Kuala Lumpur launches media drive to discredit Kirams
By Allan Nawal
Inquirer Mindanao
Saturday, March 9th, 2013
DIGOS CITY—After labeling Agbimuddin Kiram’s forces in Sabah terrorists, the Malaysian government has launched a campaign to discredit the brother of the Sulu group’s leader, Sultan Jamalul Kiram III, along with an effort to link them with the Malaysian opposition.
In a report published this week, the state-owned news agency Berita National Malaysia (Bernama) accused Jamalul of “masquerading as the sultan of Sulu” and saying he “cannot lay claim to the defunct title.”
Bernama has always acted at the behest of the government, and is seen in Malaysia as the window to what the Barisan Nasional (ruling national coalition) thinks.
Ariff Sabri, a former leader of the United Malays National Organization (Umno)—the leading party under the BN, once described Bernama as a “psywar” machine for Umno and its allies and accused it of issuing “half-baked” reports to discredit opposition figures.
“So don’t try to pull the wool over our eyes,” Ariff, who has since joined the opposition, said when Bernama tried to play down the opposition’s victory in at least five states in the 2008 elections.
Family insider
In trying to discredit Jamalul, the Bernama report posted on Thursday quoted an alleged Kiram family insider—whom it described as having deep knowledge of the sultanate—as saying it was “wrong for him to [claim that he is] the heir [of] the last sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram II, who died in 1936.”
“Jamalul Kiram III was never a legitimate descendant of the nine rightful heirs of Jamalul Kiram II [who were named] in the 1939 ‘Macaskie Judgment’ [as] eligible to receive cession payments, following the ceding of Sabah, then known as North Borneo, to the British North Borneo Co. (BNBC),” Bernama quoted the unnamed source as saying.
Bernama, however, also quoted the source as saying that Jamalul is a member of the Sulu royalty.
Sulu heirs
But a copy of the official court document the Inquirer has obtained shows that Jamalul’s father, Datu Punjungan Kiram, is one of the nine heirs to the sultanate.
The others are Datu Esmail Kiram, Dayang Dayang Piandao Kiram, Dayang Dayang Sitti Rada Kiram, Princess Tarhata Kiram, Princess Sakinur-In Kiram, Dayang Dayang Putli Jahara Kiram, Dayang Dayang Sitti Mariam Kiram and Mora Napsa.
The leading political coalition in Malaysia also appears to have started a crackdown on the opposition.
Utusan Malaysia, a progovernment newspaper, published a report on Wednesday that tried to justify the claims of politicians identified with the Umno that Agbimuddin’s intrusion into Sabah was the handiwork of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.
Prime Minister Najib Razak said Anwar and opposition leaders were being investigated in connection with reports that they had met with members of the Sulu royalty prior to the Feb. 9 “homecoming” of Agbimuddin and a group of armed followers of the Sulu sultanate.
In a story posted on its online edition, Utusan tried to establish Anwar’s strong links with Filipinos by quoting his former secretary, Mohammad Rahimi Osman, as saying his former boss had Filipino security.
Utusan said Rahimi identified the four Filipino aides of Anwar as Daniel Cruz, Noel del Rosario, Alfred Sese and Bong Oteyza. The four, according to Rahimi, have been working for Anwar since 2008.
“They are members of a specially trained commando team and possess a wealth of expertise,” Rahimi was quoted as saying.
Utusan also published an article that criticized Anwar for threatening to sue the newspaper for earlier reports about his supposed links to Agbimuddin’s group and the Sabah intrusion.
It quoted former People’s Justice Party chief Mahful Wahid Anwar as saying Anwar should not single out Utusan because even the foreign media—referring to the Philippine Daily Inquirer—also carried a similar story.
Utusan also published a story on the challenge posted by Perkasa Indigenous Organization Malaysia (Perkasa) information chief Ruslan Kassim to Anwar “to sue Philippine President Benigno Aquino” for linking the opposition to the Sabah claim of the Kiram family.
Umno leader Shahrizat Abdul Jalil said Anwar’s wife should answer the allegations because her husband did not want to explain his alleged involvement in the Sabah crisis.
“I am not accusing, but I want to ask. Why [is he] silent and [does] not answer the allegations made by the media?” Utusan quoted Shahrizat as saying.
Anwar’s denial
Anwar has denied having a hand in the Sabah intrusion. In a report published by The Star newspaper of Malaysia on Wednesday, he also denied meeting with the sultan of Sulu.
In an interview with Radyo Inquirer 990AM on Thursday, Anwar said he did not know Jamalul but he knew there were many claimants to the Sulu throne.
He said the intrusion into Sabah was “unacceptable.”
“We cannot allow militant activity within our borders,” Anwar said.
And yesterday, Anwar filed a defamation suit against Utusan and TV3 for linking him to the Sabah intrusion.
Protests against Tien
Across Malaysia, pro-Umno groups have staged protests against another opposition leader, Tien Chua, for allegedly linking the ruling coalition to the Sabah crisis.
Bernama said the protesters accused Tien of being unpatriotic.
In George Town, Penang, the Barisan Nasional’s youth group filed a police complaint against Tien.
Tien said on Friday that he was “misquoted by the party paper” in the issue over the Sabah intrusion.
He said the Keadilan Daily took his statements out of context when it reported that he claimed the intrusion was a conspiracy involving Umno.
He said journalists contacted him for comment when news of the Sabah standoff broke out.
“I very clearly stated that the matter, at the time, was not confirmed and there was a media blackout here,” he said.
Denying he insulted the security forces protecting the country’s sovereignty in Lahad Datu, Tien said he would leave it up to the courts to clear his name.
“The accusation that I have insulted the security forces is complete slander and malicious lies,” he said.
Kuala Lumpur launches media drive to discredit Kirams | Inquirer Global Nation
Declare emergency in Sabah
March 8, 2013
Malaysia must also severe all diplomatic ties with the Philippines for the moment and if necessary suspend trade and bilateral activities over Manila's failure to stop the Sulu invasion.
By R Kengadharan
The armed invaders may not corporate and surrender hence the full force of the law and military might must fall on them.
Malaysia cannot allow this situation to persist. There has been serious violation of both domestic and international laws that resulted in indiscriminate loss of life.
The current situation cannot guarantee the safety and well-being of the people of Sabah and any operation to flush out the invaders would require time and considerable effort especially when they have now melted away.
While all effort to identify must continue the government cannot compromise and must immediately establish a temporary safety corridor.
Every humanitarian help and assistance must continue and it is also the duty of the government to ensure that the unfortunate conflict does not arrive in Sarawak and to the Peninsular.
Thus there is an immediate and urgent need to beef up coastal and airport securities and eliminate domestic Suluk uprising.
For the moment the question of resolving and/or negotiating does not arise when the Sultan of Sulu and his gunmen has chosen the path of violence and deliberately and intentionally defied the sovereignty of Malaysia and its authorities.
To a larger extend Manila must be held responsible for the present conflict as they were not able to curb and/or contain the conflict and aggression.
Manila has failed to take immediate steps to halt the steady progression of the aggression against Sabah hence it is only legitimate for Malaysia to severe all diplomatic ties with the Philippines for the moment and if necessary suspend trade and bilateral activities.
We ask the government of Malaysia to call for an urgent siting in the United Nations condemning the Philippines on their failure for not having taken appropriate steps consistent with international laws to stop the invaders from penetrating into our jurisdiction.
The refusal to take measures somewhat appears that the Philippines assisted the provocation and aggression against Sabah.
In this “act of war”, Malaysia is no position to provide a warm, friendly and brotherly treatment to the invaders and all migration and/or relocation effort earlier promised must now permanently seize until our pride and sovereignty is restored.
In an effort to contain fresh violence, Malaysia must adopt a hardline policy to deescalate the tension.
There is no doubt the security, the economic life and public order in Sabah is threatened and to avoid more casualties, damage and disaster the government must now quickly move to declare a state of emergency in Sabah.
Declare emergency in Sabah | Free Malaysia Today
Asean all quiet on the Sabah front
By Kevin H.R. Villanueva
Philippine Daily Inquirer
Amid the spiraling chaos in Lahad Datu, Sabah, a crucial question has been raised which no one has yet explored: What can the Association of Southeast Asian Nations do? The answer is, put plainly and simply, nothing.
Asean is an intergovernmental organization. It emerged in the era of decolonization and postwar politics and was hence a pact among newly minted states who wanted to distance themselves from their colonial masters and build their nations in conditions of peace and stability. They fought hard to negotiate their borders between old imperial demarcations, ancient community kinships, and the strategic interests of emerging national elites.
The conflict before us today is ostensibly between Malaysia (a state) and Sultan Jamalul Kiram III of Sulu (a legal person). The former has effective sovereign control over a territory whose ownership is claimed by the latter. The fact that the incredible amount of P77,000 (said to be its annual “rent” money since 1878, or cession price, depending on who interprets the concept of “pajak”
goes to the sultan and his family and not to the Philippine government, methinks, uncovers the parties who are in direct discord.
Asean compelled its member-states to promise to renounce “threat or the use of force” with the adoption and ratification of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation of 1976. This contract was succeeded by the Asean Charter in 2008, which effectively gave the regional bloc legal personality and provided its members with the rules under which they can “resolve peacefully all disputes in a timely manner through dialogue, consultation and negotiation.” It is essential to note, however, that, in the event of a crisis, it is the member-states themselves who must be the parties in dispute (Chapter VII, Article 23). Now the heavy-handed manner with which Malacañang has warned Sultan Kiram and his followers, who are presently held captives in Sabah, seems to suggest that Prime Minister Najib Razak and President Aquino stand their countries on the same side of the thin red line.
Furthermore, in case a scenario of conflict does arise, it is also the member-states who must agree to a resolution. And here we encounter another problem: Any settlement will have to be left to the good intentions of the parties. Asean has no institutional device for enforcing decisions. If the articles on the settlement of disputes between member-states are half-baked, the institutional resolution of clashes between the distinct entities outlined above will still be a long time coming.
Do the present circumstances, however, exonerate Asean from all duty or action on the escalating conflict? No. I believe there is another way to phrase the initial question if we want to be more helpful (and hopeful): What can the member-states do for Asean?
There are three factors for the leaders to ponder.
First, Sultan Kiram has deployed his small but loyal following to reclaim what they hold to be their ancestral homeland. The move is charged with profound symbolism both for them and our Muslim brothers and sisters in the South and will reverberate long into history, especially when lives have been sacrificed. The sultan has himself admitted: “I am the poorest sultan in the world.” This is not just about fair economic compensation; it is also an appeal to clarify what his title means to him and his people in the context of present geopolitical realities.
Second, Sabah is the second largest federal state of Malaysia after Sarawak. It is home to rare fauna and flora, tracts of timberland, and palm oil plantations—a beautiful place, I am told, but it is ironically also one of the poorest regions in Malaysia.
This is why it made sense for President Fidel Ramos to push for the East Asian Growth Area (EAGA) in the 1990s, so that it may spur an “economic corridor” among Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines (BIMP). The sociopolitical and economic costs for Prime Minister Najib are far too high for him to run away from this crisis, tail between his legs, like his detractors might wish.
Third, the Philippine claim to Sabah has not been “dormant”—it has been, in fact, erratic, subject to the vagaries of domestic and international politics, more than what should have been from the start a clear, consistent and firm conviction of Filipino ownership. Presidents Ferdinand Marcos dropped it, Corazon Aquino was somehow indifferent to it, Ramos wisely transformed it, up until the claims were overshadowed by the instability and corruption under the Estrada and Arroyo administrations. What is truly at stake for President Aquino in all this confusion is, I believe, the fate of the 800,000 Filipinos who are in Sabah and their future—whether they will continue to live peacefully or form an exodus to Sulu as economic refugees.
The house of Asean was built by states in order to keep the region stable and secure and inspire political, economic and cultural development. The problem of borders is not new. Indeed, one compelling reason for the birth of Asean was to end the konfrontasi between Indonesia and Malaysia for the control of the island of Borneo, where Sabah incidentally also sits. If the ingredients of peace and stability are threatened, then the heirs of Asean have all the reason to be perturbed: What is there to gain if the organization first falls short of its objectives and consequently delegitimizes its benefactors? A negotiated settlement will have to be more creative, preeminently humane, to unravel the deadly snarl on the region’s footsteps.
Asean member-states must first look to the Philippines, Malaysia and Sultan Kiram because those who are sure to stop further bloodshed are also those who stand to gain the most out of a promising future for Sabah. Creativity also requires calmness, stepping back, and gaining a new vantage point. They will probably be able to do this only if they take in a fresh mediator able and willing to listen, and listen again.
Brunei can be a silent, humble and confident go-between. It shares borders with Sabah (originally her own) and is knowledgeable in the gentle ways of Islam. Pure coincidence, perhaps, but Brunei also happens to be the current chair of Asean. This may be a case of crisis turned into opportunity. Will somebody in the house please—for the peoples’ sake—speak?
Kevin H.R. Villanueva is a university research scholar in East Asian studies and politics and international studies at the University of Leeds (United Kingdom). He was a member of the Philippine delegation under Ambassador Rosario Manalo to the Asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights for the Asean Human Rights Declaration.
Asean all quiet on the Sabah front | Inquirer Opinion