From Bhagirathi to Buriganga : Lessons from the Polashi Tragedy By Dr. K. M. A. Malik
June 23 marks an inglorious day in the history of Bangladesh, since on this day, in 1757, Bengal lost its independence to the forces of the English East India Company led by Robert Clive in an infamous skirmish (battle) at Polashi (Plassey), a small village and mango grove between Kolkata and Murshidabad, on the bank of the river Bhagirathi. The battle of Polashi was only a skirmish, not a big battle, but it had far reaching historical and strategic implications not only for the people of Bengal and India but also for the onward mach of the British colonial Empire in South Asia and other parts of the world.
All historians agree that the fate of the battle of Polashi had been determined long before the two forces met at the battlefield. About fifty thousand strong army of Siraj-ud-daulah, the Nawab of Bengal, was defeated by about three thousand of Clives army (many of them local mercenaries) only in about eight hours. This was possible only because the Nawabs uncle and army chief Mir Jafar aspired to mount on the Nawabs throne, and threw his lot with Clive in a secret pact. On the battlefield, the greater number of the Nawabs soldiers were bribed to throw away their weapons, surrender prematurely, and even turn their arms against their own army. Only a small number of soldiers under Mir Madan and Mohon Lal fought bravely but they were soon vanquished. Siraj-ud-daulah fled from his capital Murshidabad, and was caught a few days later and killed by Mir Jafars son. Mir Jafar ruled Bengal for a while as Clives puppet, but he was also deposed by his foreign masters. Clives victory at Polashi led gradually to the consolidation of the English power in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. The foundation of the British Empire in South Asia was thus laid in the plain fields of Polashi.
For the English, Polashi presented a golden opportunity and strategic victory over their main rival the French, who were competing with the English for trade advantages in South and South East Asia. These two European powers were locked in bitter competition and conflict both in Europe and in other places for expanding their respective trade opportunities and gaining colonial possessions. Both of these powers (as well as the Portugese and the Dutch) established trading posts and forts at different points along the sea coasts of India, including the southern parts of Bengal. Calcutta (Kolkata) was such a post of the English East India Company while Chandernagore was a French post. The French supplied some arms and guns to the Nawab, which the English considered to be detrimental to their interests.
After the battle of Polashi, it was decreed that the French would never be allowed to settle or trade in Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Thus the French suffered the first strategic defeat at the hands of their archival English in Bengal (the second mortal blow to the French ambition in India came with the defeat and death of their ally Sultan Fateh Ali Tipu of Mysore at the hands of the English East India Company, in 1799). The battle of Polashi thus signifies the precursor of the defeat of the French and rise of the English colonial power in India.
While the battle of Polashi brought about unprecedented opportunity for the English trading and colonial expansion, it brought about only foreign subjugation, economic ruin and destruction to the people in the region. One of the most prosperous regions in the world at that time, Bengal became a land of ruthless exploitation, hunger and famine only in few decades of the English rule. The colonial rule and exploitation in Bengal continued for 190 years until 1947 when the people of this area would have another chance to become citizens of independent countries (India and Pakistan). The eastern part of the erstwhile Bengal remained a part of Pakistan until 1971 when it opted for its own separate statehood (Bangladesh) and won its freedom as an independent and sovereign country after a bloody war with the Pakistani army.
In discussing the battle of Polashi today, two questions come to our mind. What is the relevance of remembering Polashi in the context of current situation in Bangladesh? And are we learning any lessons from this tragic event? To many of us, these are very important questions but unfortunately most of our intellectuals, columnists, and political leaders avoid any serious discussion or comment on these matters.
In the media, we have noted only one politician (Brig Gen (Retd) ASM Hannan Shah, New Nation, June 23, 2008) as saying that there is a similarity between the current situation and the defeat in the Plassey (Polashi) battlefield. Hannan Shah did not elaborate his comment, but there is enough material for all Bangladeshi patriots to ponder.
Do we see any similarity between the two historically very important periods of Bengal and its inhabitants? Of course, it is illogical to look for exact match in any society in two different circumstances about 250 years apart. But as far as the collusion and conspiracy between some dominating foreign powers and their local collaborators are concerned, one cannot but agree with Hannan Shahs assertion.
In 1757 the Nawab of Bengal was relatively a young and inexperienced person in running the state and conducting wars. He depended for advice and action on several persons within the royal court, including his distant uncle Mir Jafar, who was also the chief commander of his armed forces.
The Nawab was not fully aware that Mir Jafar was colluding with other powerful people including Jagat Seth, Rai Durlav, Umi Chand, Krishna Chandra Roy and others who were secretly conspiring with Robert Clive of East India Company to depose the Nawab. Mir Jafar was aspiring for the throne, his local associates wanted more money, power and privileges, and the East India Company was looking for unlimited concessions for the lucrative trade in Bengal. It is said by many historians that at the initial stage the Company was interested only in trade and not in political control, but when the opportunity arose, it made full use of the situation and opted for financial, military and political control of the land.
The local conspirators and traitors could not foresee that once they accept the Company as advisers and arbiters in their internal disputes, the foreign friends would pretend to be sympathetic but they would want more money and power and that in case of failure to fulfill their gradually increasing demands, the puppet government would be ousted from power by the friends who catalyzed the regime change. They did not realise that the East India Company and its officials would make promises and sign treaties only to be violated at a later time. In their hatred for the Nawab and lust for power and money, Mir Jafar and cohorts believed in the promises made by Robert Clive and other Company officials but could not foresee that the new foreigners were a breed of different kind, more cunning, more determined, more ambitious, more organised and more advanced in war techniques than any of the foreigners who had visited Bengal or India at earlier times.
Jawaharlal Nehru, in The Discovery of India (1946), stated that Robert Clive won the battle of Polashi by promoting treason and forgery. He also noted that the British rule in India had an unsavory beginning and something of that bitter taste has clung to it ever since.
On January 14 last year, only two days after the foreign backed, military controlled interim government was installed into power in Bangladesh, I stated in a TV talk show that the ghosts of Robert Clive have descended on the streets of Dhaka. The truth of my statement was not immediately obvious; few of my friends even telephoned me so say that I was being unfair and that I was prejudging the situation. In the light of the experience of the last 18 months, many of them have now changed their opinion. The link between the foreign powers who want to control Bangladesh reducing it to a vassal state and the power-hungry local elites within the political class, civil and military bureaucracy, business circles, NGOs, etc., is now clearly visible. It is important to remember what one analyst has said, few British victories were achieved without the use of bribes and few promises made by the British were ever kept. Whether the sovereign nature of Bangladesh state could be preserved in future depends on if the nation as a whole has learnt any lesson from the tragic consequences of the Polashi tragedy.
(Dr. Malik is an academician and political analyst. He has already published three books: Bangladesher Rajniti : Mookh O Mookhosh (Bangla), Challenges in Bangladesh Politics A Londoners View (English) and The War on Terror A Pretext for New Colonisation (English). He writes from Cardiff and can be reached by e-mail:
kmamalik@aol.com)
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