
option. Thus the use of these as "threats" has little impact on the behavior of Pakistan
but have a profound impact on the public and the long term US-Pakistani relationship.71
First, the strength of the US-Pakistani relationship should preclude the US from
considering these sanctions; second, policy decision that may result in the consideration
of the imposition of these sanctions should be discussed freely between the two
countries before the decisions are made; finally, where Pakistan and the US believe that
both their policy decisions are warranted, Pakistan should pursue their approach and
the US should simply impose the sanctions without the attendant threats and fanfare.72
As the global super-power, the US exercises influence over a wide range of global
allies many of which have a vital interest in the stability of South Asia and the Middle
East. The US should take deliberate steps to build a broader coalition of countries to
support Pakistan's reform efforts, including soliciting highly visible donors such as
Japan. A minimum level of security assistance should also be immune from any
sanctions or consideration of use for political pressure by the United States.
Economic prosperity and stability are two sides of the same coin. As the world’s premier
economic power, the US has the unique ability to help establish a vibrant Pakistani
economy and increase employment. To this end, the bilateral investment agreement73
(not yet concluded), between the two countries should be expedited. It will be seen by
the international business community as an affirmation of Pakistan's economic stability,
and thus raise investor confidence in the country. In the meantime, both the United
States and Japan should provide greater market access for Pakistani textiles as an
effective interim economic stimulus measure.
One of the most important aspects of United States assistance is in the area of
energy. As a fossil fuel deficient country, Pakistan’s expanding economy requires
immediate assistance in the field of nuclear energy production. The energy demands
are so great and potential benefit afforded by nuclear power generation so substantial
that the United States can require, and Pakistan will agree, to just about any guaranteed
access, inspections, or required security arrangements.
Conclusion
The relatively short history of US-Pakistani relations is fraught with strategic
miscues. However, Pakistan’s important role in the GWOT provides a unique
opportunity for developing and maturing the US-Pakistan relationship for the long term
benefit of both countries.74 To enable this growth, both countries must become
sensitized to each others social, political, economic, cultural, religious, and sectarian
influences and undertake specific measures to cultivate areas of mutual interest while
avoiding provocative actions and mitigating wild card events.
Along with the execution of the GWOT, the US and Pakistan share mutual interest
in avoiding conflict with India and ensuring regional stability, stopping opium production
and drug transit through Pakistan, ensuring the security of nuclear weapons and
continued non-proliferation, exploiting economic and strategic opportunities in South
Asia, re-establishing a stable democracy within Pakistan, and limiting anti
Americanism/extremism. With an informed understanding of the potential benefits in
each of these areas, both countries can help build a long-term relationship largely
immune to near term challenges and fluctuations, and thus provide a lasting bridge
across the existing trust gap.
This article will discuss the trust/mistrust between US and Pakistan and what is the obstacle of an advancing relationship between the two nation. Written in 2008, it also discuss both strength and weakness of such alliance (US-PAK) and how does it affect or affected by the global war on terror.
Part 2 will be this poster (Having a Master of international Business with limited Military Experience) trying to response to Lt Gen Akhtar article in 2015 stand point.
Please do enjoy, and discussions are welcome
The relationship between Pakistan and United States has been and continues to
be complex and varied.1 Throughout Pakistan’s brief history, the two countries have
oscillated from an uneasy alignment, to nearly a complete detachment, to re-alignment,
then to renewed sanctions, and now back to being allies.2 During the periods of
cooperation, both countries had compelling coincident interests and generally
overlooked past or ongoing differences.3 The global war on terrorism (GWOT) has
provided the most current opportunity for establishing a close and lasting US- Pakistan
relationship. However, the war neither limits the relationship's scope nor necessarily
overcomes the attendant bilateral challenges that could erode the relationship in the
future.4 With Pakistan being an unwelcome addition to the nuclear regime, a crucial
partner in the war on terrorism, and with a volatile political and social environment, the
United States faces a broad range of foreign policy challenges when dealing with
Pakistan.5 Moreover, U.S. policy choices toward Pakistan have to be integrated with
broader regional policies as the relationships between the regional actors and the global
role of South Asia undergoes rapid changes. Adding to this complexity is the friction
caused by disagreements of the two allies on operational aspects of the conduct of the
GWOT.6 For instance, Pakistan has repeatedly rejected requests by the US to allow its
combat troops to operate in the tribal areas inside Pakistan or to allow US personnel to
deal directly with local tribal leaders. This coupled with Pakistan’s cautious and
measured approach towards combating militancy, particularly in the North-West Frontier
Province (NWFP) and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), has been met
with sharp criticism from many influential quarters within the US. Correspondingly,
certain elements in Pakistan – particularly those critical of the military, view the US as a
"disloyal and inconsistent friend"7 which cannot be relied upon.8 As for the larger
Pakistani population, they are also cautious about current US support.9 Notwithstanding
the divergence of interests on several bilateral, regional and global interests, the GWOT
provides a very real opportunity for establishing a strong and lasting strategic
partnership between the US and Pakistan. Conversely, as with previous periods of
engagement, the current relationship could also lead to immediate or latent problems, if
not handled prudently, that may complicate regional security in the mid- to long- term.
What the US and Pakistan, especially with the new government in power, decide to
pursue, and how they do it, will likely have a profound impact on future stability of the
region and overall strategic success of the GWOT.
This paper evaluates the current US-Pakistani relationship, examines and
assesses the sources of friction and distrust between the two countries, and
recommends specific measures both countries can take to solidify their relationship,
provide for long-term regional stability, and make substantial progress in the GWOT.
Background
The US and Pakistan have been drawn together by coincident interests on three
separate occasions. The first occurred during the height of the Cold War (from the mid
1950s to mid-1960s); the second was during the Afghan Jihad in the 1980s (again
lasting about a decade); and the third engagement dates to September 11, 2001, and
the subsequent war on terrorism. Since the event of 9/11, Pakistan has been a key ally
in the Global War on Terrorism. Pakistan’s cooperation with the US in the Global War
on Terror has increased the effectiveness of its operations against terrorism but also led
to severe consequences for the Government of Pakistan, the Pakistan Army and for the
country’s social fabric.10
The previously mentioned oscillating relationship between the US and Pakistan
has left in its wake resentment and a sense of betrayal within Pakistan. Yet, US
Pakistan cooperation has served some important mutual interests in the past and is
doing so to some extent again in the present. Historically, the issues marking the US
Pakistan relationship, whether they united or divided the two countries, have had
regional and national impacts.11 In developing a path towards a stronger bilateral
relationship, it is useful to examine and assess the wide range of attendant and exigent
issues influencing these two allies.
Pakistan-US Relations and Current Bilateral Issues
Following 9/11 and the United States request for assistance, Pakistan provided
unprecedented levels of vital support to the US-led operations in Afghanistan.12
However, even prior to 9/11, Pakistan had recognized the growing threat of extremism
and had taken aggressive actions to curb this extremism and combat terrorism.13
Nevertheless, following the 9/11 event, Pakistan increased its operations and vowed to
prevent terrorists from using its territory as a base of support for terrorism of any kind.14
Correspondingly, Pakistan was designated as a major Non-NATO United States
ally in June 200415 and most of the aid which was cut off in the 1990’s was also
restored.16 This resumption of aid and increased exports to the US helped Pakistan in
their efforts to upgrade their military equipment and receive weapon systems previously
purchased from the US but subsequently held back because of the reinstatement of the
nuclear non-proliferation related sanctions. Likewise, in 2003, a US-Pakistan
Afghanistan Tripartite Commission was established to bring together military
commanders to discuss stability and related issues concerning the border regions of
both the countries. The resultant security assistance programs were basically aimed to
enhance Pakistan’s counterterrorism and border security capabilities. The US also
instituted a number of training programs for military and civil education in United States
for Pakistan. Concurrently, the US provided Pakistan some modern equipment with 18
newly-built advanced F-16 combat aircraft (and an option for 18 more) along with their
related munitions and equipment, Cobra Gunship Helicopters with spare parts, as well
as other gear and equipment useful for the GWOT.17 Although, the equipment was both
important and appreciated, many within Pakistan viewed the provision of the F-16s with
great cynicism since the US was providing platforms that had already been ordered and
paid for when the two countries were working together but were not delivered because
the sanctions had subsequently been reinstated. Similarly, there has surfaced a diverse
number of other strategic issues affecting US-Pakistani relationships.18
The issue of Abdul Qadeer Khan’s nuclear proliferation network and Pakistan’s
nuclear transparency has been one of the main friction points of US-Pakistani bi-lateral
relations. Following an internal Pakistani investigation by the National Accountability
Bureau, and significantly prior to US political pressure,19 Abdul Qadeer Khan’s network
was identified, dismantled and he was brought to justice. Following his confession and
subsequent pardon by the President, he was placed under house arrest and he remains
confined to his house (his house being declared as a sub jail).20 Due to his venerated
status within Pakistan (he is literally considered a National hero by most of the country)
and his expurgatory confession, Abdul Qadeer Khan received very lenient treatment.
Additionally, Pakistan continues to restrict direct access to both him and his laboratory.
The leniency perceived to be shown to Abdul Qadeer Khan and the denial of access to
his papers to allow the US to fully assess the impact of his transgressions continues to
be an issue with US-Pakistani relations.21
The on-going dispute between India and Pakistan has also continued to be a
source of both regional instability and international concern. On a positive note, the
United States strongly encourages an ongoing Pakistan-India peace initiative.
Additionally, several recent confidence building measures have eased tensions to a
level that makes another war unlikely. The US’s proactive mediation has helped diffuse
the Kargil incident and the subsequent 2001/ 2002 mobilization of both countries that
resulted in forces juxtaposed across the border on the verge of war.22 Pakistan,
however, is concerned about the recent US-Indian nuclear agreement, and also aspires
for one itself, and is willing to accept all the associated safeguards and inspections that
follow.23 How this will play out within the region and between the two nuclear-armed
antagonists is still uncertain. What is certain is that US-Indian activities have a profound
affect on the Pakistani populace and Pakistan’s perceived security which can disrupt or
derail an otherwise positive US-Pakistani relationship.
Pakistan geographical location as a crossroads within the region also provides
some challenges. Pakistan is sometimes used as a transit country for opiates that are
grown and processed in Afghanistan and distributed worldwide. The counter-drug
campaign is both related to the war on terrorism and a separate and distinct problem for
the consumers in the US and the west. Thus, Pakistani progress in controlling and
eradicating drug production and trafficking becomes an area of US and international
concern. Pakistan has demonstrated its commitment by lending strong support to US
State Department in its narcotics control efforts.24 Also, Pakistan has almost eradicated
opium cultivation within Pakistan; however, a spike in the opium production in
Afghanistan has undermined much of this progress.25 Most of these drugs find their way
into western countries and the US, where it becomes a source of discord. Moreover, the
drug money is being extensively used to buy weapons for terrorism and terror related
activities.26 The infiltration of the border areas by drug traffickers and corresponding
economic influences in rural areas on the border and along the major trafficking routes
have become a source of friction both within the country and between Pakistan and
Afghanistan.27 How the US and the west portray the problem and the corresponding
rhetoric can serve to undermine US-Pakistani relations.28
The development of democratic institutions within Pakistan has historically been
one of the most important issues for the US and has often been linked rightly or wrongly
with the reduction and control of extremism in Pakistan.29 Unfortunately, the path
towards democracy has been impeded by several recent events: the state of
emergency declared by President Musharraf in November 2007; political instability
created by the assassination of the leader of Pakistan Peoples Party Muhatarma
Benazir Bhutto; and more recently by the situation created by the election results on
18th February 2008. How the winds of democracy shift within the volatile political context
emerging in Pakistan; the actions of the current and newly elected leaders; the
perceptions and activities of the major political factions within the populace; and the role
of the military in establishing order or enforcing the will of the people will all significantly
influence US-Pakistani relations.30 Hopefully, the US response to recent political
challenges can be a guide for future responses. Although there was furor among the US
Administration and the intelligentsia casting doubts on the Pakistani government and its
ability to provide security to the political leaders within the country, the US-Pakistani
relationship was not appreciably disrupted by the US Administration. Despite the
strident rhetoric, the US remained generally supportive of the President’s actions and
his decision to hold the elections in February of 2008, which has resulted in a fair
election and success of main political parties of ‘Pakistan Peoples Party’ and ‘Pakistan
Muslim League (Nawaz).’ Defeat of the religious parties in the recent elections is also a
testimony of the people’s desire to marginalize ethnicity and the militant version of
Islam. How it impacts the US -Pakistan relations is yet to be determined. As Pakistan
progresses towards democracy, the strategic environment holds both opportunities and
risks. In large measure, the immediate actions of both the government of Pakistan and
of the US regarding the march towards democracy will create the conditions for long
term success or failure for US-Pakistan relations.31
Economic prosperity is the primary enabler of internal stability. United States by far
is Pakistan’s leading export market, especially for cotton, textiles and apparel, rice, and
leather products. Direct foreign investment in Pakistan’s economy has exceeded $7
Billion for FY 07 of which about one–third of the volume came from US investors.32
Pakistan’s challenge is to instill international confidence in the internal stability of the
country to help foster increased foreign investment, curtail corruption and ensure
transparency. In many respects, perceptions of stability are just as important as reality
when influencing foreign investment. Thus, the impact of even minor variations in the
US-Pakistani relationship can shake or reinforce investor confidence and, as a second
order effect, cause instability or improve prosperity and stability.
Potential "Wild Card" Influences
The above referenced bi-lateral influences can be aggravated by other "wild-card"
events almost completely out of control of the major political actors. However, what is
important is how the major players react to those incidents.
For instance, the incident of desecration of the Holy Quran in April/ May 2005 at
Guantanamo created a strong sentiment against the US in almost all the Muslim
countries. In Pakistan numerous protests were staged to show the public distaste and
anger over the issue. Although Newsweek later retracted its story, the damage had
already been done. In parts of Waziristan and the North West Frontier Province and
certain other portions of the country, angers soared high and it all turned against the
Musharraf Government and the Pakistan Army for their association and apparent
support of the US.33 This single incident left cleavages in the relationships between the
Pakistani Army and the tribals and also between the general Pakistani masses and the
US.
Similarly, the publication of Cartoons by "Jyllands-Posten" about the Holy Prophet
Hazrat Muhammad (Peace be upon Him) in a Danish Newspaper in September 2005,
initially had little impact since the cartoon was not widely published and was unavailable
to most countries. However, when Denmark published the same cartoons for the
second time in January 2006, actually leading to printing of the same in France,
Germany, Italy and Spain in February 2006, it sparked a violent protest in Pakistan
including in the North West Frontier Province and Waziristan Agencies.34 Muslims
probably expected a higher level of cultural and religious sensitivity from the Europeans
and the United States. However, when the Danish Premier thanked European leaders
and US President George W Bush for their support and solidarity with Denmark,
Muslims all over the world erupted. In response, President Musharraf appealed to
Western governments to condemn the drawings and recalled the Pakistani ambassador
to Denmark. The protests in major Pakistani cities that erupted as part of the outrage
caused some damage to western business concerns in the country. This cultural and
religious insensitivity on part of the west, with the apparent acquiescence of the US, led
to increased internal instability and provoked major portions of the population.
The constant barrage of accusations hurled against Pakistan from mainly Afghan
leaders and certain Coalition Force (CF) participants that criticize Pakistani efforts to
eliminate militant safe-havens and cross-border operations also does little to improve
relationships. These accusations have become a constant irritant that also serves to
erode US-Pakistani relationships at the highest diplomatic and military levels. Both the
US and Pakistan need to better communicate and coordinate their respective strategies
and avoid passing judgment on the efficacy of each. There also needs to be an
increased recognition (and assigned culpability) for the many external influences
undermining Pakistan operations within the Waziristan Agency including those
emanating from Afghanistan. From the Pakistani perspective, building credibility and
legitimacy within the closed and insulated tribal regions requires patience and time.
Kinetic operations have their time and place but usually only reap strategic gains if
conducted within the context of a larger social-political-cultural effort. Pakistan seeks to
combine both short term measures to control the local security environment with a long
term approach focusing on developing lasting relationships with the fiercely independent
tribal leaders. Only through these long-term relationships can Pakistan establish the
conditions that will deny Taliban/Al Qaeda sanctuary and local support both now and
into the distant future.35 The Federally Administered Tribal Areas are a vast, remote,
and rurally populated region. Finding and eradicating small pockets of radicals without
the cooperation of the tribal’s is like finding the proverbial needle in the haystack without
help from the "straw".36 The Pakistani government understands the importance of
building close ties with the tribal chiefs (Maliks) for the long-term strategic success
against the Al Qaeda/Taliban radicals. Conversely, the US interests focuses more on
short term kinetic operations against the immediate threat seeking to prevent any and
all cross border operations regardless of tribal sensitivities or perceived tribal
sovereignty. While some of these operations achieve immediate local and tactical
successes they oftentimes alienate the tribals and result in increased tribal support for
the Taliban/Al Qaeda. Generally, the US has a short term perspective and seeks to
achieve a quick victory so it can eventually finish their job in Afghanistan and withdraw.
The difference in approaches and perspectives of both sides along the Afghan-Pakistani
border remains a contentious issue that can disrupt long term US-Pakistani
relationships.
The fog and friction inherent in war and military operations can also result in
incidents with dramatic political fallout. In the month of February 2007 an incident took
place at the operational level that had strategic effects. A US fighter aircraft dropped two
bombs (GBUs 34 and 38) on the Zoi Narai Post along Pakistan-Afghan border killing
one Frontier Corps Soldier and injuring many others. This incident had a very bad effect
on the soldiers deployed along the border as it instilled fear and anger for what
appeared to be irresponsible targeting by Coalition Forces (CFs). The incident resulted
in a joint inquiry with Brigadier Joseph L. Votel, DCG-O, CJTF-76 leading from the
Coalition Forces/ISAF side and Brigadier Rizwan Akhtar, Commander 27 Brigade, from
Pakistan Army. The conclusions of the inquiry were jointly presented at the General
Headquarters to the Director of General Military Operations, Pakistan Army and Major
General Hemley from the Office of the Defense Representative in Pakistan (ODRP). 37
The conclusions were different, though the recommendations were identical. However,
what is of paramount importance is that these inevitable incidences be thoroughly and
objectively investigated to the satisfaction of both parties and be accompanied by
appropriate corrective action that is publicized so that there are no perceptions of
favoritism or inequality in accountability.
How political agreements and bilateral engagements are described and couched
within the rhetoric of politicians and national leaders and reported by the news media
can cause significant misperceptions. For instance, it is routinely reported in the news
media that the United States has given Pakistan more than $10 billion in assistance,
channeled primarily through the Pakistani military, and these reports add that Pakistan
is not doing enough to control Taliban/Al Qaeda elements in FATA.38 The general
impression it gives to the Pakistani people and many international actors is that this is
some sort of business transaction where Pakistan was hired to perform a job and is
being paid. This perception marginalizes the coincident interests of both nations39 in
fighting the radical Taliban/Al Qaeda elements and also demeans the overall efforts of
the Pakistan Army in the GWOT. Although the US and Pakistan share coincident
interests in the GWOT, there still remains a very real need for the US to employ soft
power with Pakistan to positively influence the Pakistani populace. More deliberate and
continuous efforts must be made to accentuate areas of cooperation and highlight
operational successes. For instance, national leaders should respond to media criticism
of Pakistani efforts in the GWOT by publicizing those areas of Pakistani cooperation
such as: (1) the extension of basing and over-flight authority for US air assets during
Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) / Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) when Iran had
denied the US’s request; (2) the granting of US ground troops access to a select
number of Pakistani military bases; (3) the use of Pakistani forces for the force
protection of US forces in country and for the security of US ships in the Indian Ocean;
(4) the provision of Pakistani logistical support to the U.S. war effort, including vast
amounts of fuel for coalition aircraft and port access for the delivery of vital supplies;40
(5) the deployment of large numbers of Pakistani troops along the Western Borders and
the utilization of Frontier Corps in operations against the radical Taliban/Al Qaeda
elements for which it was not designed; and (6) allowing US access to Pakistani
intelligence resources. Also correcting associated media distortions of the use of those
funds could also dispel some misperceptions. For instance, of the $10 Billion received,
$6.5 Billion was intended to reimburse Pakistan for the cost of the facilities US Forces
are using. Three Billion dollars has been pledged (and not yet released) in accordance
with the Camp David Accord, of which $1.5 Billion is for military assistance and an
economic stimulus package.41 A certain portion of these funds are intended for the
Frontier Corps to enhance their capability to fight in the GWOT. Also, some funds have
been targeted for humanitarian and infrastructure projects such as the digging of wells
and construction of roads, schools and medical care facilities within the FATA. The
overall effect of these mis-statements by administration officials and politicians is to
weaken US-Pakistan relations, damage the Pakistani government’s image and
reputation within its own populace, and foment hatred against the US and sympathy for
the radicals.
Factors Shaping the Perceptions of the Pakistani Populace
A common Pakistani has always looked at the relations with the US as part of its
overall security framework focused primarily on the perceived threat from a militarily
stronger India.42 Following the partition, Pakistan’s vulnerability to a potentially
belligerent India provided the impetus to seek external security assistance from the
US.43 However, Pakistani security relationship with the US has been periodically
shaken by US overtures to India and a perception that the US may be an unreliable ally
should conflict between the two South Asian nations erupt.44 Consequently, anti
Americanism within Pakistan has always been a complex dynamic45 and is profoundly
influenced by the brief history of US-Pakistan oscillating relations and the perception of
the treatment of Muslims and Islam by the West.46 Notwithstanding, the threat posed by
India47 has served as a primary enabler for US-Pakistani relations as US involvement
and support can help mediate and ensure an equitable settlement of the Kashmir issue
as well as help represent Pakistani interests within the United Nations.
By and large, Pakistan remained anti-Soviet (and by association pro-US)
throughout much of the Cold War. This was brought to the fore following the USSR
invasion of Afghanistan when public support turned even more towards the US as both
countries supported covert and overt Taliban operations against Soviet forces in
Afghanistan. However, following the eventual defeat of the Soviets, subsequent US
withdrawal from the region, and reinstatement of US nuclear non-proliferation sanctions
against Pakistan, major portions of the Pakistani populace lost faith in the US and have
remained skeptical of the US’s reliability as a strategic partner ever since.
Additionally, even throughout the Cold War there existed major portions of the
populace that aligned themselves opposite to that of the Pakistani central government
and, within the Cold-war dichotomy, away from the US and towards the Soviet Union.
This allowed the dissenting political parties to develop links with Moscow throughout the
cold war era. During this period, the more the Pakistan central government was
identified with Washington, the more these elements cultivated anti-US feelings.
However, with the end of the Cold War, this anti-US dynamic was largely mitigated
although there remains some residual Cold-War-based animosity within certain
social/political quarters.48
Another important dimension to these anti-US sentiments is rooted in the Islamist
Framework.49 There is a very real perception that the US actions against terrorist and
terrorism is becoming increasingly religious-based with a growing focus against Islam in
general. As one of the World’s largest Islamic countries, Pakistan understandingly
identifies and empathizes with the rest of the Muslims in the World.50 This affiliation is
entwined with both nationalism and even tribal identities. Thus, as an increasing number
conflicts portray Muslims as victims in one or the other part of the world, the Pakistani
populace has grown suspicious of the US’s implied or overt role, or lack of it, in these
crises. The common perception is that certain ‘Muslim" societies are currently under
foreign occupation. Additionally, the United States seems to be fighting terrorism with
traditional instruments of power whose bluntness obscures the subtlety and complexity
of the issues. The US’s mostly unilateral use of force also depicts a "crusader-like" zeal
that appears more like an ideological struggle in a clash of civilizations vice the
purported securing of US security interests.51
Even where the US is not directly involved in these Islamic trouble spots it still
assumes some culpability in the eyes of the populace. The perception with many in
Pakistan is that as the World’s sole super-power, the US bears de facto responsibility
for many of the injustices inflicted on the international Muslim community because it
uniquely possesses the apparent means to resolve or prevent them but chooses not to.
Nonetheless, there is also a muted appreciation of what America has done for Pakistan,
especially in the nation's early history when it was struggling for survival, and more
recently because of the US’s rapid humanitarian assistance to Pakistan following the
devastating earthquake in 2005.52 Consequently, all the main political parties, including
the Islamists, maintain an open, albeit suspicious, attitude towards the US and are
generally prepared to work with it.
In the same way, Israel has become an object of Muslim hatred within Pakistan, as
elsewhere, for its apparent persecution and punitive actions against the Palestinian
nation.53 Regardless of Israel’s stated justifications, the repeated portrayal of Israeli
Defense Force atrocities in the Arab media have, over time, solidified an anti-Israeli
prejudice within the populace. Despite whether the US could actually curb or deter
Israeli actions against the Palestinians and its other Arab neighbors, the US’s overall
support for Israel is viewed as an enabler of Israeli atrocities and social injustices and is
also viewed as the guarantor of Israeli hegemony within the Middle East.54 For instance,
the blockade in Gaza and related violence soon after the visit of President Bush from 9
to 11 January 2008, coupled with the fresh spate of apparently disproportionate
responses to rocket fire that resulted in the deaths of large number of Muslims55
reinforces these perceptions.
Finally, the US’s establishment of additional restrictions for visiting the United
States has caused some consternation and suspicions. Many Muslims perceive the
United States is singling them out and closing its doors on them with some of the more
heavy-handed visa policies of the Department of Homeland Security. This perception,
when added to those outlined above, serves to paint a broader picture of US prejudice
and discrimination against Muslims in general.
The Overall Trust Deficit
The history of US-Pakistani relations, a series of cascading "wild card" influences
and other factors shaping the perceptions of the Pakistani populace have all served to
create an overall US-Pakistan "trust deficit."56 There is a sense that the United States
has abandoned many of its ideals and historic soft power approaches and that its
foreign policy has shifted towards the use or threatened use of force to pursue its policy
objectives.
As previously outlined for several related issues, significant damage to the US
Pakistan relations, and at times the GWOT, is caused by irresponsible and distorted
press reporting and ill-informed political pundits. Of course within an increasing global
free press, there will always be distortions caused by ignorance and special interests.
However, the challenge for both the governments (Pakistan and the US) is to cultivate
their relations with the press and take immediate measures to inform the "experts" and
dispel and discredit deliberate distortions when and where they occur. Understanding
the issues, the social dynamics, culture, and perceptions of the "Pakistani People" is
essential in understanding the impact of these distortions and formulating an
appropriate response. Developing informed and coordinated responses by political
leaders from both countries on exigent events and avoidance of distorted press
reporting can help alleviate some of these negative consequences and help ameliorate
some of the liabilities associated with a free press.57
The Path Towards Bridging the Trust Gap
The current US engagement with Pakistan is primarily focused on the GWOT, with
some mutual interest in meeting other strategic challenges such as: avoiding conflict
with India and ensuring regional stability; stopping opium production and drug transit
through Pakistan; security of nuclear weapons and continued non-proliferation;
exploiting economic and strategic opportunities in South Asia; re-establishing
democracy; and limiting anti-Americanism/ extremism in Pakistan.58 It is through the
recognition and strength of these primary mutual interests that must bridge the trust gap
and move the countries towards closer relations. Each country should recognize that
the mutual benefits accrued through a strengthened relationship is more important than
any single point of contention and refrain from allowing any one area to irreparably
damage the overall relationship. Nonetheless, critical U.S. and Pakistan policy choices
in the region require an integrated approach to the issues as they are all inextricably
linked. Success in bridging the trust gap will depend upon the coordinated actions of
both the countries.
Pakistan Specific Measures
Pakistan needs to enhance its credibility by publicly identifying some of its critical
strategic challenges. It must reform its governance, improve the economy, confront and
eliminate Islamic extremism, and create a more tolerant society.59 Most important, it
must aggressively pursue rapprochement with India.60
Pakistan must improve public services; eradicate corruption, end inequities among
the provinces, and improve illiteracy rates. Good governance begins at the lowest level
and extends upward to the National level. Better management of the relations between
the central and provincial governments will stimulate the economies of both and help
realize full economic potential.61
Political stability and internal order are complementary and are essential for
attracting critically needed foreign investment for economic development. The ability to
provide such security depends upon the integrity and effectiveness of Pakistan's
political process. The mechanism for establishing the rule of law begins with a free
political process but also extends to an effective and independent judicial system and a
modern, well equipped professional police force. The role of the military should be
limited to ensuring the Nation’s security from external threats and in waging the war
against terrorists and only be utilized for internal security as a last resort.62
Pakistan should also provide greater transparency for its nuclear program. In this
regard, it needs to take a more concerted effort to assure the United States and the
world about the security of their nuclear weapons and facilities and the intentions of its
nuclear program.
United States Specific Measures
The US-Pakistan alliance in fighting the Global War on Terrorism provides the
immediate and compelling impetus for close relations. Continued US coordination and
support in this area is essential. However, and as indicated above, there is a broad
range of coincident interests that should also be exploited during this intense period of
cooperation to provide a basis for establishing a long term and stable relationship.
These measures could provide a more stable foundation that can be expanded to other
areas of primary need within Pakistan such as developing closer economic ties, creating
new educational opportunities, establishing closer cultural linkages, and developing a
shared understanding of the each country’s perspectives on terrorism, democracy, non
proliferation, and other regional issues. As indicated above, a key factor in current and
future US-Pakistan relations is the US interactions with India and how they are couched
within the regional and Indian-Pakistani contexts.63
The resolution of the Kashmir issue and securing a lasting peace with India is vital
to the stability of Pakistan and the region.64 This could free up significant Pakistani
military forces for potential employment in other troubled areas for operations against
the Taliban/Al Qaeda. Also, an externally stable and secure Pakistan is more likely to
focus on its economic well being and eventually serve as an example of a successful
and democratic Islamic country both for the region and globally. More deliberate and
energetic efforts by the US with both India and Pakistan to resolve the Kashmir issue
and lay the groundwork for Indian-Pakistani rapprochement would dramatically improve
the US-Pakistani relationship.65
As the country continues to edge towards a stable democracy, the US can help by
demonstrating both a better understanding of the socio-political currents within Pakistan
and the need for patience and tolerance. The United States must understand the
requirement and dynamics of democracy in Pakistan and continue support of Pakistan
and its new civilian Government with or without President Musharraf.66 Applying
diplomatic or covert pressure on any aspect of the new government formation can
cause irreparable harm to the process and the bi-lateral relationship.67
The US and, in particular, USAID should make a concerted effort to assist the
implementation of educational reforms within Pakistan. This would include help in
establishing sound educational policies, developing comprehensive strategic plans,
teacher and administrator training, adult and youth literacy programs, and assistance in
improving coordination and standardization between the public and private spheres.68
An essential goal of the effort should be the improvement of educational facilities and
associated programs within the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA); and to
increase the number of Pakistani educators trained in the United States. However, the
program should be aimed at improving education and literacy countrywide and
emphasize local solutions for meeting educational requirements rather than imposing
unworkable or culturally insensitive solutions with a centrally managed and administered
program.
The United States needs to view their engagement with Pakistan in a holistic
manner. Programs should focus on the populace in general and not just the central
Government or be confined to assistance on GWOT. Broad-based programs focusing
on improving security, prosperity, stability, education and infrastructure will raise the
people's confidence in the country's relationship with the United States. A broad US
focus would represent a long-term commitment to US-Pakistan relations and would
improve confidence and trust across all areas of engagement. The potential long-term
benefits in other areas of mutual interest, such as for GWOT operations or for improved
regional stability, could be profound.
Recognizing that many of the global problem areas and flash points involve
Muslim factions, the United States must still be careful not to appear to be in conflict
with Islam. The adopted terminology, corresponding political rhetoric, and diplomatic
and military responses must be carefully crafted so as to avoid generic references to
Islam. The US should also be careful not to reinforce the perception that the conflict is
somehow a religious-based crusade of Christianity versus Islam. Likewise, when the
opportunity arises, the US should make demonstrative efforts to support and praise
Islamic socio-political advances and, where possible, make concessions when the
negative political-economic consequences are relatively low.
The threatened use of sanctions against a trusted strategic partner obviously
undermines the relationship.69 Additionally, these threats directly convey a subordinate
or submissive stature of Pakistan in the bilateral relationship and alienate the
government and the populace.70 Moreover, Pakistanis realize that US extended
economic and political support is always subject to withdrawal and the potential of the
imposition of sanctions is always considered by Pakistan before deciding on a policy
option. Thus the use of these as "threats" has little impact on the behavior of Pakistan
but have a profound impact on the public and the long term US-Pakistani relationship.71
First, the strength of the US-Pakistani relationship should preclude the US from
considering these sanctions; second, policy decision that may result in the consideration
of the imposition of these sanctions should be discussed freely between the two
countries before the decisions are made; finally, where Pakistan and the US believe that
both their policy decisions are warranted, Pakistan should pursue their approach and
the US should simply impose the sanctions without the attendant threats and fanfare.72
As the global super-power, the US exercises influence over a wide range of global
allies many of which have a vital interest in the stability of South Asia and the Middle
East. The US should take deliberate steps to build a broader coalition of countries to
support Pakistan's reform efforts, including soliciting highly visible donors such as
Japan. A minimum level of security assistance should also be immune from any
sanctions or consideration of use for political pressure by the United States.
Economic prosperity and stability are two sides of the same coin. As the world’s premier
economic power, the US has the unique ability to help establish a vibrant Pakistani
economy and increase employment. To this end, the bilateral investment agreement73
(not yet concluded), between the two countries should be expedited. It will be seen by
the international business community as an affirmation of Pakistan's economic stability,
and thus raise investor confidence in the country. In the meantime, both the United
States and Japan should provide greater market access for Pakistani textiles as an
effective interim economic stimulus measure.
One of the most important aspects of United States assistance is in the area of
energy. As a fossil fuel deficient country, Pakistan’s expanding economy requires
immediate assistance in the field of nuclear energy production. The energy demands
are so great and potential benefit afforded by nuclear power generation so substantial
that the United States can require, and Pakistan will agree, to just about any guaranteed
access, inspections, or required security arrangements.
Conclusion
The relatively short history of US-Pakistani relations is fraught with strategic
miscues. However, Pakistan’s important role in the GWOT provides a unique
opportunity for developing and maturing the US-Pakistan relationship for the long term
benefit of both countries.74 To enable this growth, both countries must become
sensitized to each others social, political, economic, cultural, religious, and sectarian
influences and undertake specific measures to cultivate areas of mutual interest while
avoiding provocative actions and mitigating wild card events.
Along with the execution of the GWOT, the US and Pakistan share mutual interest
in avoiding conflict with India and ensuring regional stability, stopping opium production
and drug transit through Pakistan, ensuring the security of nuclear weapons and
continued non-proliferation, exploiting economic and strategic opportunities in South
Asia, re-establishing a stable democracy within Pakistan, and limiting anti
Americanism/extremism. With an informed understanding of the potential benefits in
each of these areas, both countries can help build a long-term relationship largely
immune to near term challenges and fluctuations, and thus provide a lasting bridge
across the existing trust gap.
