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Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing - Updates & Discussions

‘Foreign ministers to raise Rohingya issue in ASEM meeting’
Abdul Aziz, Cox's Bazar Tarek Mahmud
Published at 03:27 PM November 19, 2017
Last updated at 04:25 PM November 19, 2017
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Part of a foreign delegation visiting Kutupalong campAbdul Aziz/Dhaka Tribune
They arrived at the Kutupalong camp site around 11am on Sunday, and are scheduled to visit several other Rohingya refugee camps in the region
State Minister for Foreign Affairs M Shahriar Alam has said the foreign ministers visiting the Kutupalong camp have agreed to discuss the Rohingya crisis in the 13th ASEM Foreign Ministers’ meeting.

He made the statement while talking to reporters at the Kutupalong Rohingya refugee camp in Ukhiya of Cox’s Bazar district on Sunday.

The Foreign Ministers’ meeting will be held on November 20 and 21 in Myanmar.

Earlier in the day, EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini, German Minister for Foreign Affairs Sigmar Gabriel, Swedish Foreign Minister Margot Wallström and Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono visited the Rohingya camp.

The foreign delegates were accompanied by Bangladeshi Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali, Shahriar Alam, along with representatives from several international humanitarian agencies.

They arrived at the Kutupalong camp around 11am, and are scheduled to visit several other refugee camps in the region.

The European bloc nations are already quite vocal about the plight of Rohingya refugees.

Bangladesh is optimistic that the international community will continue to give political support to Bangladesh and further increase pressure on Myanmar for resolving the Rohingya refugee crisis.

Since August 25, more than 620,000 Rohingya, mainly women and children, have fled to Bangladesh to escape violence in Myanmar.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/banglad...ief-3-foreign-ministers-visit-rohingya-camps/
 
China proposed three-phase plan for Rohingya issue
Reuters
Published at 10:00 AM November 20, 2017
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Rohingya refugees walk towards a refugee camp after crossing the border in Anjuman Para near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, November 19, 2017 Reuters
More than 600,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since late August from Myanmar’s Rakhine State
China has proposed a three-phase plan for resolving the Rohingya crisis, starting with a ceasefire, that has won the support of Myanmar and Bangladesh, the Foreign Ministry said.

More than 600,000 Muslim Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since late August driven out by a military clearance operation in Buddhist majority Myanmar’s Rakhine State. The Rohingyas’ suffering has caused an international outcry.

Visiting the Myanmar capital Naypyitaw, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said China believed that the issue could be addressed by a solution acceptable to neighbours Myanmar and Bangladesh through consultations.

A ceasefire should be followed by bilateral dialogue to find a workable solution, the ministry website reported late on Sunday.
The third and final phase should be to work towards a long-term solution.


Wang said a ceasefire was basically in place already, and the key now was to prevent a flare-up. He hoped the two sides could soon sign and implement an agreement already reached on repatriation.

The international community and the United Nations Security Council should give encouragement and support to both countries “to create the necessary conditions and a good environment”, it quoted Wang as saying at a joint press conference with Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader.

Myanmar was supportive of the Chinese plan, as was Bangladesh, where Wang visited earlier in the weekend. In Dhaka Wang said the international community should not complicate the situation.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/world/2017/11/20/china-proposed-three-phase-plan-rohingya-issue/
 
2:00 AM, November 20, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:00 AM, November 20, 2017
Caravan of the Dispossessed
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Rohingya children look on at a refugee camp in Palong Khali near Cox's Bazar, October 4, 2017. PHOTO: REUTERS/Mohammad Ponir Hossain/File Photo
C R Abrar
Over the last four decades the Rohingya people of the Rakhine State of Myanmar have been subjected to ongoing, planned, systematic oppression. Gradually, the international community is beginning to acknowledge the acts of the Myanmar government as genocide. Understanding Myanmar's treatment of the Rohingya as genocidal is critical in light of narratives framing the plight of the Rohingya as a “humanitarian crisis” or “ethnic cleansing” and the Myanmar government's consistent denial of abuse.

The latest exodus of Rohingyas that began on August 25, 2017 is an integral part of the realisation of the genocidal agenda. This essay is based on field-work interviews conducted in the first half of October in the Ukhia, Teknaf region by a three-member team of Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU). The narratives of the survivors provide a glimpse of the gruesome reality that Rohingyas had to endure in their own country and during their flight.


“Suddenly all hell was let loose. We felt keyamat (the last day of judgment) had arrived. We rushed out of the house and began to run aimlessly. My paralysed granddad stayed put at home, hoping the army would take pity on him. Later we learnt he was charred to death when our house was torched,” says Nur Mohammad, 35, from Buthidaung. The guilt continues to haunt Nur as he struggles to eke out a subsistence in a Kutupalong shack surrounded by hundreds of refugee families of northern Rakhine. Nur was not the only one bearing such burden. There were many.

The indiscriminate torching of property by the army was accompanied by killing, torture and abduction. Young girls were their explicit targets. Many were taken away in military vehicles never to be heard from again; others were raped or gang-raped in public, often in front of near and dear ones. Some were even gored to death. Narrating such experience, 21-year-old Amena from Maungdaw notes, “I am dirty (meaning dark) and poor. I always wondered why God was so unkind to me. When two good looking sisters of a rich family of our neighbourhood were picked up by the army only then I realised what God had in store for me.”

Rakhine militant Buddhists led by monks were partners in crime of the Myanmar army. The army crafted a clever ploy to divide the communities, and, over the years, the cleavage widened. Not everyone was consumed by the flames of communal hatred as Noor Hakim of Maungdaw (24) informs, “When I begged my late father's Rakhine friend for shelter he didn't say a word. I could see the pain in his eyes. He gave me some money instead and his blessings. I realised that's the best he could do.”

Faced with brutality of epic proportion, residents of Buthidaung started fleeing the area. Their obvious option was crossing the border for safety. Men, women and children endured a lot of hardship on the way. Within days some families ran out of dried food and cans of water that they had managed to carry with them. “It was quite a trek that lasted for days. In order to avoid the scorching sun and detection by the Myanmar army we used to begin (our journey) in the evening, walked through the night braving jungles and streams. One of our fellow travellers died of snake bite. During the entire journey I do not think my two eyelids met even once as I was scared of my teenage daughter being kidnapped. So far, God was kind to me. I am not sure what fate lies ahead of me,” says Sakhina, 34, a resident of Gundam camp.

The mayhem that accompanied army atrocities in northern Rakhine split many families. Family members did not have the time and opportunity to plan their escape. While some were at home, others were away. Rumana (22) recalls, “When the armed moghs arrived my husband and mother ran in one direction, and I, with my child, in another. More than a week later I learnt that they managed to find shelter in a camp (in Bangladesh) where my relatives were already staying. I contacted them over the phone. I am not sure if I will be allowed to go there but I am dying to see them.”
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Over 600,000 Rohingyas have fled Rakhine State for Bangladesh since late August, many walking for days through thick jungles before making the perilous boat journey across the Naf river. Photo: AFP
Twelve-year-old Sharu Shaikh was not that lucky. “As we reached the beach (in Rakhine) there was a huge crowd trying to get into the boat that was about to set sail. My father pushed me onto it. It was packed to the brim, and he and my mother failed to board. (After arriving here in Shah Pori) I waited for the whole day hoping they would come in the boats that arrived (subsequently). I do not know if I would ever get to see them,” he says with tears rolling down his dried cheeks, refusing to take a packet of food that was offered to him by relief workers.

As the Rohingyas gradually settle down in their land of sanctuary despite all uncertainty and difficulties, refugees express their gratitude for the warm hospitality that the people of Cox's Bazar, Teknaf and Ukhia offer. They also recognise the outpouring of support of people from other parts of the country as the young and the old distribute much-needed water, biscuits, food, medicine, orsaline and the like. While they wait patiently for improved shelter and a better relief distribution mechanism to emerge, news of missing children, particularly those of young girls, has become a major source of concern. “I have been told that touts are bringing in offers of job and marriage and many fell prey to their deceit. Young girls had also gone missing when they went to the woods to fetch firewood and water, or respond to the call of nature. I have two daughters and I constantly worry about them,” says Rahim Mollah (55).

The effort of Bangladesh authorities to register Rohingyas is being viewed by some refugees with suspicion. The registration process was not preceded by any awareness campaign on why it was necessary. Misgivings prevail. Some think it may lead to their forced repatriation to Myanmar. For Roshida Banu (55), who was waiting in the landing station in Kutupalong, the reason is somewhat different, “No, I am not going to register with men in uniform. I am scared of them.” The trauma of having to endure protracted army violence has had a permanent negative imprint in her psyche about the security forces.

A stark contrast between earlier flows of Rohingyas and the current stream is the composition of the refugee population. After talking with key functionaries in refugee management, both in government and in the non-government sectors, we learnt that members of many well-to-do families have also joined the caravan of the destitute.
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Mohammad Haroon, who until late August was the owner of several buses, a motor parts store and a modest house in Maungdaw, recounts, “When we were preparing for Eid, little did we know that my family would have to live a destitute life on that auspicious day. Anticipating trouble I managed to send quite a bit of money to my relative in Chittagong through hundi. (After coming to Bangladesh) We had plans to join them but the restrictions on our movement have stalled the plan.” Haroon is hiding with his family of six in a private house in Cox's Bazar in constant fear of being apprehended for violating government stipulation to live in designated site/camps. He dreads at the prospect of being sent to the squalid camps. Haroon is well aware that like graveyards, camps are great levellers.

Visiting the refugee sites one cannot but have an unqualified appreciation of the sacrifice being made by the locals whose daily life is massively disrupted by the almost overnight presence of tens of thousands of uninvited guests. For Renu Bala (41), a local resident of Harinathpur, Kutupalong, hosting refugees of her own faith poses the question, “How could we turn away someone who sought refuge? Yes, it is difficult to share the house with strangers but that is perhaps what God ordained.”

After talking with dozens of refugees in different locations, young and old, male and female, we noted one common stand, “Of course, we will go back.” Nishat Ahmed, a school teacher, argues, “We are grateful for the hospitality extended to us but this is no life. The Myanmar government did not respect our Rohingya identity, nor does the Bangladesh state. The international community is an accomplice to Myanmar's genocide. One day their leadership will be made to stand on the dock along with the Myanmar army and Suu Kyi.”

Hopefully, Rohingya refugees do not have to wait for long for that day to arrive.
CR Abrar teaches international relations at the University of Dhaka. He coordinates the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit (RMMRU). This essay is based on field visits to Ukhia, Teknaf in October 2017. CR Abrar acknowledges the contribution of fellow team members Dr Jalaluddin Sikder and Marina Sultana.
http://www.thedailystar.net/in-focus/caravan-the-dispossessed-1493692

10:46 AM, November 20, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:25 PM, November 20, 2017
Suu Kyi silent on Rohingya crisis at ASEM
Seeks Asia-Europe stronger ties

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Myanmar's State Councellor and Foreign Minister Aung San Suu Kyi (L) walks down an escalator before the 13th Asia-Europe (ASEM) foreign ministers' meeting in Naypyidaw on November 20, 2017. Photo: AUNG HTET / AFP
UNB, Nay Pyi Taw
Though silent about the protracted Rohingya crisis, State Counsellor and Union Minister of Foreign Affairs Aung San Suu Kyi today called for a new and stronger partnership among countries in Asia and Europe for the maintenance and promotion of peace and sustainable development through collective efforts.
"We must continue to nurture partnership to create new connections -- not just between governments but also across the private sectors and civil societies and of course people to people," she said.
Read More: Resolving Rohingya Crisis: Europe stands by Bangladesh
Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de facto leader who is widely criticised over Rohingya issue, made the remark while delivering her speech at the inaugural session of the two-day 13th ASEM Foreign Ministers meeting at Myanmar International Convention Centre here without touching the Rohingya crisis.
Also Read: Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi denounces 'terrorists', silent on Rohingya exodus
Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali is leading Bangladesh delegation.
European Union High Representative Federica Mogherini, among others, addressed the opening session.

Two youth representatives presented their visions on the ASEM process.

Suu Kyi said there is a vital need for new and stronger partnership to address far-reaching challenges such as regional and international conflicts, on domestic security, and threat of terrorism and violent extremism in their various forms and manifestation.

She said the discussions during the two days will provide opportunities for all of them to reflect on progress made and explore future areas for the enhancement of political, economic, social, cultural in line with the three pillars of ASEM Cooperation.

The State Counsellor said the role of youths is essential to all areas of cooperation in the ASEM mechanism.

The EU High Representative reiterated their commitment to global peace and security and support for strengthening partnership between Asia and Europe.

The European Union's top diplomat, earlier, said she is encouraging Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi's willingness to implement the recommendations of an expert panel on ensuring stability in troubled Rakhine state.

Federica Mogherini said work still was needed on implementing the recommendations, reports AP.

The Rakhine Commission, established last year at Suu Kyi's behest, issued its report the day before deadly insurgent attacks on multiple police posts in Rakhine state on Aug. 25. The subsequent military crackdown on Rohingya Muslims sparked a major refugee exodus and widespread condemnation.

Mogherini is among the foreign ministers from Europe and Asia meeting Monday in Naypyitaw, the capital of Myanmar.

She said the European Union believed stopping the violence was necessary, as well as a guarantee of full humanitarian access and safe repatriation of the refugee.

Foreign Ministers from Asian and European countries on Monday began two-day talks to strengthen partnership for peace, find joint efforts to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) with focus on Rohingya issue.

Though the Rohingya issue is not mentioned specifically in the draft agenda of the 13th Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) of Foreign Ministers, this biggest humanitarian crisis of the world will come up in a big way to put further pressure on Myanmar for a solution to it.

A diplomat told UNB that regional, international issues, promotion of peace, traditional and non-traditional security challenges will be discussed in the meeting. "So, the Rohingya issue will definitely be there at some point."

Ahead of ASEM Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Myanmar, Bangladesh tried to make the best use of high-level visits from a number of countries, including China and Japan in the last two days -- Saturday and Sunday -- to mount pressure on Myanmar and expedite talks for sending Rohingyas back to their homeland.

After visiting Rohingya camps, the Foreign Ministers on Sunday said they will raise the issue at the ASEM FMs meeting.

Bangladesh is expecting louder voice from the international community at the meeting.

Connectivity across the diverse domains, transport, tourism, climate change, energy security, poverty reduction, people to people contact and cultural cooperation, education, trade and investment cooperation will also be discussed.

A diplomat who is in touch with the upcoming ASEM Foreign Ministers' meeting told UNB that the joint visit to Bangladesh, including Rohingya camps, before their participation in the ASEM FMs' meeting does put Myanmar on the spotlight for its failure to address the Rohingya issue.

"I can assume that the European leaders are very serious about this issue and they would definitely bring additional pressure on Myanmar authorities for Resolution of the issue," he said wishing to remain unnamed.

The diplomat said they might go for a separate Political Declaration, during the Summit or ask regional players to play a more constructive role in resolving this protracted issue.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...i-meeting-begins-shed-light-rohingyas-1493881
 
12:00 AM, November 20, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 10:31 AM, November 20, 2017
Call it genocide
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People take part in a rally in support of Myanmar's stateless Rohingya minority in the Chechen capital of Grozny, Russia,on September 4, 2017. PHOTO: Reuters
Gregory Stanton
The UN calls the Myanmar army's aggression against the Rohingya “ethnic cleansing”. “Ethnic cleansing” is a term invented by Slobodan Milosevic. It's a euphemism for forced displacement and genocide. It's an insidious term because there is no international treaty law against it, whereas there are international laws against forced displacement and genocide.
“Ethnic cleansing” is not a crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It has no legal meaning in international law. Another term without legal meaning is “atrocities”.

Genocidal massacres are acts of genocide. Genocide is defined as acts intended to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. They include killing, causing serious bodily or mental harm, and inflicting conditions of life on a group calculated to bring about its physical destruction, in whole or in part.

Over 600,000 Rohingya have fled into Bangladesh in the past three months to escape systematic massacres by the Myanmar army that has slaughtered thousands of Rohingya and burned over 500 Rohingya villages to the ground. The killings continue today.

Genocidal massacres are precisely what the Myanmar army and Rakhine militias are committing against the Rohingya. Myanmar is committing both “ethnic cleansing” [forced displacement] and genocide. The crimes often go together. Genocidal massacres are used to terrorise a victim group into fleeing.

Why does the so-called “international community” avoid using the word “genocide”?

Many people think “genocide” requires millions of deaths. Thousands aren't enough. But the Genocide Convention outlaws intentional destruction “in part” of ethnic or religious groups.

Lawyers have gutted the word “genocide” by insisting on proof of “specific” intent beyond a reasonable doubt. Some even claim that only a court can invoke the word “genocide”.

This view is profoundly wrong. It ignores the very name of the International Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Courts judge genocide after it's over—when it's too late for prevention.

Myanmar's systematic campaign of mass murder and destruction is surely enough proof of specific intent to destroy part of the Rohingya people.

Those who ignore the power of words argue that “ethnic cleansing”, “crimes against humanity” or “atrocities” are just as terrible as genocide.

They're wrong. “Genocide” is a much more powerful word.

Three epidemiologists and I studied the impact of using the words “ethnic cleansing” rather than “genocide” in four genocides: Rwanda, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Darfur. We counted the number of times “ethnic cleansing” and “genocide” were used in The New York Times, UN statements, major law journals, and reports by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch.

Our study concluded:

- Use of the terms has no relationship to the number of people killed. Eight thousand killed at Srebrenica was ruled “genocide” by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Yet a UN Commission of Inquiry held that over 50,000 killed in Darfur (now over 300,000) was a “crime against humanity” but not genocide.

- The term chosen is determined by the willingness to take forceful action to stop the killing.

- It was not until “genocide” became the dominant term, that force was used to stop it.

This tipping point occurred three months into the genocide in Rwanda. The US State Department finally admitted on June 10, 1994 that “acts of genocide” in Rwanda are the same as “genocide”. But recognition of “genocide” came too late.

Eight hundred thousand Rwandans were already dead.


The same denial emerged in Bosnia. The UN and press called the massacres “ethnic cleansing” from 1992 until the Srebrenica massacre in July 1995. A NATO meeting on July 21 called it “genocide”. NATO bombing of Serb forces followed on August 30. Milosevic agreed to a ceasefire, division of Bosnia, and NATO peacekeeping. The Bosnian genocide stopped.

Kosovo was called “ethnic cleansing” until US Ambassador David Scheffer noted “indicators of genocide” on April 7, 1999. Bombing of Belgrade followed immediately, with Serb surrender and NATO occupation of Kosovo.

Darfur is the exception that proves the rule. The UN refused to invoke the G word: “genocide”. No military forces were sent to stop the crimes. Instead the African Union and UN sent “monitors” to observe them. The Darfur genocide continues to this day.

The UN avoids the word “genocide” because world leaders avoid military action to stop it.

Genocide is not a sacred or magic word. But when the word “genocide” is used, force to stop it becomes possible. Weaker words like ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, or atrocities mean that no force will be used to stop the massacres.

Will the UN send troops to protect the Rohingya when they are forced to return to Myanmar? Not if the UN denies that Myanmar is committing genocide against the Rohingya. World leaders will again fail to stop the Crime of Crimes.
Gregory Stanton is the Founding Chairman of Genocide Watch. http://www.genocidewatch.com
http://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/politics/call-it-genocide-1493548
 
NOVEMBER 18 2017
Backpack bravery: Perth veteran helps Rohingya refugees
Jess Allen
A Perth veteran who served in East Timor and Afghanistan has taken leave from his day job as a firefighter to shoulder the burden of a different battle.

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Alex Galonski was compelled to travel to Bangladesh last month to help the more than half a million Rohingya people who have fled their ethnic homeland of Rakhine State, Myanmar, for the refugee camps of Cox's Bazar District in Bangladesh.
Myanmar security forces 'targeting' Rohingya children in ethnic purge: report
ASEAN adrift as crises humanitarian crisis escalate
Now back in Perth, Mr Galonski said that although he is an army veteran and first response worker, nothing could have prepared him for what he saw in Bangladesh.

"The sheer volume of the suffering, the magnitude of trauma these people have experienced is overwhelming," he said."You see children with multiple bullet wounds, most of the people I spoke to had lost at least one family member and there were countless horrific stories from the Rohingya people of rape, abuse and torture at the hands of the Myanmar Army."
"One lady had fallen pregnant after being raped and was crying tears of relief when she miscarried because she didn't want to bring a child into these conditions."
https://chuffed.org/project/bpmdrg-bangladesh
http://www.watoday.com.au/wa-news/b...-helps-rohingya-refugees-20171117-gznfmq.html
 
AJ+
18 November at 09:08 ·
Myanmar’s military is terrorizing the Rohingya with gang rape.

Suu Kyi blames world conflicts partly on illegal immigration
Tribune Desk
Published at 08:02 PM November 20, 2017
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Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi attends the 13th Asia Europe Foreign Ministers Meeting (ASEM) in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, November 20, 2017REUTERS
Foreign ministers and representatives of 51 countries are meeting in Naypyitaw in a forum that aims to further political and economic cooperation but takes place against the backdrop of the ongoing Rohingya refugee crisis
Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi said the world is facing instability and conflict in part because illegal immigration spreads terrorism in a speech on Monday that comes as her country is accused of violently pushing out hundreds of thousands of unwanted Rohingya minorities, Associated Press reports.

Suu Kyi did not directly mention the refugee exodus as she welcomed European and Asian foreign ministers to Naypyitaw, the capital of Myanmar. But her speech highlighted the views of many in Myanmar who see the Rohingya as illegal immigrants and blame the population for terrorist acts.

The ongoing Rohingya exodus is sure to be raised by the visitors at the meetings held on Monday and Tuesday.

The world is in a new period of instability as conflicts around the world give rise to new threats and emergencies, Suu Kyi said, citing “Illegal immigration’s spread of terrorism and violent extremism, social disharmony and even the threat of nuclear war. Conflicts take away peace from societies, leaving behind underdevelopment and poverty, pushing peoples and even countries away from one another.”

Foreign ministers and representatives of 51 countries are meeting in Naypyitaw in a forum that aims to further political and economic cooperation but takes place against the backdrop of the ongoing Rohingya refugee crisis.

A flurry of diplomatic activity preceded Monday’s opening, with the foreign ministers of Germany and Sweden joining the EU’s foreign policy chief in a visit to the teeming refugee camps in Bangladesh. China’s Wang Yi was also in Bangladesh and met privately with Suu Kyi on Sunday in Myanmar following that trip.

In her speech to the visiting foreign ministers, Suu Kyi also cited natural disasters caused by climate change as compounding the world’s problems. She said mutual understanding of problems like terrorism would be crucial for peace and economic development.

“I believe that if policymakers develop a true understanding of each of those constraints and difficulties, the process of addressing global problems will become easier and more effective,” she said. “It is only through mutual understanding that strong bonds of partnership can be forged.”

The European Union’s top diplomat said earlier Monday that she is encouraging Suu Kyi to implement the recommendations of an expert panel on ensuring stability in Rakhine state and work was still needed on that.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/world/s...s-world-conflicts-partly-illegal-immigration/


Why a bilateral solution won’t work
Tribune Editorial
Published at 06:44 PM November 19, 2017
Last updated at 12:26 AM November 20, 2017
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China’s proposal for bilateral talks between Bangladesh and Myanmar without getting the international community involved makes no sense
When dealing with a humanitarian crisis, the consensus of the international community is key.

Which is why, after consistently blocking the UN Security Council on any meaningful resolution to the Rohingya crisis, China’s latest proposal for a bilateral solution between Bangladesh and Myanmar — with the caveat that the international community stay out of it — is hard to take seriously.

We have already said at the start of the month, when Suu Kyi made a similar suggestion, that such a proposal appears to be — at best — a poorly cloaked attempt at cornering Bangladesh and attempting to strong-arm us into accepting an unacceptable and damaging status quo.

At worst, it is a cynical ploy to buy further time to complete the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya.

To believe that such a proposal is placed out of concern for the humanitarian crisis that that has been perpetrated by Myanmar strains credulity.

Given their public mendacity, intransigence, and brutality, it is difficult to believe that Myanmar will negotiate in good faith.

They have refused to budge from an outdated 1993 agreement on repatriation, which didn’t work then, and certainly won’t work now.

Our prime minister is, therefore, absolutely right to reject China’s new proposal, which appears to be little more than an attempt to provide cover for Myanmar at the expense of Bangladesh
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China’s proposal for bilateral talks between Bangladesh and Myanmar without getting the international community involved makes no sense.
Given Myanmar’s record, international pressure is the only way to get Myanmar to play ball, and everybody knows it
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Let us not waste our time.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/editorial/2017/11/19/bilateral-solution-wont-work/
 
01:04 PM, November 21, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 01:12 PM, November 21, 2017
Myanmar’s Suu Kyi hopes to strike deal with Bangladesh this week on Rohingya repatriation
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Myanmar State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi attends the 13th Asia Europe Foreign Ministers Meeting (ASEM) in Naypyitaw, Myanmar, November 20, 2017. Photo: Reuters
Reuters, Nayptitaw
After glossing over the ongoing Rohingya refugee crisis at 13th Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) yesterday, Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi today hoped to strike a deal with Bangladesh by this week on the “safe and voluntary return” of Rohingya Muslims who fled to Bangladesh in the past three months.
Turning to the question of repatriation of Rohingya, Suu Kyi said discussions would be held with the Bangladesh foreign minister on Wednesday and Thursday. Officials from both countries began discussions last month on how to process applications by Rohingya wanting to return to Myanmar.

“We hope that this would result in an MOU signed quickly, which would enable us to start the safe and voluntarily return of all of those who have gone across the border,” Suu Kyi said at the end of a meeting of senior officials at an Asia-Europe Meeting, or ASEM, in Myanmar's capital Naypyitaw.

A counter-insurgency operation launched in Myanmar’s Rakhine State has driven more than 600,000 Rohingyas out of the Buddhist-majority country since late August.

Rights groups have accused Myanmar’s military of atrocities, including mass rape, against Rohingyas during the clearance operation.

“We can’t say whether it has happened or not. As a responsibility of the government, we have to make sure that it won't happen,” Suu Kyi told reporters in response to a question about human rights violations.

The Nobel laureate did not use the term “Rohingya”. Myanmar rejects use of the term for the Muslim minority, which is not on an official list of the country's ethnic groups.

Her less than two-year old civilian government has faced heavy international criticism for its response to the crisis, though it has no control over the generals it has to share power with under Myanmar's transition to power after decades of military rule.

The Rohingya are largely stateless and many people in Myanmar view them as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Suu Kyi said Myanmar would follow the framework of an agreement reached in the 1990s to cover the earlier repatriation of Rohingya, who had fled to Bangladesh to escape previous bouts of ethnic violence.

That agreement did not address the citizenship status of Rohingya, and Bangladesh has been pressing for a repatriation process that provided Rohingya with more safeguards this time.

“It's on the basis of residency...this was agreed by the two governments long time ago with success, so this will be formula we will continue to follow,” she said.

Earlier talks between the two countries reached a broad agreement to work out a repatriation deal, but a senior Myanmar official later accused Bangladesh of dragging its feet in order to secure funding from aid agencies for hosting the refugees.

It was hard to tell exactly how close Myanmar and Bangladesh were to an agreement, Suu Kyi said.

Suu Kyi, Myanmar's state counsellor and foreign affairs minister, said the country was doing everything it could to "make sure security is maintained" in Rakhine, but warned that "it takes time" to resolve the issues there. It was unclear, however, whether a safe return was possible, or advisable, for the thousands of Rohingya women and children still stranded on the beaches trying to flee hunger and instability in Rakhine.

Myanmar intends to resettle most refugees who return in new "model villages", rather than on the land they previously occupied, an approach the United Nations has criticized in the past as effectively creating permanent camps.
http://www.thedailystar.net/world/r...m_medium=newsurl&utm_term=all&utm_content=all
 
11:11 AM, November 21, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 01:24 PM, November 21, 2017
Amnesty accuses Myanmar of imposing ‘apartheid’ on Rohingyas
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A Rohingya refugee men carry sewer rings at Balukhali refugee camp in Ukhia district of Bangladesh on November 20, 2017. Photo: Munir UZ ZAMAN / AFP
AFP, Yangon
Myanmar’s suffocating control of its Rohingya population amounts to “apartheid”, Amnesty International said on Tuesday in a probe into the root causes of a crisis that has sent 620,000 refugees fleeing to Bangladesh.
Read More: How 'humanitarian technology' can help deal with Rohingya crisis
Distressing scenes of dispossessed Rohingya in Bangladeshi camps have provoked outrage around the world, as people who have escaped Rakhine state since August recount tales of murder, rape and arson at the hands of Myanmar troops.
Also Read: Myanmar Exodus: Rape being used as a weapon of war
Myanmar and Bangladesh have agreed in principle to repatriate some Rohingya but disagree over the details, with Myanmar’s army chief saying last week that it was “not possible” to accept the number of refugees proposed by Dhaka.

The Amnesty report, published on Tuesday, details how years of persecution have curated the current crisis.

A “state-sponsored” campaign has restricted virtually all aspects of Rohingyas’ lives, the Amnesty study says, confining them to what amounts to a “ghetto-like” existence in the mainly Buddhist country.

The 100-page report, based on two years of research, says the web of controls meet the legal standard of the “crime against humanity of apartheid”.

“Rakhine State is a crime scene. This was the case long before the vicious campaign of military violence of the last three months,” said Anna Neistat, Amnesty’s Senior Director for Research.

Myanmar’s authorities “are keeping Rohingya women, men and children segregated and cowed in a dehumanising system of apartheid,” she added.

The bedrock for the widespread hatred towards the Muslim group comes from a contentious 1982 Citizenship law.

Enacted by the then junta, the law effectively rendered hundreds of thousands of Rohingya stateless.

Since then, Amnesty says a “deliberate campaign” has been waged to erase Rohingya rights to live in Myanmar, where they are denigrated as “Bengalis” or illegal migrants from Bangladesh.

A system of identification cards is central to those bureaucratic controls, and likely to form the basis of the decision on who will be allowed to return from Bangladesh.

The latest wave of persecution has pushed more than half of the 1.1-million strong minority out of the country, with those left behind sequestered in increasingly isolated and vulnerable villages.

Although the Rohingya have been victims of discrimination for decades, the report details how repression intensified after the outbreak of violence between Buddhist and Muslim communities in 2012.

Long before the recent mass exodus of Rohingya from northern Rakhine state -- now a virtual ghostland of torched villages and unharvested paddy fields -- they were unable to travel freely, requiring special permits and facing arrest, abuse and harassment at numerous checkpoints.

In central Rakhine state, Rohingya Muslims were driven out of urban areas after the 2012 violence.

They remain completely segregated from the Buddhist community, confined by barbed wire and police checkpoints to camps that Amnesty calls an “open-air prison”.

The Muslim community is widely denied access to medical care, their children are unable to attend government schools while many mosques have been sealed off.

“Restoring the rights and legal status of Rohingya, and amending the country’s discriminatory citizenship laws is urgently needed,” said Anna Neistat.

“Rohingya who have fled persecution in Myanmar cannot be asked to return to a system of apartheid.”
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...m_medium=newsurl&utm_term=all&utm_content=all

2:00 AM, November 21, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:24 AM, November 21, 2017
Rohingyas' dignified return to their homeland
An agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar which only deals with repatriation of Rohingyas but does not guarantee their rights and security as citizens of Myanmar will risk the recurrence of the latter's ethnic cleansing campaign

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Rohingya refugees queue for relief aid at Nayapara refugee camp in Teknaf on October 21, 2017. Photo: Tauseef Mustafa/AFP
Farhaan Uddin Ahmed
Negotiations are ongoing between the governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar to formulate a plan to repatriate the Rohingyas who have sought refuge in Bangladesh fleeing the atrocities perpetrated by the Myanmar military. The major point of contention between the two governments is most likely to be the criteria for deciding who is eligible to be repatriated and who is not, i.e. the standard of proof that an individual was a legitimate inhabitant of Rakhine State in Myanmar.

The Myanmar government no doubt intends to set strict criteria so as to deny repatriation to as many Rohingyas as possible. Since the citizenship law in Myanmar disenfranchises the Rohingyas by denying them citizenship, it is quite unlikely that they would be able to produce any credible document to prove that they are former residents of Rakhine. Further aggravating this problem is the fact that most of the refugees while fleeing the atrocities have left everything behind in Rakhine and many of their homes and villages have been burned to the ground. Therefore, the issue of setting the appropriate criteria of eligibility would be a major impediment to the finalisation and successful implementation of a repatriation plan.

Myanmar could also intentionally drag on the negotiations until the issue loses relevance thus prolonging the crisis. Bangladesh and the international community must continue to exert pressure with increasing intensity on the government of Myanmar to resolve the crisis.

The aim of this piece is to explore whether the repatriation of the Rohingyas to Myanmar in and of itself would effectively resolve the crisis in the long-term from the perspective of Rohingyas and Bangladesh. Although the best possible means to resolve the crisis still seems to be the establishment of a United Nations Interim Administration in Rakhine, an agreement between the governments of Bangladesh and Myanmar supported by the international community may be able to successfully resolve the crisis.

From the perspective of Rohingyas and Bangladesh, any plan of action or agreement must ensure that the Rohingyas are duly conferred citizenship of Myanmar and accorded rights and treatment as legitimate citizens, so that they can rebuild their lives in Rakhine, and the assurance that the Myanmar government would never engage in another such brutal campaign is also necessary.

Without these guarantees, it is highly likely that the Myanmar military may restart its ethnic cleansing campaign with greater intensity as and when the pressure from the international community eases and it may inconspicuously and strategically continue to depopulate Rakhine State of the Rohingyas so as not to draw attention to its atrocities.


Rohingyas have been seeking refuge in Bangladesh since the 1980s and Bangladesh couldn't do much about it. A steady trickle of refugees over decades does not garner the same reaction or sympathy in the international community as does a mass exodus in the short span of two months. Therefore, in the future, steady streams of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar will not muster enough international support to stop Myanmar's depopulating campaign.

Therefore, an agreement which only deals with the issue of repatriation but does not guarantee the rights, safety, and security of the Rohingyas will not “resolve” the crisis and risks its recurrence in the future. In order to conclusively resolve the crisis and ensure peace, the agreement should not only deal with repatriation but also rehabilitation of the Rohingyas in Rakhine State, restitution of their lands, their reintegration into society and politics, and of course, grant of citizenship and all the complementary rights.

The agreement must guarantee humanitarian aid agencies and organisations, including the United Nations, unfettered access to Rakhine State. It must also establish an international commission which will oversee and monitor full implementation of the agreement and ensure that the international community continues to be a stakeholder in the process, so that on the off chance that the agreement falls through, the international community will have a responsibility to act accordingly.

It needs to be understood that, at present, Myanmar is being given a bitter pill to swallow. As such, it is up to Bangladesh and the rest of the world to ensure that it cures the Rohingyas of their plight. As long as Rohingyas are persecuted in Myanmar, Bangladesh will continue to bear the brunt.
Farhaan Uddin Ahmed is a researcher of international law and legal theory, and lecturer at the School of Law, BRAC University.
Email: farhaan17@gmail.com
http://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/human-rights/rohingyas-dignified-return-their-homeland-1494088

This is not what good neighbours do
Tribune Editorial
Published at 05:07 PM November 20, 2017
Last updated at 10:52 PM November 20, 2017
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REUTERS
How long will Myanmar hide behind hackneyed statements and false promises?

Myanmar’s Union Minister Dr Pe Mynt has said that it is essential that, as neighbours, Bangladesh and Myanmar have “good relations,” going on to say that there should be frequent meetings between the countries to strengthen these relations.

If that were truly Myanmar’s intentions, why has it continued to drive out the Rohingya and make unreasonable demands regarding their return?

How long will Myanmar hide behind hackneyed statements and false promises?

Its army, the primary driving force behind the Rohingya exodus, has continued to undermine talks of Rohingya return, saying the Rohingya can only come back when Myanmar’s “real citizens” accept.

This is in addition to Myanmar’s demands to see papers for those who were driven out — an even more unreasonable demand.

It is clear that this is nothing more than a ploy by Myanmar to make the process impossible for the Rohingya people, and to buy time until international interest in the issue wanes.

This is not neighbourly behaviour.

While Bangladesh has done everything in its power to both assuage the Rohingya’s needs and create dialogue with Myanmar to find a solution to the crisis, Myanmar has not been cooperative.

So much so that international interference has become almost necessary.

Moving forward, it is expected that, in the 13th Asia-Europe Foreign Ministers’ meeting, Myanmar will tackle the Rohingya issue and strive for a better solution to the crisis.

For there to be any sort of peace on our borders, Bangladesh needs Myanmar to be, first and foremost, honest. That is what good neighbours do.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/editorial/2017/11/20/not-good-neighbours/
 
Crisis in Myanmar is genocide, says local Rohingya Muslim
www.thestateless.com/2017/11/crisis-in-myanmar-is-genocide-says-local-rohingya-muslim.html
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By Christine Coulter, CBC News
Yasmine Ullah says calling the crisis ‘ethnic cleansing’ makes the international community unaccountable

Yasmine Ullah says the current plight of the Rohingya Muslims — which has forced more than 600,000 refugees to flee Myanmar — is genocide and she wants the international community to recognize it.

Ullah, a Rohingya Muslim who left Myanmar at the age of three, lived in Thailand as a refugee before immigrating to Canada six years ago. She now lives in Surrey, B.C., but remains in constant contact with immediate family in her home country.

On Thursday, Human Rights Watch accused the Myanmar military of using widespread rape as a systematic tool to attack Rohingya Muslims.

Rohingya Muslims, a minority group in Buddhist majority Myanmar— also known as Burma — have been facing persecution for decades. Since August 25, they have been flooding into neighbouring Bangladesh, creating a humanitarian crisis.

The United Nations has described the situation as one of ethnic cleansing and says it is still determining whether the crisis is genocide.

But Ullah believes using those words makes it too easy for the international community to turn away — despite the fact that all the characteristics of genocide according to the United Nations definition are there, she said.

“The word ethnic cleansing, it doesn’t bring about as much responsibility … It doesn’t bring anyone to be accountable for this,” she said.

Ethnic cleansing vs. genocide
Shayna Plaut, an adjunct professor at the school for international studies at Simon Fraser University, says once something is labelled as genocide, there’s an obligation for the international community to intervene.

“The definition of genocide requires that there is intervention,” said Plaut.

Plaut says this is the reason why the United Nations has never called anything a genocide while it occurs.

“So if you want to say something is bad, but you don’t actually want to put your money where your mouth is, then one of the things you could call it would be ethnic cleansing,” Plaut said.

“Ethnic cleansing is something that is recognized by international law as a very bad thing. It is not something that is recognized by international law as requiring an intervention.”

‘They’re finding it hard to survive’
Ullah has been raising money to help people in Myanmar, where part of her family continue to struggle.

“My uncle has just said to my mom last night that the military have come in and tried to take away men in the villages again and two men were incarcerated yesterday without charges.”

The Rohingya have faced segregation, have been denied education and were stripped of their citizenship in 1982. Ullah said that because her people are not considered citizens, they have no rights.

“My cousin, she is just a few years older than me, and she has two very young children. They’re finding it hard to survive in the country now,” she said.

Ullah said her cousin’s husband is incarcerated and has been for months without charges.

“He doesn’t have any rights to fair trial. So it’s either he will be murdered later on or he would be kidnapped. That’s just the plight of the Rohingya,” she said.

Call for help
Ullah will be heading to Ottawa this week in hopes of spurring members of parliament to take action.

“We cannot just say that we’re going to help with humanitarian aid because this is not going to end the issue. This is not going to end the crimes against humanity.”

Ullah plans to go with Maung Zarni, a long-time human rights activist who studies genocide and has been speaking out on the state-sanctioned violence against Rohingya Muslims for decades.

“I’ve lived all my life thinking that I don’t matter,” Ullah explained.

“My peoples’ experience and whatever we have been through is something that’s not right and someone has to take responsibility and someone has to take a stand against all of these atrocities.”
http://www.thestateless.com/2017/11/crisis-in-myanmar-is-genocide-says-local-rohingya-muslim.html
 
The geo-politics of the Rohingya crisis
Forrest Cookson
Published at 05:57 PM November 21, 2017
Last updated at 01:48 AM November 22, 2017
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What Myanmar does will largely be dicated by Chinese interests BIGSTOCK
Only China comes out as a winner in this scenario
The expulsion of 700,000 Rohingya by Myanmar into Bangladesh is a terrible human tragedy involving the murder of 100,000 Rohingya and the rape of innumerable Rohingya women.

A vicious and cruel assault on a human group that qualifies for crimes against humanity and probably even genocide. It is another dramatic story of the cruelty of man and signals a deep social sickness in Myanmar society.

The crisis has attracted great attention and the international press presented and written of the horrors of the expulsion.

Why did this happen now? Trouble with the Rohingya presence in Myanmar is not a new issue — there have been frequent repressive periods resulting in 100,000-200,000 to be expelled into Bangladesh. But the events of the past three months have been of a different level of cruelty than in the past.

The international community has been forthcoming with some financial support. However, the burden of caring for and nurturing the Rohingya has fallen to Bangladesh. The response of the Bangladeshi people and the government has been quite extraordinary. Deploying the army in a non-combatant role along the border, camps for the Rohingya are being rapidly constructed.

Registration of the refugees has proceeded with a large percentage now having IDs issued. The general public in Bangladesh has reacted remarkably, gathering resources and delivering to the unfortunate refugees.

Shelter and food are gradually being managed. The medical problems are enormous, and only a start has been made. The refugee population is reported to be mostly children (60%) with a large number of orphans among them.

Medical problems include malnutrition, dangers of infectious disease such as cholera, and PTSD.

The danger to the minds of the children is reported to be extensive and difficult to cure. The response of the ordinary people of Bangladesh has been extraordinary, and stands in contrast to the cruelty of the Myanmarese.
How it all happened
Who is behind this tragedy? Is it just the insane behaviour of the Myanmarese? Perhaps it is the army generals high on their own meth-amphetamines? Or is there something else that underlies these events and provides a better explanation?

In seeking such an explanation, we turn first to the behaviour of the Chinese and Indian governments.

The Chinese government has stood with Myanmar from the start of this crisis, supporting the claim that the treatment of the Rohingya was a natural consequence of security issues — of course the Chinese diplomats have done their best to calm the Bangladeshis and promise to help with the return of the Rohingya to Myanmar.

Their efforts are largely scoffed at by Bangladesh elites who believe that there is little hope for the return to Myanmar of these refugees.

The Indian government has also supported Myanmar in this crisis while trying to cover their tracks in Bangladesh with many statements that make their position fuzzy.

The reality is that the Indians see this crisis as a security issue, and fear that the Rohingya issue is all mixed up with the growth of Islamic fundamentalism.

However, private Indians are generously providing food for the refugees. Interestingly, the camp holding the Hindu Rohingya is not under the control of the Bangladesh army and the sources of financing and security are not clear.

The above points miss, however, what this crisis is really about.

The international community has been forthcoming with some financial support. However, the burden of caring for and nurturing the Rohingya has fallen to Bangladesh
Big players, bigger problems
China has a fundamental problem: Its economy is dependent on ocean shipments for supply of gas and oil and for exporting to its major markets in Europe and the Northern hemisphere.

A large part of this trade passes through the Straits of Malacca or the the Straits of Lombok (for large tankers).

It is no exaggeration to say that at this time, in late 2017, China is dependent on the freight flowing through these channels to power its economy and to fight a protracted war.

Unfortunately for the Chinese, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia maintain very close relationships with the US and the 7th Fleet of the US Navy controls these areas. For the Chinese, it is like having a knife at your throat all the time.

The driving objective of Chinese foreign policy is to escape this trap that geography has forced on them.

But getting the Americans out of Asia is more easily said than done. There are three main steps the Chinese are taking:

• Building a strong blue water navy potentially able to provide a counterforce to the US 7th Fleet

• Extend their sovereignty and power in the South China Sea

• Use the Belt and Road Project supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank to construct alternative routes


One of the most important aspects of the Belt and Road investments is the linkage between Myanmar and China with one end at Kyaukphyu located at the southern end of the Rakhine state and the other in Kunming in China.

This includes natural gas and oil pipelines and a railway combined with an industrial estate in a Special Economic Zone. These investments will provide an alternative route for Chinese trade.
The Chinese connection
The intention of the Chinese is to build up these links over time and to create a very large facility for transport and manufacturing. This will lead to a large Chinese community that will run to hundreds of thousands.

The capacity of these links is still far below what passes through the Straits of Malacca but it makes a real contribution to shifting reliance away from this vulnerable Malacca route.

The Chinese want stable conditions in these areas.

The Chinese distrust of Islam is based on their general distrust of foreign religions and the problems that they face with their own Muslim citizens, many of whom are in active revolt.

This revolt originated from the repression of their religion in Xinjiang. Difficulties that the Chinese state will face from their repression of Muslims will not go away — such concerns are in the mind of the Chinese with respect to their presence in the Rakhine state where there was, until three months ago, a large Muslim population, almost one-third of the population of Rakhine state.

One reason that brings comfort to the Chinese is the impact of all of this on the Western alliance’s presence in Myanmar. In the past four years, the deal offered to Myanmar was: Move towards democracy and there will be a great deal of Foreign Direct Investment, access to the world financial markets, and allowing Myanmar back into the real world.

This deal was attractive to Myanmar, which resulted in their pushing back against the powerful Chinese influence.

The Rohingya crisis will reduce the attractiveness of Myanmar as an investment site, the West’s influence will decline and Chinese influence will increase. With another 200,000 Rohingya expected to move into Bangladesh in the next few weeks, the stress on Bangladesh will only increase.

The West has few cards it is willing to play, and the Chinese are the winners.
Forrest Cookson is an American economist.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/op-ed/2017/11/21/geo-politics-rohingya-crisis/
 
12:00 AM, November 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:27 AM, November 22, 2017
Talks on track for Rohingya deal
Suu Kyi expects MoU this week after 2-day negotiations; Mahmood Ali optimistic
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Diplomatic Correspondent
Dhaka and Naypyitaw are in negotiation for reaching a bilateral agreement in a couple of days on repatriation of over six lakh Myanmar nationals who have taken shelter in Bangladesh to escape persecution in Rakhine State.

Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali, now in Naypyitaw to attend a conference, will hold bilateral talks today and tomorrow to form a joint working group to facilitate the repatriation.

He yesterday expressed optimism about striking a deal with Myanmar over Rohingya repatriation. "Chances look good. Let's see,” he said.

According to diplomatic sources, Bangladesh and Myanmar have agreed in principle to sign an agreement on repatriation of the Rohingyas, but are yet to disclose the details of the plan, terms and conditions or criteria.

Officials from both countries began discussions last month on how to process documents of the Rohingyas willing to return to Myanmar.

Last week, Myanmar army chief said that it was “not possible” to accept the number of refugees proposed by Dhaka.

Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi yesterday hoped to strike a deal with Bangladesh by this week on the “safe and voluntary return” of the Rohingyas who fled to Bangladesh since August 25.

"Nothing can be done overnight, but we believe that we will be able to make steady progress," she said.

Turning to the question of repatriation of the Rohingyas, Suu Kyi said discussions would be held with the Bangladesh foreign minister today and tomorrow.

She, however, said it was hard to tell exactly how close Myanmar and Bangladesh were to an agreement.

“We hope that this would result in an MoU signed quickly, which would enable us to start the safe and voluntarily return of all of those who have gone across the border,” Suu Kyi said at the end of a meeting of senior officials at an Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Myanmar's capital Naypyitaw, reports Reuters.

In response to a question about human rights violations, Suu Kyi told reporters, “We can't say whether it has happened or not. As a responsibility of the government, we have to make sure that it won't happen.”

She said Myanmar would follow the framework of an agreement reached in the 1990s to cover the earlier repatriation of Rohingyas.

“It's on the basis of residency...this was agreed by the two governments long time ago with success, so this will be the formula we will continue to follow,” added Suu Kyi.

Dhaka, however, has not agreed to Naypyitaw's proposal to follow the principle and criteria of the 1992 deal to take back the forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals.

On October 9, Mahmood Ali told foreign diplomats in Dhaka that the 1992 criteria are not “realistic”.

He said the situation of 1992 and the present one are “entirely different” as most of the Muslim villages in the northern Rakhine State have been burned down this time, and the identification of Rohingyas based on residency in Rakhine would not be realistic.

On April 28, 1992, Bangladesh signed a joint statement with the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) of Myanmar under which Myanmar agreed to the return of those refugees who could “establish their bona fide residency in Myanmar” prior to their departure for Bangladesh.

Foreign Secretary Md Shahidul Haque and some key officials of the foreign ministry left Dhaka for Naypyitaw yesterday to take part in the negotiation over the repatriation deal.

“It is now almost certain that a deal will be signed,” said a key foreign ministry official, seeking anonymity.

Dhaka will strongly press for the UN's inclusion in the repatriation process, added the official.

Myanmar, however, does not want the presence of the UN or any other international organisations in the repatriation process.

The UN and the international community have been calling for the safe, voluntary and sustainable repatriation of the Myanmar nationals to their places of origin.

Bangladesh, which has also made the same call, is now desperate to send back the Myanmar nationals at any cost.

“Of course, we want safe, dignified and sustainable return of the refugees to their homeland. But above all, we want their quick repatriation,” said a foreign ministry official on condition of anonymity.

At a press briefing at the UN headquarters on Monday, Farhan Haq, deputy spokesperson for the UN secretary‑general, said the number of Rohingya refugees, who have fled to Bangladesh from Myanmar since August 25, has reached 621,000.

“They are arriving traumatised and destitute, with more than half living in a single camp in Cox's Bazar,” he said.

Bangladesh had seen influx of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar also in 1978, 1991 and 2012.
http://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/return-rohingya-refugees-dhaka-naypyitaw-track-deal-1494628

 
2:31 PM, November 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:59 PM, November 22, 2017
Unicef concerned over high level contamination of well water at Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar
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Unicef on Tuesday, November 21, 2017, shows a deep concern over reports suggesting high levels of bacterial contamination (E.coli) from water drawn from wells inside the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar in Chittagong. In this Reuters photo taken on November 17, a Rohingya refugee woman washes her legs in a tube-well in the Palong Khali refugee camp in Cox's Bazar.
Star Online Report
“... a total of 36,096 AWD cases were reported including 10 related deaths,” says Unicef in a press release.
Unicef has showed a deep concern over reports suggesting high levels of bacterial contamination (E.coli) from water drawn from wells inside the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar in Chittagong.

“The latest figures from the World Health Organization (WHO) suggest that 62 percent of water available to households is contaminated,” Unicef said in a press releaseyesterday.

Also READ: Dhaka-Naypyitaw talks begin
Some of the tube wells inside the Rohingya camps have been dug to shallower depths, have been poorly sited, are very congested and do not have safeguards in place to prevent bacterial contamination at ground level, it said.

Contamination may be being caused through poor hygiene practices such as the use of dirty containers, bad hygiene habits of the population in water handling, it added.


Between 25 August and 11 November 2017, a total of 36,096 Acute Watery Diarrhea (AWD) cases were reported including 10 related deaths, it said.

A total of 42 percent (15,206) were in the under-5 age group showing an upward trend in infection rates. Whilst the exact cause of increased cases of AWD remains uncertain, it may be linked to contaminated food or water, the press release said.

Based on an analysis of the risk, Unicef is working with the Bangladesh authorities to urgently investigate levels of contamination, and to ensure better construction practices for tube wells that meet international standards.

“We are stepping up measures to distribute water purification tablets to provide for water treatment at the household level as well as promoting good hygiene practices,” Unicef said.
Since 25th August and the start of the massive influx which has seen some 621,000 new arrivals in less than three months, Unicef and partners have been working to ensure the provision of safe drinking water, latrines and sanitation systems inside the refugee camps, it said.

Currently, the UN agency is distributing around 195,000 liters daily to over 50,000 people through water treatment and trucking; additionally, we have installed more than 420 tube wells serving some 140,000 people, according to the press statement.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...m_medium=newsurl&utm_term=all&utm_content=all
 
01:25 PM, November 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 01:53 PM, November 22, 2017
Rohingya child happy with friends in Bangladesh
Star Online Report
After her parents were forced to flee from Rakhine state of Myanmar, Noor has developed friendship with many similar to her age at a tiny village of Bangladesh.

A heartwarming video recently produced by Unicef shows Noor’s friendship with Jannatua, a girl from a border village of Bangladesh.

“We play cooking, we go skipping, and we run together,” says Jannatua.

Also READ: Unicef concerned over high level water contamination at Rohingya camps
“It makes us happy,” says Noor on her part.

Jannatua’s tiny village in Cox’s Bazar district has taken in around 36,000 Rohingya refugees, according to Unicef.

Over 620,000 Rohingyas have crossed the border and taken shelter in Cox's Bazar district since August 25.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...m_medium=newsurl&utm_term=all&utm_content=all
 
12:00 AM, November 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:00 AM, November 22, 2017
EDITORIAL
Continue the diplomatic pressure on Myanmar
MoU on Rohingya repatriation needed now
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We welcome the call by the delegates at the 13th Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM) to implement the Kofi Annan Commission recommendations and finalise the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Bangladesh and Myanmar that would put in place a roadmap for the return of displaced Rohingyas to the Rakhine state. It is good to see the EU standing by Bangladesh's demand that Myanmar must make moves to demonstrate its willingness to take back its people.
While China has proposed a three-phase plan to be implemented through bilateral consultations between the two countries, we should keep our focus on the diplomatic front that involves the international community.

Bangladesh has been taking the burden of about a million people on its soil, largely using its own resources. This is a situation that cannot be sustained much longer. Myanmar needs to demonstrate to the world that the regime has stopped the atrocities which precipitated large-scale exodus of the Rohingyas in the first place, and create conditions for the safe return of the refugees.

And it is only when we have a MoU in place that we can talk about the manner in which the Rohingyas may return to their homeland. We find it ironic that the democratic leader of Myanmar, till now, refuses to acknowledge Rohingyas as the country's nationals and chooses to talk about “terrorism and violent extremism.” Our two countries need an agreement that would lay out timelines and conditions for the repatriation of Rohingyas very soon.
http://www.thedailystar.net/editorial/continue-the-diplomatic-pressure-myanmar-1494544
 
07:36 PM, November 22, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 07:57 PM, November 22, 2017
US terms violence against Rohingyas as ‘ethnic cleansing’
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Rohingya refugees walk on the shore as they arrive on a makeshift boat after crossing the Bangladesh-Myanmar border near Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh, November 9, 2017. Picture taken November 9, 2017. Photo: REUTERS/Navesh Chitrakar
AP, Washington
The United States declared the ongoing violence against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar to be “ethnic cleansing” on Wednesday, putting more pressure on the country’s military to halt a brutal crackdown that has sent more than 600,000 refugees flooding over the border to Bangladesh.
Secretary of State Rex Tillerson blamed Myanmar’s security forces and “local vigilantes” for what he called “intolerable suffering” by the Rohingya. Although the military has blamed Rohingya insurgents for setting off the crisis, Tillerson said that “no provocation can justify the horrendous atrocities that have ensued.”

“After a careful and thorough analysis of available facts, it is clear that the situation in northern Rakhine state constitutes ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya,” Tillerson said in a statement.

Those who perpetrated the atrocities “must be held accountable,” Tillerson said. He added that the US wanted a full investigation and would seek justice “through US law, including possible targeted sanctions.”

The declaration followed a lengthy review process by the Trump administration to determine whether the violence met the threshold to be considered ethnic cleansing. The United Nations came to that conclusion in September, but the US had held off, with Tillerson saying he needed more information even as he expressed deep concern about the crisis.

Rohingya from Myanmar’s Rakhine state have been fleeing to neighboring Bangladesh, seeking refuge from what Myanmar’s military has called “clearance operations.” The crisis started in August, when Rohingya insurgents attacked Myanmar security forces, leading to a brutal crackdown in which soldiers and Buddhist mobs have killed men, raped woman and burned homes and property to force the Rohingya to leave.

Last week, Tillerson traveled to Myanmar — also known as Burma — in the highest level visit by a US official since President Donald Trump took office. US officials dangled the possibility of an “ethnic cleansing” designation ahead of Tillerson’s trip, potentially giving him more leverage as he met with Burmese officials. In the capital of Naypitaw, Tillerson met with the country’s civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, well as the Myanmar’s powerful military chief, Min Aung Hlaing, who is in charge of operations in Rakhine state, home to Myanmar’s Rohingya population.

Although the “ethnic cleansing” label doesn’t carry specific legal requirements for the US, it is likely to intensify calls for the Trump administration and Congress to move toward new sanctions on Myanmar. Sanctions on the Southeast Asian nation were eased under former President Barack Obama as the country made steps toward transitioning to democracy.

Pressure from Congress to take punitive steps against Myanmar has been mounting. Earlier this month, the House passed a non-binding resolution condemning “murderous ethnic cleansing and atrocities against civilians.” It called on Trump to impose sanctions on those responsible for human rights abuses, including members of Myanmar’s military and security services.

Tillerson, during his visit to Myanmar, said the US would consider targeted sanctions against individuals deemed responsible for the violence, but that he wasn’t advocating “broad-based economic sanctions” against the entire nation.

US officials have been concerned that pushing Myanmar’s leaders too hard on the Rohingya violence could undermine the country’s civilian government, led for the last 18 months by Suu Kyi. That could slow or reverse the country’s delicate transition away from decades of harsh military rule, and also risks pushing Myanmar away from the US and closer to China.

The State Department has also examined whether the violence in Rakhine meets the definitions for “crimes against humanity” or “genocide,” but have thus far made no such determinations.

According to the United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention, “ethnic cleansing” isn’t recognized as an independent crime under international law, unlike crimes against humanity and genocide. It surfaced in the context of the 1990s conflict in the former Yugoslavia, when a UN commission defined it as “rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove persons of given groups from the area.”

Human rights groups accuse the military of a scorched-earth campaign against the Rohinyga, who numbered roughly 1 million in Myanmar before the latest exodus. The Buddhist majority in Myanmar believes they migrated illegally from Bangladesh, but many Rohingya families have lived for generations in Myanmar. In 1982, they were stripped of their citizenship.

Already, the United States has curtailed its ties to Myanmar’s military over the violence. Earlier this year the US restored restrictions on granting visas to members of Myanmar’s military, and the State Department has deemed units and officers involved in operations in Rakhine state illegible for US assistance.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...m_medium=newsurl&utm_term=all&utm_content=all
 

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