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Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing - Updates & Discussions

NOVEMBER 25 2017
Deal to repatriate Rohingya to Myanmar a 'stunt': Human Rights Watch
Lindsay Murdoch
Bangkok: Human Rights Watch has described an agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh to begin repatriating more than 620,000 Rohingya Muslims who have fled Myanmar's violence-wracked Rakhine State as "laughable" and a "public relations stunt."

In a brief statement Bangladesh said the neighbouring countries had agreed to start returning Rohingya to Rakhine within two months. The agreement was signed on Thursday in Naypyitaw.
Chinese President Xi Jinping met with Myanmar's top military general in Beijing on Friday to discuss China's support.

It comes as the Turnbull Government has for the first time used the term "ethnic cleansing" while referring to atrocities committed against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar's violence-wracked Rakhine state.

A day after the United States accused Myanmar security forces of committing "horrendous" crimes that amount to ethnic cleaning.

"Australia has consistently said perpetrators of serious international crimes must be held to account and we remain deeply concerned about reports of ethnic cleansing", a spokesperson for the Department of Foreign Affairs told Fairfax Media

Australia has refused growing calls to cut the Australian Defence Force's military support for Myanmar's army that has carried out a brutal offensive against Rohingya, including United Nations-documented mass killings, rapes and arson.

Foreign Minister Julie Bishop has also avoided condemning Myanmar's military or the government led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

China has offered diplomatic backing to its southern neighbour throughout the crisis, despite growing pressure from Western countries for the Myanmar military to be accountable for alleged atrocities.

Myanmar authorities have announced plans to bar Rohingya from lands they farmed before fleeing, instead forcing them to resettle in so-called "model villages" which the UN has warned will be little better than creating permanent camps.

Bill Frelick, Refugee Rights Director of Human Rights Watch, said "the idea that Burma [Myanmar] will now welcome them back to their smouldering villages with open arms is laughable."

"Instead of signing on to a public relations stunt, the international community should make it clear that there can be no returns without international monitors to ensure security, an end to the idea of putting returnees in camps, the return of land and the rebuilding of destroyed homes and villages, and many other conditions," he said.

"Even then, it will be hard to build the trust necessary for many Rohingya to voluntarily return unless the Burmese army begins the mammoth task of reversing decades of abuses and discrimination against its Rohingya population."

The agreement is based on a 1990s accord between the countries that allows for the return only of people able to prove their residency in Myanmar.

But more than one million Rohingya in Rakhine have been denied citizenship and other basic rights for years, and many of those who have fled have no identification papers.

Aid agencies have called for any repatriation agreement to allow international oversight but Myanmar insisted in talks with Bangladesh that there be none.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina pushed hard for a repatriation agreement, telling journalists in Dhaka that Myanmar "must take back the refugees to their homeland."

Myanmar claims the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh.
www.dfat.gov.au/jointappeal
http://www.smh.com.au/world/deal-to-repatriate-rohingya-to-myanmar-a-stunt-hrw-20171124-gzs87n.html

Aung San Suu Kyi escapes with a bouncing cheque
www.thestateless.com/2017/11/aung-san-suu-kyi-escapes-with-a-bouncing-cheque.html
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Naypyidaw: Bangladesh's Foreign Minister A.H. Mahmood Ali (left) shakes hands with Myanmar's de factor leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Thursday - AFP
By Dr. Anita Schug, Spokesperson of the European Rohingya Council
The de facto leader of Myanmar surely has learned a lot from her more dominant power-sharing military generals. Till today, all her political decisions rhymed with the Buddhist radical ideology and the military, both of whom are determined to complete the “unfinished business” of total extermination of Rohingya from their ancestral land, Arakan.

Even before Aung San Suu Kyi’s party took power, thousands of Rohingya were forced to leave their homes in 2012’s violence, and to this day as many as 120,000 Rohingya are living in concentration camps such as IDP camps in Sittwe. In 2016, in the period of her role as the state-counsellor, 87,000 Rohingya had to flee for their lives to neighbouring Bangladesh. Since August 25, 2017, another 625,000 severely traumatised Rohingya fled, becoming the abandoning living-products in Bangladesh.

Due to the mounting international pressures, possible trade and other sanctions and her being linked to unimaginable crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing along with the military hardliners, she and her government have been using different smear tactics to get away with their crimes against Rohingya ethnic minority.

Not only do all her actions and speeches prove of her to be morally corrupt as her military counterparts but also has enormously proved that she, too, has mastered in hit-and-run strategies without the fear of being ever caught and brought to justice.

The international community is very much aware of the outcome of the ongoing Rohingya crisis, and they also know nothing will save the Rohingya unless a persistent external power rushes to come into rescue. However, the international community has been very clumsy, continuing to turn a blind-eye in dealing with one of the largest ongoing refugee crisis and Rohingya exodus in history.

Myanmar’s governing elites have been testing the scale of international community’s reaction since 1978. They have sensed the lack of political will of the international community towards stopping the Rohingya genocide. So far, Myanmar’s governing bodies and the military have successfully got away without being held accountable for their systemic and wide spread crimes inflicted upon this defenceless ethnic Rohingya minority.

With China and Russia as their life guards at the UN Security Council, and Kofi Annan as her prime agent in the international arena, Suu Ky’s government shows unexpected willingness to allow recent Rohingya refugee exodus back to Myanmar. The irony here is that these Rohingya refugees will be detained in so-called model villages instead of their original homes. Rohingya lands have been seized by the government and reallocated to local Rakhine Buddhist population.

The repatriation agreement signed on November 23 between Myanmar and Bangladesh is equivalent to a soon-to-be bounced cheque. No government of Myanmar has the intention to accommodate Rohingya as dignified humans, let alone Rohingya be allowed to enjoy Burmese citizenship.

With the absence of Myanmar´s military who is actually calling the shots, Bangladesh makes a fatal mistake by handling the Repatriation of Rohingya bilaterally even without taking at least one from the UN refugee agency, the European Union or USA on board.

The current repatriation agreement was seen as an escape route by Aung San Suu Kyi´s government as she is fully aware of the facts: “Rohingya will not be voluntarily returning without a guarantee for their citizenship rights. Only very handful of Rohingya will qualify to return based on the 1993 Repatriation Agreement.

It is very unlikely that there will be any amendment of the 1982 citizenship law.”

Sheikh Hasina’s government is aware of the danger of marginalised Rohingya falling prey to Islamic militant groups if Rohingya remain as refugees in Bangladesh. The haste in signing the current agreement to repatriate Rohingya back to Myanmar shows her government is trying effectively to send them back as soon as possible, ignoring the past experiences that Rohingya who were repatriated earlier from Bangladesh continued to face systematic state-sponsored discrimination and waves of violence in Rakhine state.

Bangladesh is one of the poorest nations. When the generosity of the international community and local Bangladeshis will exhaust, the government of Bangladesh will not tolerate anymore to be the dumping ground for Myanmar. It is then, the voluntary return will become forceful repatriation for Rohingya.

What will happen at the end is, thousands and thousands of Rohingya will be violently pushed back by Bangladesh to concentration camps in Myanmar where they will face starvation, disease and further cycles of violence.

Bangladesh has accepted the cheque from Myanmar which is determined to bounce very soon. We are yet to witness Bangladesh crying over its fatal mistake on Rohingya repatriation agreement, and Aung San Suu Kyi will be celebrating a good shoulder tap from the Military on her perfect escape again. Tragically, Rohingya will never get out of this man-made catastrophe; persecuted at home and pushed back by their neighbouring countries.
http://www.thestateless.com/2017/11/aung-san-suu-kyi-escapes-with-a-bouncing-cheque.html
 
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Myanmar and Bangladesh strike a shameful deal on Rohingya refugees
November 24, 2017 1.54am AEDT
Author
Rosa Freedman
Professor of Law, Conflict and Global Development, University of Reading
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Rosa Freedman receives funding from the AHRC, the British Academy, the ESRC, and the Jacob Blaustein Institute.
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A deal done: the foreign minister of Bangladesh, Abul Hassan Mahmud Ali, visits Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. EPA/Myanmar Ministry of Information
Many Rohingya people who have fled the ethnic cleansing in Myanmar are now living as refugees in Bangladesh. And now, the two countries have reportedly struck a deal to return them home. Returning Rohingya people to the hands of their persecutors not only violates international law, but raises fundamental questions about how the world protects those fleeing the most heinous crimes and abuses.

This deal comes just days after Ratko Mladic was sentenced to life imprisonment for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, which took place in Bosnia even as news cameras broadcast footage around the world – in much the same way as they have documented this latest crisis of ethnic cleansing.

As far as Myanmar is concerned, the deal will ease the increasing pressure it faces from both the United Nations and its Asian neighbours. The Myanmar government has no interest in welcoming Rohingya refugees home with open arms; those Rohingya who remain in Myanmar are treated as an alien people, denied citizenship and basic rights, and systematically persecuted. The Myanmar government maintains that the recent spike in violence did not amount to ethnic cleansing, that it was not state-sponsored, sanctioned or condoned, and that the Rohingya are safe to return. But those words are empty.

Abundant first-hand reports and documentary footage all point to the same thing: ethnic cleansing conducted by state actors. Top UN officialshave been using the term “ethnic cleansing” for some time, and the US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, is now using it too.

Given that Myanmar is refusing to take responsibility for the atrocities, let alone to provide guarantees of protection and justice for the Rohingya, it beggars belief not just that the country is asking those refugees to return, but that Bangladesh would provide its support.

Under international law, refugees who flee atrocities are afforded fundamental protections. Above all, they are protected by the principles of offering asylum and of non-refoulement – protection against return to a country where a person has reason to fear persecution.

Bangladesh will of course insist that Myanmar wants these people to return, and that only those choosing to do so voluntarily will be returned. But that ignores the facts on the ground. Rohingya refugees’ options are bleak: remain in the squalid camps, somehow escape into Bangladeshi society with no formal documentation or status, or return home and face persecution.

Bleak future
Bangladesh has not acceded to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. The country has no law to regulate the administration of refugee affairs or guarantee refugees’ rights. And despite many decades of persecution and abuses in Myanmar, Bangladesh has never allowed the Rohingya to claim asylum. Those who make it to Bangladesh are placed in overcrowded camps without basic provisions, and there they remain unless they choose to return to Myanmar.

The idea of voluntary return stems from a 1993 agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar, under which those Rohingya who can prove their identity must fill in forms with the names of family members, their previous address in Myanmar, their date of birth, and a disclaimer that they are returning voluntarily. But those who do choose to return will face extortion, arbitrary taxation, and restrictions on freedom of movement. Many will be required to undertake forced labour, and some will face state-sponsored violence and extrajudicial killings.
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A refugee camp in in Coxsbazar, Bangladesh. EPA/Abir Abdullah
Those who remain in Bangladesh, on the other hand, face a lifetime in camps where human rights abuses are rife, with insufficient and inadequate food, water, housing or healthcare. Fleeing these camps leaves them undocumented and vulnerable to trafficking, exploitation and abuse.

Whatever individual Rohingya people in Bangladesh might decide to do, their future is bleak. And that’s not good enough. The international community has long known about the systematic persecution of this people. The international community has long ignored the atrocities perpetrated against them. And the international community has long tolerated the cover-ups and excuses from the government of Myanmar. This time it needs to be different.

Bangladesh should step up and provide refuge to those who have been seeking it for 25 years. Myanmar’s neighbouring states and allies should help properly resettle the hundreds of thousands of undocumented Rohingya who have fled Myanmar, and Myanmar itself should be held to account for the atrocities it commits.
There’s no point saying “never again” unless action is taken.
https://theconversation.com/myanmar-and-bangladesh-strike-a-shameful-deal-on-rohingya-refugees-88041

China's Xi discusses Rohingya crisis with Myanmar army chief
Reuters | Published: 08:15, Nov 25,2017
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Rohingya refugee children stand by a bonfire in a field at Jamtali refugee settlement in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, November 24, 2017. — Reuters photo
Chinese president Xi Jinping met with Myanmar's top military general in Beijing on Friday and discussed China's support amid international criticism over its treatment of the Rohingya minority, according a statement from the general.

China has offered diplomatic backing to its southern neighbour throughout the crisis, despite growing pressure from Western countries for the Myanmar military to be accountable for alleged atrocities.

More than 600,000 members of the Rohingya Muslim group have fled from Buddhist-majority Myanmar’s Rakhine State to Bangladesh in three months since insurgent attacks on security posts sparked a brutal counter-insurgency campaign.

China helped to block a resolution on the crisis at the UN Security Council, while the United States this week called the response by the military and local vigilantes ‘ethnic cleansing’, echoing earlier statements by senior United Nations officials.

According to a statement on the Facebook page of senior General Min Aung Hlaing, he and the Chinese leader on Friday discussed the ‘promotion of cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries, the situation of China standing on Myanmar's side at the forefront of the international community regarding the Rakhine issue,’ and other issues.

Min Aung Hlaing arrived in China on Tuesday and has largely met Chinese military officers during his visit.

The statement also said they discussed ongoing talks between Myanmar's government and myriad ethnic insurgent groups, some of whom are based along Myanmar's shared border with China.

According to Chinese state news agency Xinhua, Xi said China was closely watching the peace process and was ‘willing to play a constructive role... for security and stability in their border areas.’

The Xinhua account did not mention Rakhine, but cited Xi saying that China ‘always respects Myanmar's sovereignty and territorial integrity’.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29125/chinas-xi-discusses-rohingya-crisis-with-myanmar-army-chief
 
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Rohingya Repatriation Deal: What we know
Tribune Desk
Published at 02:02 AM November 26, 2017
Last updated at 02:04 AM November 26, 2017
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Rohingya refugees walk on the shore after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border near Cox's Bazar REUTERS
'Our only goal is to send the Rohingya back to their country, and there is no point in criticizing this agreement'
The governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an agreement on November 23 to repatriate the Rohingya. Bangladesh Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali and Myanmar Union Minister Kyaw Tint Swe signed the bilateral instrument “Arrangement on return of displaced persons from Rakhine State” on behalf of the respective governments in Myanmar’s capital Nay Pyi Taw.

The basic conditions of the agreement come from an older repatriation deal signed by both parties in 1992. Myanmar insisted on adhering to the conditions of the 1992 agreement. The Bangladesh government’s decision to agree to Myanmar’s demand has been critisized by various parties.

On Saturday, Minister AH Mahmood Ali addressed the media to brief them on the repatriation discussions.

He said: “Our only goal is to send the Rohingya back to their country, and there is no point in criticizing this agreement.”

The foreign minister had earlier called the terms of the 1992 Rohingya repatriation agreement unacceptable several times in the past.

Initially, only the Rohingya who have fled to Bangladesh after October 2016, will be sent back. Rohingyas who have been living since before the October 2016 Rohingya crisis will be sent back later. The minister said it was impractical to put the process on a timeframe.

According to the terms, the repatriation will require proof of residency in Myanmar. The agreement refers to the Rohingya as “displaced Myanmar residents.”
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They will have to produce copies of documents issued in Myanmar which indicate they are residents of Myanmar. This extends to, but is not limited to, citizenship identity cards, national registration cards, temporary registration cards, business ownership documents, school attendance, etc.

Any refugee documentation issued by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) will also be subject to similar verification. The government of Myanmar gets the last say in any dispute.

The repatriation is expected to commence as soon as possible. The concerns of Bangladesh and the international community have been taken into account on resettlement. The foreign minister also said Myanmar would rehabilitate the Rohingya in their former neighbourhoods, or any place near their previous homesteads. However, the repatriated “will not be settled in temporary places for a long period of time and their freedom of movement in Rakhine State will be allowed in conformity with the existing laws and regulations,” reads the MoU.

A joint working group is to be established within three weeks of signing to oversee the repatriation process. The process has to commence within two months after the signing. Both governments have agreed not to develop or implement any policy which may discriminate against any particular community and/or violate universally agreed principles on human rights.

Myanmar has also agreed to not prosecute or penalize any of the repatriated for illegal exodus and return, unless they are found to be specifically involved in terrorist or criminal activities.

After the repatriation, both governments will not provide residency or citizenship to any illegal immigrants.

The minister noted the agreement is legally binding, but greatly depends on the sincerity of both governments to implement it successfully.

WHAT THE EXPERTS THINK
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R Abrar (migration expert)

We have signed a deal that we know will not yield any results. Chances are very slim that our expectation on repatriation and rehabilitation of Rohingyas will come true, but we would be enlightened if it turns into reality.

Earlier, Bangladesh have made some conditions like putting emphasis on a time-bound plan, involvement of third party, ensuring an atmosphere in Rakhine state so that they can voluntarily return there, but we are retreating from those points now.

The latest agreement allows third party involvement on repatriation and rehabilitation, but not in verification as the absolute decision on verification which lies with Myanmar and it essentially kills a process that could have been neutral.

The agreement stresses for documentation, but how come a community, who fled their count from atrocities and ethnic cleansing, can have their documents?

The whole process now depends on the goodwill of Myanmar. But I do not expect that it will yield a good outcome.

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M Humayun Kabir (former ambassador)

The way Myanmar has played tricks with Bangladesh on Rohingya crisis is a part of interpolation of time. Myanmar wants to take them back under the 1992 agreement where they need documents that can prove citizenship from Bangladesh.

But the white card, that these people may have had, have their name and address in Burmese. But their names and addresses may not match with the registration made in Bangladesh because these Rohingyas are more willing to use the Rakhine language and have little idea of Burmese. In addition, they have fled their houses and most of them even do not have those documents.

The only way was to get a resolution might be from UNGA, but the next UNGA meeting might be in December, and Myanmar has thus played a trick by taking two months so that the meeting can end during the period and Bangladesh may fail to get any resolution.
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Afsan Chowdhury (researcher and journalist)

Where UNHCR said that Myanmar’s Rakhaine State is not in place to enable safe and sustainable returns at present situation then what will happen when we send them back.

They will come back again. So, we have to take measures that they do not come back for the forth time. We want them to go back but, do not want them to come back which happened also after the 1992 agreement.

We also do not know how this MoU will be implemented. We need to ensure that they do not come back as it becomes a regular problem for us.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2017/11/26/rohingya-repatriation-deal-know/
 
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12:00 AM, November 26, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 04:06 AM, November 26, 2017
‘Rape alarm’ for Rohingya women
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Mostafa Yousuf
In Keruntali Rohingya camp of Teknaf, where stories of sexual harassment and rapes at night are ubiquitous, anything that comes in handy for women to stave off unwanted advances is a huge blessing.
That is why Kamalida, 18, thinks that her small hand-held device, which gives off the high-pitched ambulance wail at the press of a button, is of great support for refugee women.

“To be able to leave the tent knowing that I would be able to let others know when I am attacked, is a relief. It reduces the fear to some extent,” she said.

She added that most people in the camp know what the siren is about and are likely to come out and look for its source when it goes off.

She came to Teknaf with her elderly father in late August when the Myanmar armed forces' crackdown on Rohingya villages in Maungdaw began.

Since her father is paralysed and bed-ridden, she is the one who has to run errands.

Over 5,549 unaccompanied or separated Rohingya children have come to Bangladesh, according to the Unicef, UNHCR and Save the Children data. These children are particularly at risk of being trafficked and abused.

The small device, called a “rape alarm” by Rohingya women, can be useful for those children, Mohammed Anik, project coordinator of Moonlight Development Society, told The Daily Star.

The NGO has distributed 175 such devices among women aged between 12 and 25.

“The girls are really vulnerable. We have been trying to come up with something that is cheap and could at least be of help for the time being. Then we designed the battery-run device which is also a torch,” Anik added.

Marufa Munni, manager of a medical camp run by the organisation, said, “We trained the people in the camps on how they should respond when they hear the siren. We need more such devices in other Rohingya settlements as well.”

Seventeen-year-old Chomira said she has often been stalked in the camp. “I am often scared. But the alarm gives me some courage.”
http://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/rape-alarm-rohingya-women-1496506

Chinese president discusses Rohingya crisis with Myanmar army chief
SAM Staff, November 26, 2017
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Chinese president Xi Jinping met with Myanmar’s top military general in Beijing on Friday (Nov 24) and discussed China’s support amid international criticism over its treatment of the Rohingya minority, according a statement from the general.
China has offered diplomatic backing to its southern neighbour throughout the crisis, despite growing pressure from Western countries for the Myanmar military to be accountable for alleged atrocities.

More than 622,000 members of the Rohingya Muslim group have fled from Buddhist-majority Myanmar’s Rakhine State to Bangladesh in three months since insurgent attacks on security posts sparked a brutal counter-insurgency campaign.

China helped to block a resolution on the crisis at the UN Security Council, while the United States this week called the response by the military and local vigilantes ‘ethnic cleansing’, echoing earlier statements by senior United Nations officials.

According to a statement on the Facebook page of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, he and the Chinese leader on Friday discussed the ‘promotion of cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries, the situation of China standing on Myanmar’s side at the forefront of the international community regarding the Rakhine issue,’ and other issues.

Min Aung Hlaing arrived in China on Tuesday and has largely met Chinese military officers during his visit.

The statement also said they discussed ongoing talks between Myanmar’s government and myriad ethnic insurgent groups, some of whom are based along Myanmar’s shared border with China.

According to Chinese state news agency Xinhua, Xi said China was closely watching the peace process and was ‘willing to play a constructive role… for security and stability in their border areas.’

The Xinhua account did not mention Rakhine, but cited Xi saying that China ‘always respects Myanmar’s sovereignty and territorial integrity’.
SOURCE REUTERS
https://southasianmonitor.com/2017/...discusses-rohingya-crisis-myanmar-army-chief/

Should the Rohingya Return to Myanmar?
www.thestateless.com/2017/11/should-the-rohingya-return-to-myanmar.html
By PABLO AABIR DAS
Rohingya-Muslims-wait-to-cross-the-border-to-Bangladesh-in-a-temporary-camp-outside-Maungdaw-northern-Rakhine-state-Myanmar-November-12-2017.-Credit-Reuters.jpg

Rohingya Muslims wait to cross the border to Bangladesh, in a temporary camp outside Maungdaw, northern Rakhine state, Myanmar November 12, 2017. Picture taken on November 12, 2017. REUTERS/Wa Lone
By PABLO AABIR DAS, The Wire
A discriminatory citizenship structure and pervasive anti-Muslim sentiment in Myanmar suggest that if the Rohingya return home they are likely to face violence and persecution once again.
Since August, over 600,000 Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic minority in Myanmar, have fled their homes to escape persecution. These refugees have been forced to take shelter in makeshift settlement camps in Bangladesh, where disease and malnutrition have contributed to a pervasive gap in human services. In recent weeks, as a cold front has set in around the camps, there has been increasing concern over children freezing.

As a result, it should come as a reprieve that Bangladesh and Myanmar have signed a tentative agreement to send the Rohingya back to their home in the Rakhine State. While the details are still in flux, the understanding appears to be based off a framework that resolved a similar Rohingya refugee crisis in 1993. Among other things, this means that Rohingya who can prove that they possessed identification documents prior to the crisis can return home.

The issues surrounding this proposal are numerous, not least of which is the lack of clarity on where the Rohingya would even reside – most of their villages were decimated in the violence. The underlying challenge, however, is how the repatriated Rohingya will overcome historical barriers upon their return; Myanmar’s government has denied the Rohingya citizenship and, consequently, access to basic rights.

Proponents of the agreement suggest that if the Rohingya return with documentation, they may soon receive legitimate citizenship. However, even if citizenship is included as a condition to the Rohingya’s return, it is unlikely to serve as a solution to this multidimensional crisis. An anti-Rohingya sentiment is deeply embedded in the fabric of Myanmar’s society. Throughout the country, the Rohingya are characterised as dangerous intruders, intent on proliferating radical propaganda across the nation.

Citizenship is unlikely to ease this predisposition, partially because legal issues compound the social stigma – despite holding citizenship, there are countless cases of ethnic groups that are denied access to justice and basic services. With this in mind, it is a real possibility that as the humanitarian crisis in Bangladesh ends, another one will soon reappear in Myanmar.
A conditional citizenship
Myanmar’s rule of law is fragile and tenuous so the constructs of citizenship that uphold established democracies do not exist in the same capacity. Laws surrounding nationality and ethnicity propagate a convoluted, hierarchal system that relies on proof of ancestry as a precursor to full rights. In other words, if residents cannot prove that they had two ancestors living in Myanmar prior to 1823, they can be denied full citizenship.

The system is intentionally prejudicial. Myanmar’s ethnocracy has systematically elevated Buddhist notions and values; as a result, the principles that define democracy, such as pluralism and parity, are elusive. Instead, what prevails is a societal structure that is stratified and discriminatory. Rather than using citizenship as a mechanism for inclusivity, Myanmar has passed laws that have manipulated it into an assimilation barrier for non-Buddhists.

Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law is the cornerstone of this system. The law not only fails to recognise the Rohingya as citizens, it also places those who have citizenship into three tiers: full citizens, associate citizens and naturalised citizens. Associate citizens are typically ethnic minorities who face discrimination from public officials and, subsequently, limited social and political freedoms.
A-Rohingya-refugee-stands-outside-her-makeshift-shelter-at-Hakim-Para-refugee-settlement-near-Cox’s-Bazar-Bangladesh-November-21-2017.-Credit-Reuters.jpg

A Rohingya refugee stands outside her makeshift shelter at Hakim Para refugee settlement near Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, November 21, 2017. REUTERS/Susana Vera
The Kaman: a cautionary tale
It would seem that even this partial citizenship should, in theory, allow the Rohingya to live peacefully and independently. However, an examination of the Kaman people, a Muslim ethnic group who hold associate citizenship, casts doubt on this notion.

Often perceived as demographically insignificant, the Kaman are largely overlooked in Myanmar. Recognised as an indigenous population, they have nevertheless faced similar threats as their stateless counterparts. During the 2012 Rakhine State clashes between the Rohingya and Rakhine Buddhists, the Kaman were forced out of their homes and into internal camps. Five years later, they remain caught up in the violence.

Unlike the Rohingya, as citizens, the Kaman should enjoy access to justice and the protection of the law. In recent years, however, as the anti-Muslim violence has risen in Myanmar, the Kaman have been denied fundamental rights including voting rights and freedom of movement.

As a peaceful ethnic group, the government has no rationale to deprive the Kaman of their rights aside from discrimination and neglect. This is most clearly reflected in the Kaman’s difficulty in obtaining citizenship documentation. In 2014, 2,000 displaced Kaman applied for national identification cards they lost in the violence, but after drawn out deliberations, only 38 had their requests granted.

With no prospects of legal recourse, the issues surrounding the Kaman are symptomatic of a failed justice system and a society that seems to value their lives solely based on race and creed. This same fate is likely to befall the Rohingya who return with documentation; societal prejudice will trump any sort of legitimacy they may be granted.
A bleak road ahead
It is flawed to believe that a citizenship system that has been used to deprive the Rohingya of their rights for so long can suddenly be used as an instrument to safeguard their future; especially when that system has a history of discriminating against those who already fall under its purview.

If the current state of affairs in Myanmar is not enough to raise concerns about the repatriation agreement, perhaps precedent can shed some light on the situation. The Rohingya have fled persecution in Myanmar in the past, and each time many have been forced to return to the same environment and the same treatment. Even in instances when they have been granted a political voice, like in the 1990 election when they won a small percentage of seats, it has been short lived. Following those elections, the generals annulled the results and launched a violent crusade against the Rohingya.

Once they return, there is no evidence that legal recognition will provide the Rohingya with the reconciliation, or protection, they need to secure a future in Myanmar. A long-term solution that allows the Rohingya to prosper in the Rakhine State would involve significant reforms in Myanmar’s laws and an overhaul of bias shown towards the Rohingya. These are tall orders, and as both Bangladesh and Myanmar are eager to resolve the crisis, it seems unlikely that they will be taken into consideration.
Pablo Aabir Das is with the Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.
http://www.thestateless.com/2017/11/should-the-rohingya-return-to-myanmar.html
 
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Rohingya must be consulted before repatriation
www.thestateless.com/2017/11/rohingya-must-be-consulted-before-repatriation.html
By Adam Bemma
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Rohingya refugees are living in squalor in camps in Bangladesh [Showkat Shafi/Al Jazeera]
By Adam Bemma, Al Jazeera
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia – A Rohingya repatriation deal is being hailed as a “first step” by the Bangladesh government, but many argue the plan is premature.

Myanmar’s Rakhine state is the ancestral home for Muslim-majority Rohingya, but those living there face discrimination, violence, and segregation. Human rights group Amnesty International calls it a “system of apartheid“.

The repatriation deal does not take Rohingya refugees’ rights into consideration, said the European Rohingya Council (ERC). Its Malaysia ambassador, Tengku Emma Zuriana, has spoken out against it.

“This repatriation process should not proceed until the safety of the Rohingya [can be] ensured,” she said.

Malaysia is home to about 150,000 Rohingya. Several non-government organisations held a press conference here on Thursday to discuss the repatriation plan.

The United Nations and United States have stated the violent actions taken by Myanmar’s armed forces and “local vigilantes” amount to ethnic cleansing against its Rohingya minority.

“This must be a voluntary process, in safety and dignity, and for them to return to their homes – not into camps. And if there’s any loss of property and life, it must be compensated fairly,” Zuriana said.

Malaysian civil society groups and faith-based organisations urged the Myanmar government to end the violence, and to ensure the safety of the Rohingya living in Rakhine state before any repatriation process begins.

The Malaysia Consultative Council of Islamic Organisation (MAPIM) said any repatriation deal must include protection and compensation for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh who’ve lost everything amid the heavy-handed “security clearance” operation.

“Even if the agreement has been finalised, we strongly call on the UN to ensure safe passage for the Rohingya to return back to their homes,” said MAPIM President Mohd Azmi Abdul Hamid.

He went on to ask the international community and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN): “What repatriation are they planning to implement when the Rohingya’s’ lives are totally destroyed?”

Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organization Malaysia (MERHROM) wanted to remind Bangladesh of past Rohingya repatriations to Myanmar.

“[An] estimated 240,000 Rohingya were repatriated by the Bangladesh government under the 1978 agreement, which had a six month time limit. After that, Bangladesh repatriated about 236,000 Rohingya until 2005 under the 1992 agreement,” noted MERHROM President Zafar Ahmad.

In 2012, Myanmar’s armed forces began to force Rohingya into refugee camps, both in Rakhine state and across the border into Bangladesh.

Recent attacks on a police outpost in Rakhine state by the armed group Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) sparked the latest army crackdown. More than 600,000 Rohingya fled their homes into Bangladesh’s refugee camps.
Hundreds-of-thousands-have-fled-since-late-August-Al-Jazeera.jpg

Hundreds of thousands have fled since late August [Al Jazeera]

MERHROM wants the UN Security Council to conduct an assessment of the situation in Rakhine state, to ensure military operations against Rohingya have ceased.

Myanmar Armed Forces Senior General Min Aung Hlaing has said the Rohingya could return only if they are “real citizens”.

The UN said on Friday the time wasn’t right for a Rohingya return.

“At present, conditions in Myanmar’s Rakhine state are not in place to enable safe and sustainable returns. Refugees are still fleeing, and many have suffered violence, rape, and deep psychological harm,” said Adrian Edwards, a spokesperson for the office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

“It is critical that returns do not take place precipitously or prematurely, without the informed consent of refugees or the basic elements of lasting solutions in place,” headded.

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and Malaysia agree they must be consulted.

“Until the Myanmar government is serious to improve the situation, the Bangladesh government should not agree to any repatriation plan,” Zuriana said.

“The European Rohingya Council is calling [on] Myanmar authorities to grant full citizenship to the Rohingya and review the [1982] citizenship law.”

ERC called on the international community to send a clear message to Myanmar that it will not tolerate any further violence. It also said it wants to see the UN observe, support, and monitor all investigations into human rights violations.

Humanitarian agencies providing aid and medical services to the Rohingya in Rakhine state are not allowed to access secured areas, where those most affected need urgent help.

Until unhindered access is granted to aid agencies in Rakhine by the Myanmar government, refugee and civil society groups in Malaysia will continue to voice opposition to any agreement, they said.

The concern is Myanmar will force returning Rohingya into displacement camps and settlement zones protected by the same armed forces guilty of carrying out attacks them.

“They don’t have the freedom to go back home,” Zuriana said.
http://www.thestateless.com/2017/11/rohingya-must-be-consulted-before-repatriation.html

ROHINGYA REPATRIATION
New deal only for entrants after Oct 2016
Diplomatic Correspondent | Published: 00:05, Nov 26,2017 | Updated: 00:21, Nov 26,2017
29133_187.jpg

Foreign minister AH Mahmood Ali speaks at a news conference on deal with Myanmar at the foreign office on Saturday.-- Focus bangla photo
The new instrument for repatriation would be applicable to Rohingyas entering Bangladesh after October 2016 and at the request of Myanmar, the Bangladesh government has agreed that principles of verification of nationalities described in 1992 ‘statement’ would be followed.
‘They [Myanmar] want to follow the 1992 statement. So things are done accordingly. The most important part is to take them back. There is no use of finding faults in it,’ foreign minister AH Mahmood Ali said at a press conference on Saturday.

The newly signed instrument, Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State, will be applicable to Rohingyas who have entered Bangladesh from Rakhine State only after October 9, 2016.
The repatriation of ‘residents’ who entered Bangladesh earlier ‘will be considered separately on the conclusion of the present arrangement,’ said the instrument signed by Mahmood Ali and Myanmar minister of state counsellor’s office Kyaw Tint Soe on November 23.

The return must be in safety, security and dignity with options for recommencing livelihood, after verification of the returnees’ residency in Myanmar.

Bangladesh will immediately avail itself of the assistance by the UNHCR in the repatriation process, but the Myanmar government has agreed to draw the UNHCR services on need basis at the appropriate time.
Myanmar will issue the returnees an identity
card for national verification immediately on their return.

Verification of identity for return will be based on evidence of past residency in Myanmar. Documentary evidences include old and expired citizenship identity cards/ national registration cards/ temporary registration cards (white cards) and any other documents issued by Myanmar authorities. Other documents or information indicating their residence in Myanmar, such as addresses, reference of household or business ownership document, school attendance or any relevant particulars and information, would also be accepted.

There ‘shall be no restriction’ on the number of people to be repatriated as long as they can establish bona fide evidence of their residence in Myanmar.

The members of split families, their left behind members, orphans and children born out of unwarranted incidents are to be certified by a Bangladesh court. Both parents of additional offspring born in Bangladesh must be residents of Myanmar.

The final decision regarding verification will be made by the Myanmar government, which would try to resolve cases of disputes on eligibility by six months. In case of dispute on eligibility, Bangladesh and Myanmar governments ‘shall sit’ with all documents and information to resolve such cases.
Myanmar has agreed to take necessary measures to halt the outflow of Myanmar ‘residents’ to Bangladesh, to restore normalcy and to encourage those who had left Myanmar to return voluntarily and safely to their own households and original places of residence, or to a safe and secure place nearest to it of their choice.

Freedom of movement of Rohingyas in Rakhine would be allowed in conformity with the existing laws and regulations.

Myanmar will not ‘criminalise’ and prosecute returnees for illegal exit and return unless there are specific cases of their involvement in ‘terrorist or criminal activities’.
The process of return would commence ‘at the earliest’ and ‘shall be completed’ in a time-bound manner agreed by both parties.

The two governments will establish a joint working group to oversee all aspects of return within three weeks of signing of the ‘arrangement.’ The two sides are to prepare agreed terms of reference for the working group.

The process of return ‘shall commence’ within two months from November 23, and be completed within a reasonable time.

The Myanmar government confirmed its commitments to implement the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by former UN secretary general Kofi Annan.
UNHCR, other mandated UN agencies and interested international partners would be
invited to take part in various stages of return and resettlement.

After completion of return, the two governments would cooperate to prevent illegal crossing from both sides of the borders.

The two governments agreed that they would refrain from conceiving and implementing any policy discriminatory to any particular community, and harbour or support terrorists or criminals involved in arms smuggle, drugs and human trafficking.

The foreign minister described the signing of the instrument as the ‘first step’ for starting repatriation of people who have faced ruthless campaign of the Myanmar armed forces.

Asked on absence of timeframe for repatriation, he said that in many cases providing ‘timeframe becomes useless.’

Replying to a question if the ‘arrangement’ is legally binding, the minister said ‘certainly.’
‘When two countries make commitment, the commitment becomes binding,’ he said.

Replying to a query, Mahmood Ali claimed that the country’s interest was protected in signing the instrument. ‘It is the government that would decide what the interest of the country is,’ he said.
Over 6,23,000 Rohingyas, mostly women, children and aged people, entered Bangladesh fleeing unbridled murder, arson and rape during ‘security operations’ by Myanmar military in Rakhine, what the United Nations denounced as ethnic cleansing, between August 25 and November 23.

The ongoing Rohingya influx took the total number of undocumented Myanmar nationals and registered refugees in Bangladesh to over 10,42,000 till November 23, according to estimates by UN agencies.
Foreign secretary M Shahidul Haque and other senior officials were also present at the press conference.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29133/new-deal-only-for-entrants-after-oct-2016
 
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Vague MoU over Rohingya repatriation raises many questions
rohingya_crisis_mahmudhossainopu_23.11.2017-690x450.gif

(Photo: MAHMUD HOSSAIN OPU)
By Mahadi Al Hasnat, Afrose Jahan Chaity
Dhaka Tribune
November 25, 2017
'The MoU is nothing but an eyewash … The repatriation has to be voluntary, meaning if they want to go back, we can send them back [and] if they do not feel safe going back home, we cannot forcibly repatriate them'
Describing the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) over Rohingya repatriation as vague, security analysts and journalists said the instrument signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar would not serve any useful purpose.

Bangladesh Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali and Myanmar’s Minister for State Counsellor’s Office Kyauw Tint Swe signed the MoU on Thursday, in which it has been mentioned that the repatriation process will begin within two months.

However, analysts claimed that the MoU is nothing but an eyewash and trick from the Myanmar side to lessen the international pressure facing the country.
They stressed that citizenship and other basic rights of the Rohingya must be guaranteed before the repatriation.

Speaking to the Dhaka Tribune, M Shahiduzzaman, a noted security analyst and a professor of international relations at Dhaka University, said: “We do not know the precise details of the MoU … The issues of how many Rohingya people will be repatriated and the repatriation timeline have not been fixed in the MoU. No agreement has been signed as yet. The MoU dictates only how things should go forward.”

Veteran journalist Afsan Chowdhury said: “We do not know what we will be able to achieve through the MoU. The instrument cannot guarantee the repartition until it is implemented.
“In the previous agreements signed in 1977 and 1992, they [Myanmar authorities] said they would take the Rohingya refugees back. Why were the Rohingya forced to flee [to Bangladesh] in 1992, 2014 and this year if the problem was really solved then according to the deals?” Afsan said.
“The MoU is nothing but an eyewash … The repatriation has to be voluntary, meaning if they want to go back, we can send them back [and] if they do not feel safe going back home, we cannot forcibly repatriate them,” he stated.

Imtiaz Ahmed, a professor of international relations at DU, said: “It is unclear why this MoU is focused on an arrangement instead of an agreement. It is said that the repatriation will start within two months, but when it will conclude has not been specified in the MoU.

“Whether the Rohingya people will be able to go back to Myanmar as citizens of the country is an important issue to think about, because they went back in the ’70s and ’90s, but they were not given citizenship. Instead, whatever rights they had were taken away.”

“We should wait for our foreign minister’s press conference [to be held today] as he could say very well the nitti-gritty of the arrangement. He could explain how practical this arrangement is,” he added.
Ro Nay San Lwin, a Rohingya activist based in Europe, said the Myanmar government must give Rohingya people the national identity cards acknowledging their full citizenship.

“They must be able to go back to their original villages. Their confiscated lands must be given back and all burnt houses must be rebuilt before they go back home,” San Lwin demanded.
http://www.rohingyablogger.com/2017/11/vague-mou-over-rohingya-repatriation.html
 
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12:00 AM, November 26, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 04:01 AM, November 26, 2017
Upper hand Myanmar's
Experts, refugees doubt return of all Rohingyas under new deal that stipulates verification requiring documents of residency, 'old and expired citizenship identity cards'
Staff Correspondent
Myanmar will have the final say in verification of Rohingyas
Refugee documents issued by UNHCR will also be verified by Naypyitaw


The criteria stipulated in the new Rohingya repatriation deal will make it difficult for the Myanmar nationals to return to their homes in Rakhine State from Bangladesh, say experts and Rohingya refugees.

The Rohingyas will have to go through a verification process that will require them to submit documents to prove their past residency in Myanmar.

The documents include “old and expired citizenship identity cards” or national registration cards or temporary registration cards, according to the "Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State" signed between Dhaka and Naypyitaw on November 23.

Once repatriated to Rakhine State, the Rohingyas will primarily be kept at temporary shelters or arrangements for a “limited time” and their freedom of movement will be allowed as per the existing laws in Myanmar.

However, the Rohingyas who have taken shelter in Bangladesh to escape persecution in Myanmar say these conditions go against their interest as only a few of them have residency cards.

Besides, it was still unclear whether they would be granted citizenship and the rights as enjoyed by the Buddhists in Myanmar.

"I don't want to go back to Myanmar unless it is guaranteed that I will be given citizenship," said Rohingya community leader Jamal Hossain, 42, now staying at Balukhali camp in Cox's Bazar's Ukhia.

Another Rohingya man, Jamal Hossain, who came from Buthidaung, said he had a residency card, but it along with all other things in his house was burnt to ashes. He somehow managed to flee to Bangladesh with his family members.

"Even if I'm given the chance to go back to Rakhine, I will not accept it under the prevailing situation," he said.

Several other Rohingyas also echoed his view.

They are among the 622,000 Rohingyas, who have fled atrocities in Rakhine since the Myanmar military launched a brutal crackdown there on August 25.

The UN and the US termed the violence ethnic cleansing, while France and rights bodies defined it as genocide and crimes against humanity.

International relations analysts think Myanmar struck the repatriation deal with Bangladesh under global pressure.

They expressed doubt whether Myanmar is sincere about the Rohingya repatriation, especially because it failed to restore law and order in Rakhine where communal violence still continues.

According to the deal, the Rohingyas can also be verified based on other documents issued by the Myanmar authorities or information indicating their residence in Myanmar, such as address, reference to household or business document, school attendance or any other relevant particulars.

Prof CR Abrar, an expert on refugee and migration affairs, said it is absurd that the Myanmar authorities are asking for papers or documents from those who fled atrocities to save their lives.

“Their houses were burned down. Their assets were either destroyed or looted. How can they present any documents?" he asked.

Abrar, a teacher of international relations at Dhaka University, said the other option -- information indicating their residence or schools -- is a more acceptable way of verification.

He also referred to another provision in the deal, which says "recipient of refugee documents issued by the UNHCR will undergo the same verification process".

This means the UN agency's registration of a Rohingya would be ignored, Abrar pointed out.

The deal also says that in cases of dispute over eligibility for return to Myanmar, Dhaka and Naypyitaw will sit with all documents and information to resolve such cases. And Myanmar will make the final decision regarding verification.

Pointing to Myanmar's upper hand in determining eligibility, Abrar said, "It is Myanmar's armed forces and security agencies that forced the Rohingyas to flee. It is ridiculous that they would be the determiner of repatriation eligibility."

Abrar further said Naypyitaw is basically following the 1982 citizenship law of Myanmar and the 1992 agreement on repatriation of the Rohingyas.

"If this is so, I don't see any sustainable solution to the decades-long problem," he said.

Talking to this newspaper, a number of Rohingyas, who have residency cards, expressed unwillingness to go back to Rakhine under the prevailing situation.

Mohammad Ilias, 33, who was a school teacher in Maungdaw of Rakhine, said he has a residency card, but he does not want to return to Myanmar unless he gets back his house and other properties.

"I would like to go back home, but where would I live with my family... in a camp?" he questioned.

The repatriation deal mentions Myanmar's commitment to implementing the recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, which suggested that the Rohingyas be granted citizenship and provided with equal opportunities in all spheres of life.

But in a statement on November 15, Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing said the Rohingyas cannot return to Rakhine until “real Myanmar citizens” are ready to accept them.

“Emphasis must be placed on the wish of local Rakhine ethnic people who are real Myanmar citizens," he said.

Aung Hlaing also refuted all allegations of abuse, insisting troops only targeted Rohingya insurgents.

He has all along stated that the Rohingyas are Muslim migrants from Bangladesh, going in line with the hardliner Buddhists of Myanmar.
http://www.thedailystar.net/backpage/criteria-hard-fulfil-1496503
 
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রোহিঙ্গা সংকটে সমঝোতা: চীনের হাত স্পষ্ট, হাত কামড়াচ্ছে ভারত



রোহিঙ্গাদের ফেরত পাঠানো নিয়ে মিয়ানমার ও বাংলাদেশের মধ্যে যে সমঝোতা দলিল স্বাক্ষরিত হয়েছে, তাতে স্পষ্টই চীনের ‘ফিঙ্গারপ্রিন্ট’ দেখতে পাচ্ছে ভারত। একইসঙ্গে তারা কিছুটা হাতও কামড়াচ্ছে!
ভারতের আফসোসের কারণ— প্রায় তিন মাস সময় পাওয়ার পরও রোহিঙ্গা প্রশ্নে দিল্লি কোনও নির্ণায়ক ভূমিকা নিতে পারলো না। মিয়ানমারের অভ্যন্তরীণ বিষয়ে চীন হয়তো নাক গলাবে না, ভারতের এই ধারণাকে ভুল প্রমাণিত হলো। কারণ চীনা পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রীর পেশ করা ফর্মুলার বেশকিছুটা প্রায় সঙ্গে সঙ্গেই মেনে নিলো মিয়ানমার ও বাংলাদেশ।
গত ২৩ নভেম্বর নেপিদোতে ওই দলিল স্বাক্ষরিত হওয়ার কয়েক ঘণ্টা পর বিকালে ভারতীয় পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয়ের নিয়মিত সাপ্তাহিক ব্রিফিংয়ে এই সমঝোতার বিষয়ে প্রতিক্রিয়া জানতে চাওয়া হয়। তখন মুখপাত্র রবীশ কুমার নিজের অস্বস্তি গোপন করতে না পেরে বলে ফেলেন, ‘যেটা এখন ঘটছে সে বিষয়ে কী মন্তব্য করবো বলুন তো? আর রাখাইন প্রদেশের বাস্তুচ্যুত মানুষদের নিয়ে কী করা উচিত, তা আমরা আগে অনেকবারই বলেছি। মনে হয় না এর পুনরাবৃত্তির কোনও প্রয়োজন আছে।’
ভারতে তখন বেজেছে বিকাল সাড়ে ৪টা। নেপিদোতে সই-সাবুদ শেষ হয়ে গেছে এর বেশ আগেই। ঘটনা হলো, তারপর প্রায় সাড়ে তিন দিন কেটে গেলেও ভারত এই সমঝোতা নিয়ে এখনও কোনও সরকারি প্রতিক্রিয়া দেয়নি। না গণমাধ্যমে, না সামাজিক যোগাযোগ মাধ্যম টুইটারে।
এদিকে ভারতীয় পররাষ্ট্র মন্ত্রণালয় যে কথা মুখ ফুটে বলতে পারছে না, তা সরাসরি বলে দিলো দেশের প্রথম সারির সংবাদপত্র ‘দ্য হিন্দু’র সম্পাদকীয়। সেখানে বাংলাদেশ ও মিয়ানমারের মধ্যে স্বাক্ষরিত এই সমঝোতাকে ‘চায়না প্ল্যান’ বলে বর্ণনা করা হয়েছে। চীনের মধ্যস্থতাতেই যে মূলত দুই দেশ মুখোমুখি আলোচনার টেবিলে বসে দলিলে স্বাক্ষর করেছে তা পত্রিকাটির সম্পাদকীয়তে জানানো হয়েছে দ্ব্যর্থহীন ভাষায়।

ভারতের কূটনৈতিক মহলের আক্ষেপ ঠিক এই জায়গাতেই— যে কাজটা আগে উদ্যোগ নিলে হয়তো দিল্লি করতে পারতো, শেষবেলায় এসে চীন কিনা বাজিমাত করে দিলো!

মিয়ানমারে ভারতের রাষ্ট্রদূতের দায়িত্ব পালন করেছেন এমন এক সাবেক কূটনীতিক রবিবার (২৬ নভেম্বর) বাংলা ট্রিবিউনকে বলছিলেন, ‘মিয়ানমার ও বাংলাদেশ উভয়ে আমাদের ঘনিষ্ঠ বন্ধু দেশ। কাজেই রোহিঙ্গা সমস্যা আমাদের জন্য এক উভয় সংকট। অতএব কিভাবে ভারসাম্য রাখা উচিত গত তিন মাস ধরে আমরা শুধু সেসবই ভেবে গেলাম। অথচ চীনের জন্যও পরিস্থিতি একই রকম ছিল। কিন্তু তারা ঠিক মোক্ষম সময়ে এসে একটা নির্ণায়ক ভূমিকা নিয়ে গেলো।’

দিনকয়েক আগেই চীনা পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী ওয়াং উই বাংলাদেশ ও মিয়ানমার সফরে এসে তার তিন দফা রোহিঙ্গা প্রত্যাবাসন ফর্মুলা পেশ করেন। পরে বেইজিংয়ের দাবি ছিল— দুই দেশই তা মেনে নিয়েছে।

অথচ গত সেপ্টেম্বরে ভারতীয় পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী সুষমা স্বরাজও ঢাকায় গিয়েছিলেন। এমনকি রোহিঙ্গা সংকটের একেবারে শুরুর দিকে প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদি নিজেও মিয়ানমার সফরে গিয়েছিলেন। মাঝে যুক্তরাষ্ট্রের নিউ ইয়র্কে সুষমা স্বরাজ ও শেখ হাসিনার কথাবার্তা হয়েছে। ভারত ও বাংলাদেশের পররাষ্ট্র সচিবরাও গত তিন মাসে নিউ ইয়র্ক, কলম্বো, এমনকি দিল্লিতেও একাধিকবার নিজেদের মধ্যে বৈঠক করেছেন। কিন্তু সেগুলো মোটেও ফলপ্রসূ হয়নি।

এ কারণে রোহিঙ্গা প্রশ্নে ভারতের ‘শ্যাম রাখি না কূল রাখি’ দ্বিধাই শেষ পর্যন্ত কাল হলো। আর চীন এসে পরিষ্কার বুঝিয়ে দিলো এ ধরনের বিরাট সংকটে মিয়ানমার ও বাংলাদেশ কার ওপর বেশি ভরসা রাখতে রাজি।

বাংলাদেশের কূটনৈতিক মহল অবশ্য দাবি করছে, চীনের আগে প্রথমে তারা ভারতের ওপরেই ভরসা করতে চেয়েছিলেন। কিন্তু ভারতের সিদ্ধান্তহীনতা আর দোলাচলই শেষ পর্যন্ত চীনের দিকে ঠেলে দিয়েছে তাদের। কারণ বাংলাদেশ একটা প্রত্যাবাসন সমঝোতা করার জন্য মরিয়া হয়ে উঠেছিল। আর তাদের হাতে সময়ও ফুরিয়ে আসছিল দ্রুত। এই সমঝোতার বাস্তবায়ন কতটা ফলপ্রসূ হবে, কতজন রোহিঙ্গাকে কত দ্রুত ফেরানো যাবে সেগুলো অন্য প্রশ্ন। কিন্তু আপাতত চীনের মধ্যস্থতাতেই যে দুই দেশের মধ্যে একটা ‘অ্যারেঞ্জমেন্ট’ সম্ভব হয়েছে তা নিয়ে কেউই সন্দেহ প্রকাশ করছেন না।

বাংলাদেশের একজন শীর্ষ কূটনীতিক হাসতে হাসতে এই প্রতিবেদককে বলছিলেন, “এমনটাই তো হওয়ার কথা ছিল, তাই না? মিয়ানমারে চীনের লগ্নি ১০০ বিলিয়ন ডলার হলে সেই তুলনায় সেখানে ভারতের ১০ ভাগও বিনিয়োগ নেই। আমরা এখন বুঝে গেছি— মিয়ানমারের জন্য ভারত বা জাপান ‘বয়ফ্রেন্ড’ হতে পারে, কিন্তু তারা সংসার পেতেছে চীনের সঙ্গেই!”
 
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09:15 PM, November 25, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 09:36 PM, November 25, 2017
What will be fate of Rohingyas entered before Oct 9, 2016: Fakhrul
Star Online Report
BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today raised a question over the fate of the Rohingyas, who entered Bangladesh before October 9, 2016 in the face of persecution in Myanmar.
“You (govt) have reached an agreement with Myanmar to repatriate its nationals who were displaced since October 9, 2016. But what will happen to those Rohingyas who entered Bangladesh before the date,” he said.

Fakhrul’s concern came hours after Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali assured that Rohingya repatriation deal will not hamper Bangladesh’s interest.

Earlier in the day, the foreign minister at a press conference said that Myanmar will take back only those refugees who fled to Bangladesh following the violence on October 9, 2016 and August 25 this year.

Fakhrul also criticised the government for signing such agreement horridly and keeping the United Nations and other interested countries away from the repatriation process.

“It is good indeed but the matter of concern is that there is no clear indication in the agreement about when and how the repatriation process will begin,” he added.

Fakhrul again said that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina could have visited China, Russia and India before signing the agreement to garner their supports for smooth repatriation of the Rohingya people.

“We have been frequently calling up on the government to hatch diplomatic efforts for the sake of our national interest but failed,” he added.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...-rohingyas-entered-oct-9-2016-fakhrul-1496404
 
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Pope begins Myanmar trip in shadow of Rohingya crisis
Reuters | Published: 08:40, Nov 27,2017 | Updated: 13:09, Nov 27,2017
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Pope Francis waves as he boards a plane for his pastoral visit to Myanmar and Bangladesh at Fiumicino international airport in Rome, Italy, November 26, 2017. — Reuters photo
Pope Francis landed in Yangon on Monday, the start of a delicate visit for the world’s most prominent Christian to majority-Buddhist Myanmar, which the United States has accused of ‘ethnic cleansing’ its Muslim Rohingya people.
The pope will also visit Bangladesh, to where more than 620,000 Rohingyas have fled from what Amnesty International has dubbed ‘crimes against humanity’ by Myanmar security forces, including murder, rape, torture and forcible displacement.

The Myanmar army denies the accusations.

Only about 700,000 of Myanmar’s 51 million people are Roman Catholic.
Thousands of them gathered in Yangon, the country’s main city, after journeys by train and bus, excited to get a glimpse of Pope Francis.

‘We come here to see the Holy Father. It happens once in hundreds of years,’ said Win Min Set, a community leader who brought a group of 1,800 Catholics from southern and western states of the country.

‘He is very knowledgeable when it comes to political affairs. He will handle the issue smartly,’ he said, referring to the delicacy of the pope’s discussions about the Rohingya.

The trip is so delicate that some papal advisers have warned him against even saying the word ‘Rohingya’, lest he set off a diplomatic incident that could turn the Buddhist-majority country’s military and government against minority Christians.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29262/pope-begins-myanmar-trip-in-shadow-of-rohingya-crisis

Rohingyas: panacea to their plight
Published: 00:05, Nov 27,2017 | Updated: 22:17, Nov 26,2017
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The international community should be more proactive and not be fooled by the phony promises that Myanmar makes when it comes to repatriation of the displaced and most persecuted refugees – the Rohingyas, write Tasmiah Nuhiya Ahmed and Tahsin Noor Salim
BANGLADESH, a poor country, with inadequate cultivable land and resources and a population of about 170 million, has extended an affable and welcome approach towards the Rohingyas of Rakhine state in Myanmar.
Bangladesh earned praise for its compassionate approach to providing humanitarian assistance to over half a million displaced Rohingyas in Bangladesh.

However, this is also true that Bangladesh cannot alone bring a solution to this Rohingya crisis. Moreover, the Rohingya influx in Bangladesh has invited various socio-economic problems in Bangladesh like security threats, environmental problems, smuggling of narcotic drugs and arms.

As we all know that there has been a lot of focus on why the conflicts actually took place in Myanmar; whether the Rohingyas are to be classified as ‘intruders ‘or ‘refugees’ in Bangladesh or whether the heinous acts and the persecution of Rohingyas should be classified as genocide or ethnic cleansing.

Solutions to the crisis have also been proposed but we are yet to implement a successful and realistic panacea to this intrinsic problem. Although, the Rohingyas who have safely crossed the shore are provided essential protection and assistance in Bangladesh, this does not entail a long-lasting solution. What still remains in the grey area is the future of the Rohingyas and their children; their ability to secure a source of revenue; their access to the justice and their rights as citizens.

Piecemeal attempts to embark upon a solution are not enough and what is required is extensive burden sharing from affluent countries, safe repatriation process and a more pro active approach from the international community and neutral organisations like the United Nations.

When talking about burden sharing, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen and Nikolas F Tan in their paper titled, ‘The End of the Deterrence Paradigm? Future Directions for Global Refugee Policy’, poignantly highlights that a meaningful responsibility has to be taken by the international community. It is of paramount importance that we deal with the fact that there is an unequal distribution when it comes to taking refugee responsibility.

Therefore, there should be a stronger obligation for international community with regards to the sharing of responsibility of the refugees, eg, through resettlement, humanitarian visas, or global and regional distribution mechanisms, or on the sharing of resources, such as humanitarian assistance, expert staff, know-how, and money.

A critical Pledging Conference in Geneva was held on October 23, 2017, organised by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, International Organisation for Migration and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the event was co-hosted by the European Union and Kuwait.

It was organised with an aim to provide the governments from around the world an opportunity to show their solidarity and share the burden and responsibility. It was discussed that their further generous support for the Joint Response Plan, which was launched by the UN and partners, is urgently needed to sustain and scale up the large humanitarian effort already under way. It was also discussed that the plan requires $434 million to meet the life-saving needs of all Rohingya refugees and their host communities — together an estimated 1.2 million people — for the difficult months to come.

In a statement on the Rohingya refugee crisis, the UNHCR stated that they call on the international community to intensify efforts to bring a peaceful solution to the plight of the Rohingya, to end the desperate exodus, to support host communities and ensure the conditions that will allow for refugees’ eventual voluntary return in safety and dignity. The origins and, thus, the solutions to this crisis lie on Myanmar.

Bangladesh needs more foreign investment as well and international community can help Bangladesh to build up a stronger economy through investing in Bangladesh. It will eventually heighten trade opportunities and generate employment opportunities for the Bangladeshi citizens and the Rohingyas in Bangladesh in the long run. Scholars and refugee advocates worldwide have suggested a general distribution model, with quotas based on each country’s population size, GDP, unemployment rates, etc.

Adherence to such a model indubitably ensures fairness among countries and embraces the concept of burden sharing unreservedly. Unfortunately, India which is one the fastest growing economies with a GDP of 7.2 per cent (IMF, 2017) refuses to give refuge to the Rohingyas, while Bangladesh with a GDP of 6.6 per cent (IMF, 2017) opens its doors and bears the responsibility of providing shelter to the stateless Rohingyas.

The Rohingyas who do not wish to be repatriated could be resettled in affluent countries who wish to accept them, ensuring them their basic human rights. However, with most of the Rohingyas being illiterate, it is highly unlikely that the developed nations would be willing to accept them. Therefore, the Rohingyas could be given vocational training to make them suitable candidates for countries wishing to accept them.

Although, repatriation, as a solution seems bleak, it could be an effective one with the help from the international community and international sanctions. On 6 November, 2017; the Security Council in their 8085th meeting, expressed that the primary responsibility of protecting the Rohingyas lies on the government of Myanmar.

The Security Council of the United Nations also emphasised the importance of reform in security and justice sectors in the country’s transition to democracy. It urged the Myanmar government to work with Bangladesh and the United Nations to allow the voluntary return of refugees in conditions of safety and dignity to their homes, on the basis of an October 24 memorandum of understanding between the two countries.

In that meeting the representative of Bangladesh thanked the Council for a comprehensive statement, which could be a building block towards the timely and critical action that was needed. It was acknowledged that time was of the essence in this situation.

If we look at Balfour Declaration, we see that the persecuted Jewish People had been given a national home in the land of Palestine. Despite the fact that Britain had no sovereign rights over Palestine or any proprietary interest, it disposed off the land of the Palestinians, embracing the concept of Zionism. Why then is it so difficult to return to the Rohingyas, their land, that is rightfully theirs? However, it is also true that their right to return to their home safely can only be possible in the diplomatic way.

Myanmar should be subject to international sanctions and pressure should be put on them. Neutral Organisations like the UN should closely monitor the whole repatriation process. The international community as a whole should be more proactive in this regard and not be fooled by the phony promises that Myanmar makes when it comes to repatriation of the displaced and most persecuted refugees- the Rohingyas. In the event, they do not comply with their obligation Myanmar should be subject to strict international sanctions.

Tasmiah Nuhiya Ahmed is an advocate at the Supreme Court and research assistant (law) at the Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs; and Tahsin Noor Salim is a research assistant (law) at the Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29213/rohingyas-panacea-to-their-plight

12:00 AM, November 27, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 03:52 AM, November 27, 2017
Rohingya Deal: Govt 'sold itself' to Myanmar
Claims Fakhrul
Unb, Dhaka
BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir yesterday alleged that the government had “sold itself” to Myanmar by signing the Rohingya repatriation instrument with the neighbouring country.
"Under which compulsion have you [government] sold yourself to Myanmar without understating the country's interests? You should tell the nation from where you received the pressure to do so," he said.

He claimed that the instrument was signed accepting all conditions of Myanmar.

Fakhrul came up with the comment while speaking at a discussion arranged by Jatiyatabadi Swechchhasebak Dal at the Institution of Diploma Engineers, Bangladesh, marking BNP Senior Vice-Chairman Tarique Rahman's 53rd birthday.

On Thursday, Bangladesh and Myanmar signed an instrument on the Rohingya repatriation with high hopes that the forcibly displaced Rohingyas would start returning to their homeland within the next two months.

Fakhrul said UN body UNHCR voiced concern over the agreement as the condition of Myanmar was not suitable for safe and sustainable return of the Rohingyas.

01:35 PM, November 27, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 01:49 PM, November 27, 2017
UK reaffirms support for Bangladesh, Rohingyas
It says global funding to dry up in 100 days

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Rohingya Muslim refugees gathers inside the Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox's Bazar on November 26, 2017. Photo: AFP
UNB, Dhaka
United Kingdom's International Development Secretary Penny Mordaunt today pledged that the UK will continue to stand by Rohingya people and Bangladesh.
UK has announced 12 million pounds aid support which will help around 750,000 women and girls globally over the next three years and Mordaunt pledged to help increase protection for Rohingya women and girls against sexual violence and exploitation

This brings the UK's total support to 59 million pound since 25 August 2017, according to the British High Commission in Dhaka.

During her recent visit to Cox's Bazar, Mordaunt announced further UK aid for the Rohingya crisis, as she warns, global funding will start drying up in 100 days.

Mordaunt praised the Bangladesh government and local communities for their continued generosity in helping the Rohingya people.

She also urged other countries to follow the UK's lead by promising longer-term support to avert disaster.

"The persistent persecution of the Rohingya people must stop. It's horrifying that hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women and children have had their homes burnt to the ground, and parents have been forced to helplessly watch as their children die from hunger," she said.

Mordaunt said this looks like ethnic cleansing and the Myanmar military must end this inhumane violence and guarantee unrestricted humanitarian access so aid can reach those in need in Myanmar. "Any return of families to their homes must be safe, voluntary and dignified."

She said global funding to support the Rohingya people will only meet urgent needs for the next 100 days.

"We cannot turn our backs on those trapped in crisis. Other countries must follow our lead and do even more to help children overcome the trauma of war, reunite them with their families and give a future to the next generation," she said.

Mordaunt pledged to help increase protection for Rohingya women and girls against sexual violence and exploitation and announced a separate package of UK aid support (pound 12 million for multiple countries) that is expected to help around 750,000 women and girls globally over the next three years.

She met some of the 624,000 innocent men, women and children on November 25 who have been tragically driven from their homes in Myanmar and forced to make the treacherous journey to Bangladesh, relying on aid to survive and heard harrowing stories of brutal abuse.

She also met UK experts delivering life-saving treatment including medical, counseling and psychosocial support to female survivors.

"The countless stories of sexual violence I have heard from Rohingya women and girls are truly shocking and the high rates of this crime across the world are a global scandal," said Mordaunt.

She said the UK is absolutely determined to eliminate all forms of violence against women and girls and we are increasing protection for Rohingya women and girls against sexual violence and exploitation.

"We're stepping up our leadership - working closely with women leaders and grassroots charities - to help more survivors in some of the world's poorest countries overcome the traumas of violence," she said.

On Sunday, British Secretary Mordaunt met State Minister for Foreign Affairs Md Shahriar Alam and praised the role of Bangladesh government in dealing the Rohingya crisis and appreciated the generous approach of Bangladeshi people towards the Rohingya people.

Shahriar appreciated the active role of the UK government in mounting pressure on Myanmar Government on Rohingya issue.

Referring to her visit to the Rohingya makeshift camps in Cox's Bazar, Mordaunt mentioned that she is moved by the scale of influx and assured that the aids from the UK will certainly increase in the coming days.

The State Minister expressed hope that the UK will continue to mount pressure on Myanmar until the successful return of displaced Rohingya people to their homeland in safety, security and dignity
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingya-crisis/uk-reaffirms-support-bangladesh-rohingyas-1497124
 
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EXPERTS, POLITICIANS ON ROHINGYA REPATRIATION AGREEMENT
Deal creates uncertainty

Diplomatic Correspondent | Published: 00:05, Nov 27,2017 | Updated: 00:01, Nov 27,2017
Newly arrived Rohingya refugees wait to receive permission from the Bangladeshi army to continue their way after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, near Teknaf, on Sunday. — Reuters photo

The hurried signing of a Rohingya repatriation deal with Myanmar without timeframe and leaving Nay Pyi Daw to decide who could return might make the process uncertain, experts and politicians said on Sunday.

‘The government has committed a big mistake, I should say “crime”, by signing the deal without protecting national interests,’ Communist Party of Bangladesh presidium member Haider Akbar Khan Rano told New Age on Sunday.

The government signed the instrument complying with the requests of the Myanmar authorities, he said, adding that it was unlikely that anyone would agree to voluntarily return.

The instrument, Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State, was signed by Myanmar and Bangladesh on November 23 to repatriate Rohingyas entered Bangladesh from Rakhine State only after October 9, 2016.

Socialist Party of Bangladesh general secretary Khalequzzaman observed that the government hurriedly signed the deal with Myanmar without considering certain major aspects of repatriation, including willingness of Rohingyas to return, to show that it was active to resolve the crisis.

There are loopholes in the provisions of verification of the nationality of the Rohingyas with conferring much authority to Myanmar by agreeing to accept provisions stated in the 1992 joint statement and that might make repatriation uncertain, he said.

It was possible to bring documents of citizenship in 1992, but this time it was impossible for them, he said.

Steps on ensuring citizenship of Rohingyas, compensation for damages made to
them, reconstruction of their houses and trial of people involved in ethnic cleansing were kept unresolved, he added.

Chair of the parliamentary standing committee on foreign ministry Dipu Moni declined to comment on the deal signed with Myanmar. ‘The foreign minister has talked about it,’ she said.

Bangladesh Enterprise Institute vice-president Humayun Kabir said that the government started an uncertain journey without setting any destination by hurriedly signing the instrument with Myanmar when Bangladesh was in an advantageous position on the matter. ‘Where the government would hide its face if the process of repatriation gets stuck in uncertainty,’ he said.

Kabir, also former ambassador, said that the only point that might put Myanmar in trouble was that the country indirectly admitted, by agreeing to accept ‘children born out of unwarranted incidents’, that there were incidents of rape in Rakhine State.

The members of split families, their left behind members, orphans and children born out of unwarranted incidents are to be certified by a Bangladesh court and both parents of additional offspring born in Bangladesh must be residents of Myanmar, according to the deal.

Army general turned ambassador M Shahidul Haque said that the Myanmar Army, which enjoys huge control and influence on foreign, home and border management issues, was possibly not
involved in the process of negotiation of the ‘arrangement’. Myanmar Army might create uncertainty in the repatriation process, he added.

A serving Bangladesh ambassador to a European country said that it was not necessary for Bangladesh to sign the agreement ‘without any timeframe’ when the international communities were mounting pressure on Myanmar.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29237/deal-creates-uncertainty

01:45 PM, November 27, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:04 PM, November 27, 2017
Suu Kyi to visit China amid Western criticism over Rohingya exodus
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Myanmar’s civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, will soon visit Beijing, state media says on Monday, November 27, 2017, as the southeast Asian nation appears to draw closer to its northern neighbour, China, amid global criticism over an exodus of Rohingya refugees. Reuters file photo
Reuters, Yangon
Myanmar’s civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, will soon visit Beijing, state media said on Monday, as the southeast Asian nation appears to draw closer to its northern neighbour, China, amid global criticism over an exodus of Rohingya refugees.
Myanmar has bristled at pressure from Western nations over its armed forces’ brutal response to August attacks on security posts by Rohingya Muslim militants in the western state of Rakhine.

READ more: Rohingya crisis to be resolved keeping ties with Myanmar unharmed, says PM
The United States and the United Nations have accused Myanmar of “ethnic cleansing” and called for the military to be held accountable over allegations of killings, rape and arson that sent more than 620,000 Rohingya fleeing to Bangladesh.

China, however, has backed what Myanmar officials call a legitimate counter-insurgency operation in Rakhine, and stepped in to prevent a resolution on the crisis at the UN Security Council.

News of Suu Kyi’s visit comes after Chinese President Xi Jinping and Chinese military leaders welcomed Myanmar’s powerful army chief Min Aung Hlaing last week and pledged closer cooperation.


The state-run daily Global New Light of Myanmar said Nobel Peace laureate Suu Kyi would “soon” depart to attend a Communist Party of China-hosted forum of world political leaders in Beijing.

Suu Kyi’s spokesman Zaw Htay could not be reached for more details, but the meeting begins on Thursday and runs until December 3, according to China’s official news agency Xinhua.

Myanmar is in the international spotlight this week as Pope Francis makes the first visit by a head of the Roman Catholic church to the Buddhist-majority country.

He has previously spoken out about the treatment of minority Muslims to whom Myanmar denies citizenship, but some Christians fear doing so in the country could provoke a backlash.

Many in Myanmar refuse to recognise the name Rohingya, preferring to call them “Bengalis” to suggest they belong in neighbouring Bangladesh.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...tern-criticism-refugee-influx-rakhine-1497130

Rohingya tragedy
SAM Staff, November 27, 2017
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Although Myanmar’s Muslim Rohingya population has suffered persecution at the hands of the majority Buddhist community for years, the recent crackdown by security forces against the Rohingya was executed with such unprecedented brutality that it has been described as ethnic cleansing.

Over 600,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh, carrying with them stories of rape, arbitrary arrest and mass arson and killings — all of them crimes against humanity. That is why when news came on Thursday of a repatriation agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar it was met with scorn rather than approbation by human rights groups.

Though struggling to provide for refugees, Bangladesh must keep its border open and not coerce people to return. For now, its humanitarian partners must step up assistance. Returning is unthinkable for those who have just escaped mass persecution.

In its report, All of My Body was Pain: Sexual Violence against Rohingya Women and Girls in Burma, Human Rights Watch found that Myanmar’s military used rape as a “prominent and devastating feature” of a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya.

Survivors say they were left with rape, burn and bullet injuries. As Amnesty International argues, “there can be no safe or dignified returns of Rohingya to Myanmar while a system of apartheid remains in the country, and thousands are held there in conditions that amount to concentration camps”.

If and when the refugees return, their security must be guaranteed by international monitors — and all repatriations must be voluntary and assisted by international agencies. Meanwhile, with Myanmar’s military calling the shots, a policy shift to reverse decades of abuse against Rohingya populations is virtually impossible unless world pressure is applied through Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.

Though her indifference to the plight of the Rohingya is well established, international leaders must continue to pressure her to preserve the beleaguered population’s rights. To end, ambiguity around the repatriation agreement sans a role for the UN’s refugee agency — whose inclusion in voluntary repatriation operations is standard practice — requires clarification.
https://southasianmonitor.com/2017/11/27/rohingya-tragedy/
 
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Myanmar and Bangladesh strike a shameful deal on Rohingya refugees

November 24, 2017
The Conversation
A deal done: the foreign minister of Bangladesh, Abul Hassan Mahmud Ali, visits Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.
EPA/Myanmar Ministry of Information Rosa Freedman, University of Reading
Many Rohingya people who have fled the ethnic cleansing in Myanmar are now living as refugees in Bangladesh. And now, the two countries have reportedly struck a deal to return them home. Returning Rohingya people to the hands of their persecutors not only violates international law, but raises fundamental questions about how the world protects those fleeing the most heinous crimes and abuses.
This deal comes just days after Ratko Mladic was sentenced to life imprisonment for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, which took place in Bosnia even as news cameras broadcast footage around the world – in much the same way as they have documented this latest crisis of ethnic cleansing.

As far as Myanmar is concerned, the deal will ease the increasing pressure it faces from both the United Nations and its Asian neighbours. The Myanmar government has no interest in welcoming Rohingya refugees home with open arms; those Rohingya who remain in Myanmar are treated as an alien people, denied citizenship and basic rights, and systematically persecuted.

The Myanmar government maintains that the recent spike in violence did not amount to ethnic cleansing, that it was not state-sponsored, sanctioned or condoned, and that the Rohingya are safe to return. But those words are empty. Abundant first-hand reports and documentary footage all point to the same thing: ethnic cleansing conducted by state actors.

Top UN officials have been using the term “ethnic cleansing” for some time, and the US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, is now using it too. Given that Myanmar is refusing to take responsibility for the atrocities, let alone to provide guarantees of protection and justice for the Rohingya, it beggars belief not just that the country is asking those refugees to return, but that Bangladesh would provide its support.

Under international law, refugees who flee atrocities are afforded fundamental protections. Above all, they are protected by the principles of offering asylum and of non-refoulement – protection against return to a country where a person has reason to fear persecution.

Bangladesh will of course insist that Myanmar wants these people to return, and that only those choosing to do so voluntarily will be returned. But that ignores the facts on the ground.


Rohingya refugees’ options are bleak: remain in the squalid camps, somehow escape into Bangladeshi society with no formal documentation or status, or return home and face persecution. Bleak future Bangladesh has not acceded to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol.

The country has no law to regulate the administration of refugee affairs or guarantee refugees’ rights. And despite many decades of persecution and abuses in Myanmar, Bangladesh has never allowed the Rohingya to claim asylum. Those who make it to Bangladesh are placed in overcrowded camps without basic provisions, and there they remain unless they choose to return to Myanmar.

The idea of voluntary return stems from a 1993 agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar, under which those Rohingya who can prove their identity must fill in forms with the names of family members, their previous address in Myanmar, their date of birth, and a disclaimer that they are returning voluntarily. But those who do choose to return will face extortion, arbitrary taxation, and restrictions on freedom of movement.

Many will be required to undertake forced labour, and some will face state-sponsored violence and extrajudicial killings. Those who remain in Bangladesh, on the other hand, face a lifetime in camps where human rights abuses are rife, with insufficient and inadequate food, water, housing or healthcare.

Fleeing these camps leaves them undocumented and vulnerable to trafficking, exploitation and abuse. Whatever individual Rohingya people in Bangladesh might decide to do, their future is bleak.
And that’s not good enough.

The international community has long known about the systematic persecution of this people. The international community has long ignored the atrocities perpetrated against them. And the international community has long tolerated the cover-ups and excuses from the government of Myanmar. This time it needs to be different.

Bangladesh should step up and provide refuge to those who have been seeking it for 25 years. Myanmar’s neighbouring states and allies should help properly resettle the hundreds of thousands of undocumented Rohingya who have fled Myanmar, and Myanmar itself should be held to account for the atrocities it commits.

There’s no point saying “never again” unless action is taken. Rosa Freedman, Professor of Law, Conflict and Global Development, University of Reading This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.
- See more at: http://southasiajournal.net/myanmar-and-bangladesh-strike-a-shameful-deal-on-rohingya-refugees/
 
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12:00 AM, November 27, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:37 PM, November 27, 2017
EDITORIAL
Arrangement for Rohingya repatriation
The devil is in the details
arrangement_for_rohingya_repatriation.jpg

Bangladesh has always preferred problem-resolution with its neighbours through dialogue and negotiations. Thus the Arrangement signed between Bangladesh and Myanmar, we feel, is a positive development of sorts.
But any optimism that we would like to hold will have to be guarded since like all other mutual understandings the devil is in the details. The success of the Arrangement depends on how effectively the repatriation is completed within a specific timeframe.

It is evident that Myanmar has wilted under international pressure which was being ratcheted up increasingly with newer revelations of Rohingya persecution every day. We are happy to note the support we have received from the West on the matter.

And we note the shift in India's stand on the issue from its open support to Myanmar initially. Though China is a good friend of both Bangladesh and Myanmar, it works with the latter on a different equation.
Thus the importance of China's role in the quick repatriation of the Rohingyas as well a permanent resolution of the problem, cannot be over emphasised.

Needless to say, given our past experience there is ground for pessimism regarding the final outcome of the arrangement. And it is for Myanmar to dispel all misgivings by taking actions on the ground that would attest to its positive attitude towards fulfilling the objectives of the understanding.
Thus, pending the finalisation of the terms of reference of the Joint Working Group, Myanmar must ensure that all violence on the Rohingyas cease forthwith. It must also create a conducive atmosphere for its people to return.

But there are several other issues that must also be thrashed out if the deal has to be followed through. For example, the burden of proof of identity of the forcibly displaced is on the victims. How does one expect people running for their lives to carry their ID?

They were living in an apartheid condition with no school to go to or business to run. We feel that the final decision, in cases of disputes regarding eligibility to return should not be left alone to only one of the two parties.

The Arrangement, we must emphasise, does not mean the end but only the beginning of the end.
Neither should it mean the end of engagement of the international community with the Rohingya issue.
The focus of the world must not be shifted, instead, international pressure on Myanmar for a permanent resolution of the problem must continue unabated.

http://www.thedailystar.net/editorial/arrangement-rohingya-repatriation-1496842


Rohingya Repatriation Deal Inked in November: A Short Escape for Myanmar

Mohammed Ayub (TU)
RB Opinion
November 27, 2017
We have waited eagerly for the positive outcome of the bilateral meeting between Myanmar and Bangladesh last November 22, 2017. To dismay, the deal was full of dubious texts and ulterior motives. Here is how, based on the deal signed by both parties on November 23, 2017.
R1.png

Fig.1 The deal inked by both Parties
(Photo credit to Poppy McPherson Twitter)
The deal has categorically divided between the Rohingyas who arrived after 9th October,2016, 25th August 2017, and Rohingyas who have been living registered and unregistered camps since 1978. There is no urgency to differentiate between the two as all are Rohingyas who took shelter from Burmese brutalities in various points of times. Definitely, there may be some hidden propagandas from the side of Myanmarese to accept the early-come group not with the fresh ones.
See the extract below(Fig.2).
R2.png

Fig.2 Extract from Page #2 Paragraph 3
And in the paragraph number of 5 of same page (See Fig. 3), it was mention that “return of Myanmar residents in earlier phases” will be based of 1992 Joint Statement signed by MoFA of Bangladesh and Myanmar, and the discussion held on November 22, 2017. Here, series of confusion arises from the texts of this paragraph. And more specifically, it is ambiguously texted on which return of Myanmar residents will be based on 1992 MoU? What does it mean by “earlier phases”?

And Bangladesh was saying before that the repatriation deal will be based on modified 1992 MoU, and on also Bangladesh PM’s five points proposal made at the 72nd UNGA session on September 21 of this year. The five points proposals are;
(1) Myanmar must unconditionally stop the violence and the practice of ethnic cleansing in the Rakhine State immediately and forever.
(2) Secretary General of the United Nations should immediately send a Fact-Finding Mission to Myanmar.
(3) All civilians irrespective of religion and ethnicity must be protected in Myanmar. For that "safe zones" could be created inside Myanmar under UN supervision.
(4) Ensure sustainable return of all forcibly displaced Rohingyas in Bangladesh to their homes in Myanmar.
(5) The recommendations of Kofi Annan Commission Report must be immediately implemented unconditionally and in its entirety.

From the above five points, only point number (4) is seen in this deal and proposal number (5) is put in the last part of deal as a show piece. The current deal shows Bangladesh’s stance on Rohingya repatriation is flexible and is not met with practicality.

And till on the very day of signing the deal, the torching of the villages, killing and looting of the belongings of Rohingya are continuing in Arakan.

In the general guiding principles (Fig.4), paragraph 2 mentioned that returnees will be allowed to their original place or safety and secure place near it of their choice. Why dubious? This leaves a serious loop hole for Myanmarese to manipulate the deal, meaning some will be allowed to their original places and some will be not. Those Rohingya’s places(Lands) will be for China as a gift for protecting her from UNSC against vote.

And it is also mentioned that returnees will not be kept longer but shorter period in temporary shelter. That means Myanmar has plan to keep returnees in IDP camps with false promise of settling to original place in a very short course of time. One cannot forget that thousands of Rohingyas are suffering in IDP Sittwe since 2012 with no concrete reasons of why not settling in the original places.
R3.png

Fig.4 General Guiding Principles

R4.png

Fig.3 Paragraph 5 of page # 2

And it was emphasized that freedom of movement for Rohingya will be only within Rakhine(fig.4) and not throughout all Burma as has been restricted for Rohingyas since 1990s. Even in Rakhine state, it must be inconformity to the existing laws and regulations.

Form these points, one can easily conclude that Myanmar does not want to recognize Rohingya as citizens, and does have ulterior motives of confining Rohingya within Arakan. Anywhere in the world, is there any law which prescribes to its citizens the rules and regulations for the freedom of movement with the country? Till date, Rohingyas have to hold temporary travel permit even to visit one’s parents’ house. It is clear that Myanmar wants Rohingya to keep in those same restrictions.

At the end of the paragraph, the deal exposes that all returnees will be issued NVC. NVC is a mechanism that was targeted Rohingya to making them foreigners though Rohingyas had identifications card as other nationals of Myanmar. NVC was introduced after 2012 violence and very few Rohingyas were forcibly made to accept those cards.

And in Paragraph 5,
it was expressed that returnees who have cases in the involvement of terrorism or criminal activities will punished. As the whole world know, Myanmar’s rule of law is discriminatory towards Rohingyas and therefore, Rohingyas have no trust Myanmar’s rule of law. The returnees will be criminalized on false grounds as have been done in 2012, 2016 and 2017 majority of whom are still serving their jail terms.

Fig.5 Discriminatory policy
In Paragraph 16(Fig.5), it stated that both Governments will refrain from conceiving and implementing any policy that is discriminatory to any particular community that violates universally agreed principles on human rights. To what extend you understand these phrases?

Myanmar has been labeling Rohingyas as Bengali since long. Is not that implementing discriminatory policy towards Rohingya and Bengali people? Universally, any race or community has the right to give their names as they wish. They have the right to be called them as other people want themselves to be called by other.

In the final part of the deal, it talked about implementing Annan’s commission report. Very pretty move from the side of Myanmarese Government. If you (Myanmar) are(is) not going to place all the returnees at their original places, to issue NVC cards, to strict freedom of Movement, then what use of implementing Annan’s report in which all the mention points are not favorable?
Conclusion
Strictly speaking, Myanmar surpass Bangladesh in this deal because the points in the deal are impractical to accept from the side of Rohingyas. And Myanmar just was successful for another few weeks to weaken international pressures.

All the Rohingyas who took shelter in Bangladesh are seriously denying the repatriation according to this deal signed on 23rd November, 2017. And from the right groups also are alarming voices that the deal did not meet international standard and repatriation need to be monitored by the outside world.
Remarks: The full text of the deal is from Poppy McPherson (@poppymcp) Twitter
http://www.rohingyablogger.com/2017/11/rohingya-repatriation-deal-inked-in.html
 
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Rohingya still fleeing Myanmar despite repatriation deal
Agence France-Presse
Published at 06:06 PM November 27, 2017
2017-11-26T152343Z_1499834453_RC1B4B01D180_RTRMADP_3_MYANMAR-ROHINGYA-BANGLADESH-690x450.jpg

Newly arrived Rohingya refugees wait to receive permission from the Bangladeshi army to continue their way after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border, near Teknaf, Bangladesh, November 26, 2017REUTERS
The repatriation agreement applies to Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh who fled Myanmar in two major outbreaks of violence since October 2016
Rohingya are still fleeing into Bangladesh even after an agreement was signed with Myanmar to repatriate hundreds of thousands of the ethnic minority displaced along the border, officials said on Monday.

The arrangement struck by the neighbours on Thursday raised the prospect of at least 700,000 Rohingya living in overcrowded camps in southeastern Bangladesh being returned to Myanmar.

But at least 3,000 refugees have crossed since then, the United Nations said in its latest report on the crisis, with guards at check-posts along the frontier also reporting a largely uninterrupted flow of newcomers.

“The number of arrivals has declined, but it has not stopped,” Commander of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Lt Col SM Ariful Islam said.

Ariful said at least 400 refugees had passed by guards under his command along the border with Myanmar since the agreement was signed.

An estimated 624,000 Rohingya have fled a military crackdown in Myanmar since August described by UN and US authorities as ethnic cleansing.

The repatriation agreement applies to Rohingya refugees living in Bangladesh who fled Myanmar in two major outbreaks of violence since October 2016.

It does not extend to an estimated 200,000 Rohingya refugees who were living in Bangladesh prior to that date.

The UN refugee agency UNHCR has raised concerns over the terms of the arrangement, saying conditions for the safe return of the Rohingya were not yet in place.

Bangladesh said at the weekend those returned would initially live in temporary shelters or camps.

Rohingya leaders have said they will not return to Myanmar unless they are recognised as citizens with full rights and ensured protection from violence.

Myanmar does not recognise the Rohingya, denying them citizenship and restricting their movement.

The UNHCR says any repatriation deal must include “the informed consent of refugees.”
http://www.dhakatribune.com/banglad...ll-fleeing-myanmar-despite-repatriation-deal/
 
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