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US interference in Thailand leaves country in mess and hinders change
By Zhou Fangye
A committee in charge of drafting a new constitution for Thailand has decided on February 26 that it will restore a long-abandoned political clause for the post-coup country.
According to the committee, the Thai parliament will no longer have to elect a prime minister from members of parliament, if the state is in a political crisis. It may appoint an outsider to serve in that position, whose tenure cannot exceed two years. This revision has crossed the red line marked in the 1992 democratic campaign, which stipulated that the prime minister must be a lawmaker.
Critics called the change a setback for their hopes for a return to democracy, and the US, which has been on edge about Thailand since the coup last May, is worried that Bangkok might give up Western democracy and adopt a "China model" as underpinnings for its political structure.
Thus, Washington keeps pushing Bangkok hard by means of diplomacy and cutting military aid.
Washington's aggressively meddling in Thailand's internal affairs, by publicly calling the government to return power to the people, has not produced any positive effect so far. On the contrary, its strategy, driven by a Cold War mentality, has backfired. During a visit to Thailand in January, the US Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Russel delivered threatening and hurtful remarks that described the junta as "blunt" and "tough," which prompted a rebuke from the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.
In sharp contrast to Washington's blame and threats, Beijing's attitude toward Thailand is in line with their historical friendship. China, as a responsible regional power, is trying to develop deeper strategic cooperation with Thailand and help it out of the current political quandaries.
Political turbulence and social disruptions in Thailand, in the final analysis, are caused by an unbalanced and disorderly pattern of economic development. Thailand is stuck in an endless loop because most of its previous reforms have been based on how to share a small cake instead of how to make the cake big enough to satisfy all shareholders.
Only after the economic issues are addressed properly can political confrontations among different groups be eased or even eliminated.
This September will mark the groundbreaking of China-Thailand railway cooperation. As part of China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative, this project will supply momentous opportunities for growth to the rural areas along the railroad in northern and northeastern parts of Thailand, injecting new incentives to the local manufacturing and service industries.
The railway will serve as a stimulus to not only help Thailand recover economy, but also optimize Thailand's economic structure and bridge the gap between urban and rural areas.
Washington has sensed the growing closeness between Beijing and Bangkok, and intentionally recalibrated its Thailand policy. Now, it stays high-handed toward Thailand, demanding the junta restore a civil government. But still, it has reinstated cooperation with Thailand, such as resuming the Cobra Gold military drill. The US is trying to reinforce a triangular pattern in which Thailand relies on China economically, while seeking security patronage from the US.
Meanwhile, Washington has also got its most loyal lackey Japan involved in this game, encouraging Tokyo to offer more economic bonuses to Bangkok such as technological transfers and funding.
A zero-sum mentality still predominates in Washington's Thailand policy, which intends to forge the kingdom as a hedge against China's expanding influence. However, it only led to political instability and simmering social tensions in Thailand.
Thailand's political restructuring is at a crossroads. What matters to the Prayut government is not picking a road to Western democracy or a China model. It badly needs social stability, economic prosperity and political coordination. Experiences drawn from Western democracies and the China model will serve as significant reference to Thailand's own transformation instead of a barrier. Thailand should establish its own model of governance according to its traditional culture and practical needs.
@somsak , @onebyone
By Zhou Fangye
A committee in charge of drafting a new constitution for Thailand has decided on February 26 that it will restore a long-abandoned political clause for the post-coup country.
According to the committee, the Thai parliament will no longer have to elect a prime minister from members of parliament, if the state is in a political crisis. It may appoint an outsider to serve in that position, whose tenure cannot exceed two years. This revision has crossed the red line marked in the 1992 democratic campaign, which stipulated that the prime minister must be a lawmaker.
Critics called the change a setback for their hopes for a return to democracy, and the US, which has been on edge about Thailand since the coup last May, is worried that Bangkok might give up Western democracy and adopt a "China model" as underpinnings for its political structure.
Thus, Washington keeps pushing Bangkok hard by means of diplomacy and cutting military aid.
Washington's aggressively meddling in Thailand's internal affairs, by publicly calling the government to return power to the people, has not produced any positive effect so far. On the contrary, its strategy, driven by a Cold War mentality, has backfired. During a visit to Thailand in January, the US Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Russel delivered threatening and hurtful remarks that described the junta as "blunt" and "tough," which prompted a rebuke from the Prayut Chan-o-cha administration.
In sharp contrast to Washington's blame and threats, Beijing's attitude toward Thailand is in line with their historical friendship. China, as a responsible regional power, is trying to develop deeper strategic cooperation with Thailand and help it out of the current political quandaries.
Political turbulence and social disruptions in Thailand, in the final analysis, are caused by an unbalanced and disorderly pattern of economic development. Thailand is stuck in an endless loop because most of its previous reforms have been based on how to share a small cake instead of how to make the cake big enough to satisfy all shareholders.
Only after the economic issues are addressed properly can political confrontations among different groups be eased or even eliminated.
This September will mark the groundbreaking of China-Thailand railway cooperation. As part of China's "One Belt, One Road" initiative, this project will supply momentous opportunities for growth to the rural areas along the railroad in northern and northeastern parts of Thailand, injecting new incentives to the local manufacturing and service industries.
The railway will serve as a stimulus to not only help Thailand recover economy, but also optimize Thailand's economic structure and bridge the gap between urban and rural areas.
Washington has sensed the growing closeness between Beijing and Bangkok, and intentionally recalibrated its Thailand policy. Now, it stays high-handed toward Thailand, demanding the junta restore a civil government. But still, it has reinstated cooperation with Thailand, such as resuming the Cobra Gold military drill. The US is trying to reinforce a triangular pattern in which Thailand relies on China economically, while seeking security patronage from the US.
Meanwhile, Washington has also got its most loyal lackey Japan involved in this game, encouraging Tokyo to offer more economic bonuses to Bangkok such as technological transfers and funding.
A zero-sum mentality still predominates in Washington's Thailand policy, which intends to forge the kingdom as a hedge against China's expanding influence. However, it only led to political instability and simmering social tensions in Thailand.
Thailand's political restructuring is at a crossroads. What matters to the Prayut government is not picking a road to Western democracy or a China model. It badly needs social stability, economic prosperity and political coordination. Experiences drawn from Western democracies and the China model will serve as significant reference to Thailand's own transformation instead of a barrier. Thailand should establish its own model of governance according to its traditional culture and practical needs.
@somsak , @onebyone
