IceCold
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RAW News & Discussions
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You need informations to comment, no ?:
RAW official denies Chinese link
A Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) official, who has been recalled from Sri Lanka for his suspected connection with a foreigner woman, on yesterday, Sunday, denied the allegation.
When asked about media reports that he was involved with a woman with Chinese connection, Ravi Nair said that ''It is utter rubbish.''
''We are all dedicated people working for the Government of India and that will always continue,'' the 1975 batch RAS officer said.Nair added ''I have been working with sincerity and dedication and it will always be continued.'' During his posting in Hong Kong, Nair had allegedly met a ''foreigner friend'' (woman) believed to be working for a Chinese spy agency prompting the authorities to ask him to come back.
However, within a brief time the officer was again given a posting in Colombo where the woman also came and started staying with him, raising suspicion, sources claimed in New Delhi.The officials of other departments, posted at the Indian High Commission, sent reports about Nair paving the way for his recall.
http://lankaguardian.blogspot.com/2007/10/...inese-link.html
RAW official denies Chinese link
A Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) official, who has been recalled from Sri Lanka for his suspected connection with a foreigner woman, on yesterday, Sunday, denied the allegation.
When asked about media reports that he was involved with a woman with Chinese connection, Ravi Nair said that ''It is utter rubbish.''
''We are all dedicated people working for the Government of India and that will always continue,'' the 1975 batch RAS officer said.Nair added ''I have been working with sincerity and dedication and it will always be continued.'' During his posting in Hong Kong, Nair had allegedly met a ''foreigner friend'' (woman) believed to be working for a Chinese spy agency prompting the authorities to ask him to come back.
However, within a brief time the officer was again given a posting in Colombo where the woman also came and started staying with him, raising suspicion, sources claimed in New Delhi.The officials of other departments, posted at the Indian High Commission, sent reports about Nair paving the way for his recall.
http://lankaguardian.blogspot.com/2007/10/...inese-link.html
Tiki Tam Tam
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Totally an earth shaking one line comment!
Oh wow!
bhangra12345
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may the lord bless their showering of blessings on the universe for the bot has given a comment and what an "earth shattering observation" to the boot.
Artificial intelligence has really come of age.
These comments aside, if all you want is to give information, simple html links without the quotes would have sufficed. If we wanted that information we could have gone directly to those websites. what part of this dont you understand?
Forums are NOT rss feeds, they are places for opinion exchanges.
More than the information, it is how you look and analyse the information, is more important, i.e. your comments however vile/stupid will be more appreciated than a person acting as a proxy for rss feed.
Lets leave the guy alone shall we. At least we are getting updated on the latest "kartoots"/doings of RAW. The better for our bangladeshi brother would be to change the thread title to RAW News & Discussions.
Thanks.
Thanks.
Tiki Tam Tam
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Webmaster,
I think that would be a capital thing to do to change the title of the thread as you have mentioned.
But it should end with 'RAW News' since there is NO Discussion.
Though it would be ideal if I too just cut and paste from Daily Times and sit mute, but I will give it a pass.
But yes, one should leave him alone since he apparently is not equipped with the wherewithal to analyse and comment.
akzaman,
Bangali nohego bhiru, nohe kapurush!
I think that would be a capital thing to do to change the title of the thread as you have mentioned.
But it should end with 'RAW News' since there is NO Discussion.
Though it would be ideal if I too just cut and paste from Daily Times and sit mute, but I will give it a pass.
But yes, one should leave him alone since he apparently is not equipped with the wherewithal to analyse and comment.
akzaman,
Bangali nohego bhiru, nohe kapurush!
Bull
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Amen....!!!
Our Intelligence Set-Up Suits a Totalitarian State Retired R&AW Official
Retired R&AW officer Major General VK Singh, who is being hounded for his book on his tenure in the agency, tells Indian based weekly the Tehelka, that he should be treated like a whistle-blower
Q
o you regret writing the book, given the way you are being hounded?
A.I would have written the book anyway because whatever I have said is right. I should be seen as a whistle-blower. I expected to be given protection by the State and not to be hounded. I havent committed any wrong and Im sure Ill come out clean.
Q:Instead of addressing issues you have raised, the government is going after you. Is there some vendetta?
A.I did not have inimical relations with anybody. Maybe Ive rubbed some people the wrong way because Ive made some derogatory remarks. I think they are upset for personal reasons. There is nothing against the agency. I dont think they have been subjected to criticism earlier and thats why they have got worked up. They are not used to being criticised.
Q:Is there anything that you have withheld in your book?
A.I wont reveal them because they are classified and then I would be really violating the Official Secrets Act (OSA). I could have given the locations of every monitoring station in the country but that I certainly wont do.
Qont you think our intelligence agencies, be it the IB or RAW, should be more accountable and open?
A.Thats the whole point Ive made in the book. After all, we are a democracy and there are intelligence agencies in other democracies. There is the CIA in America which is not as closed or away from the public glare as RAW. Yes, there is information which is sensitive but why should we be so closed about our method of functioning? The people, the taxpayers, have a right to know how the agencies function. It surprises me. I dont know why no action is being taken on, for example, the suggestion of a Parliamentary oversight committee and a review of the OSA. This started, you know, when VP Singh was the Prime Minister and there was some move to do it, but it just fell through. But nobody in the government is talking about that.
Qo you agree that Indias intelligence agencies get away with a lot in the name of national security?
A.There are many institutions which are still a baggage from the past. Many institutions are contrary to the concept of democracy and RAW is one of them. We have an intelligence set-up which is suited to a totalitarian state. During the British Raj, there was a ruler and we were the subjects and maybe it suited their requirements but it is not in consonance with our present set-up.
Q:Is there a mindset problem?
A. Absolutely. Its a mindset problem. From the lowest to the highest, the day anyone joins, this is drilled into his head: we are a super-secret organisation. Everything is secret. Dont talk about anything, even among yourselves and so on. Thats why even a circular for a tea party is marked secret. There was a move to revamp the intelligence set-up after Rabinder Singh managed to flee. What happened then? Basically, there is a leadership problem. Rabinder Singhs case was a classic case of failure of leadership. I pointed out another instance wherein a RAW station didnt open for a year after an earthquake because no one wanted to go there. You see, failure of leadership translates into indiscipline. The problem is nobody is willing to take action, even if a driver comes to duty drunk.
Qo you think your phones are bugged now?
A.They may be bugged but Im not using them for any anti-national activity. If they are being bugged, let them be bugged.
Sri Lanka Guardian: Our Intelligence Set-Up Suits a Totalitarian State’ – Retired R&AW Official
Retired R&AW officer Major General VK Singh, who is being hounded for his book on his tenure in the agency, tells Indian based weekly the Tehelka, that he should be treated like a whistle-blower
Q
o you regret writing the book, given the way you are being hounded?A.I would have written the book anyway because whatever I have said is right. I should be seen as a whistle-blower. I expected to be given protection by the State and not to be hounded. I havent committed any wrong and Im sure Ill come out clean.
Q:Instead of addressing issues you have raised, the government is going after you. Is there some vendetta?
A.I did not have inimical relations with anybody. Maybe Ive rubbed some people the wrong way because Ive made some derogatory remarks. I think they are upset for personal reasons. There is nothing against the agency. I dont think they have been subjected to criticism earlier and thats why they have got worked up. They are not used to being criticised.
Q:Is there anything that you have withheld in your book?
A.I wont reveal them because they are classified and then I would be really violating the Official Secrets Act (OSA). I could have given the locations of every monitoring station in the country but that I certainly wont do.
Q
ont you think our intelligence agencies, be it the IB or RAW, should be more accountable and open?A.Thats the whole point Ive made in the book. After all, we are a democracy and there are intelligence agencies in other democracies. There is the CIA in America which is not as closed or away from the public glare as RAW. Yes, there is information which is sensitive but why should we be so closed about our method of functioning? The people, the taxpayers, have a right to know how the agencies function. It surprises me. I dont know why no action is being taken on, for example, the suggestion of a Parliamentary oversight committee and a review of the OSA. This started, you know, when VP Singh was the Prime Minister and there was some move to do it, but it just fell through. But nobody in the government is talking about that.
Q
o you agree that Indias intelligence agencies get away with a lot in the name of national security?A.There are many institutions which are still a baggage from the past. Many institutions are contrary to the concept of democracy and RAW is one of them. We have an intelligence set-up which is suited to a totalitarian state. During the British Raj, there was a ruler and we were the subjects and maybe it suited their requirements but it is not in consonance with our present set-up.
Q:Is there a mindset problem?
A. Absolutely. Its a mindset problem. From the lowest to the highest, the day anyone joins, this is drilled into his head: we are a super-secret organisation. Everything is secret. Dont talk about anything, even among yourselves and so on. Thats why even a circular for a tea party is marked secret. There was a move to revamp the intelligence set-up after Rabinder Singh managed to flee. What happened then? Basically, there is a leadership problem. Rabinder Singhs case was a classic case of failure of leadership. I pointed out another instance wherein a RAW station didnt open for a year after an earthquake because no one wanted to go there. You see, failure of leadership translates into indiscipline. The problem is nobody is willing to take action, even if a driver comes to duty drunk.
Q
o you think your phones are bugged now?A.They may be bugged but Im not using them for any anti-national activity. If they are being bugged, let them be bugged.
Sri Lanka Guardian: Our Intelligence Set-Up Suits a Totalitarian State’ – Retired R&AW Official
The scoop on external intelligence
The Kaoboys of R&AW, which records the role of India's external intelligence agency over three decades, is replete with material that should force a re-assessment of intelligence operations by policy-makers and political leaders, says K S Subramanian.
26 October 2007 - Assessing a secretive organisation is never easy; outsiders are often left with little more than conjecture drawn together from disparate pieces of information that become available at various times. An insider's account, therefore, is a rare window into this world; B Raman's fascinating account of his two and a half decades' long experience in the Research and Analysis Wing, The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane is the kind of light that needs to be shed more frequently upon all of the country's intelligence services.
From 1947 to 1968, the Intelligence Bureau alone was responsible for the collection of both internal and external intelligence. In 1968, against strong internal opposition from the IB, the organisation was bifurcated to create the RAW as the external intelligence agency. Ramji Nath Kao, an officer of the 1940 batch of the colonial Indian Police (IP) with over 20 years' experience in the IB, was chosen by Indira Gandhi to head the new organisation. Raman joined the new organisation at its inception in 1968, and served it till the end of his career in 1994. Besides important postings in Paris and Geneva, he served at the RAW headquarters in New Delhi, eventually rising to be the right hand man of the RAW chief R N Kao, from whose name the book takes its title.
The book records the RAW's role in the major events from the late 1960s to the mid-1990s, and gives fascinating insights into the working styles of former prime ministers and RAW chiefs. Raman concludes with a scintillating assessment of the strengths and a weakness of the RAW.
An interesting pen portrait of Kao, the ever secretive RAW chief, is accompanied by a rapid review of many important developments in India and abroad: the struggle for the liberation of Bangladesh; the insurgency in the northeast; the contributions of successive Prime Ministers and RAW chiefs; the Khalistani terrorism; the role of Kao as senior advisor to Indira Gandhi; the assassinations of Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi; the Bofors scandal; the demolition of the Babri Masjid and its terrorist outcome in the Mumbai blasts of 1993. The author also provides a detailed account of the role of the CIA in the resistance to Soviet occupation in Afghanistan, which led to the emergence of the Al Qaeda besides the role of the ISI in fomenting terrorism in the Indian states of Punjab and J&K.
In 1947, India had only two intelligence agencies: the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Military Intelligence (MI). In 2007, it has eight such agencies: the IB, the Directorate-General of Security, the RAW, the Directorates-General of Military Intelligence, Air Intelligence, Naval Intelligence, the Defence Intelligence Agency and the National Technical Research Organisation.
Like many others who have held sensitive positions, Raman has sprinkled in his book a number of secrets that would no doubt embarass some, but without which the book would be of interest only to a small community already privy to the RAW's goings-on. Thus, for instance, he tells us about Prime Minister Narasimha Rao's request to the RAW to provide him a secret recording device to be used at his discussions with L K Advani during the Babri Masjid crisis; the request by a former Cabinet Secretary that the RAW provide defensive training to RSS cadres in the border areas of Jammu; the secret meeting that Atal Behari Vajpayee, as Foreign Minister, had with the Israeli leader Moshe Dayan during his visit to Paris; and the payment of 6 million US dollars to an Iranian middleman to persuade the Shah of Iran to grant two soft loans to India to tide over a financial crisis.
To more informed readers, however, these 'secrets that can now be told', would no doubt appear to mere sidelights. What makes Kaoboys more compelling - and discouraging - reading is the larger narrative, of an organisation in long and deplorable decline. In this, Raman's book on the RAW invites comparison with M K Dhar's book on the Intelligence Bureau, India's internal intelligence agency, published in 2005. Both books are equally devastating in their exposure of the internal fissures in the two secret service organisations.
Specific failures
There is considerable finger-pointing over particular events in history, which when read together reads like one long decline. The author throws light on the failure of intelligence and shocking laxity on the part of senior officers supervising security arrangements at the residence of the former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, which led to her assassination; the neglect of the available intelligence provided by the RAW to the IB, the politicisation of security and the negligence and weak supervision by the IB and the Tamilnadu police, which led to the assassination of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi; the IB's indifference to instructions given by former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with regard to intelligence liaison with foreign agencies; IB officers' violations of their own guidelines for the prevention of penetration by foreign agencies, which facilitated CIA penetration of the organisation at a high level in the 1990s; the persisting dilution of the effectiveness of counter-penetration measures; and the many cases of lack of centralised control, supervision and record keeping in the area of counter-intelligence and counter-penetration.
The author shows that the loosening of control in these vital areas facilitated foreign penetration of many Indian agencies in the guise of intelligence cooperation: one instance of major penetration of the PM's Office by the French intelligence detected during the tenure of Rajiv Gandhi; two instances of penetration of the RAW by the CIA during the tenure of Rajiv Gandhi and Vajpayee; one instance of penetration of the IB by the CIA during Narasimha Rao's term as PM; and one instance of CIA penetration of the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS), a part of the PMO, during the term of the current Prime Minister.
The author notes a deplorable tendency on the part of India's intelligence and investigative agencies to dance to the tunes of the political leadership. The very agencies, which lent their services to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in his unwise attempts to cover up the Bofors scandal, subsequently hastened to provide their services to the next Prime Minister V P Singh who attempted to frame his predecessor in false cases by hiring foreign detective agencies! He further reveals that the CBI officials visiting Geneva for investigations into the role of the Hindujas in the Bofors scandal were often at luncheon meetings with the Hindujas!
Accountability
This is a theme that runs through much of the book; democratic societies are always keen that secret service organisations should not become a law unto themselves, and thus, accountability has become one measure of their work everywhere. India is one of the very few democratic countries in the world in which the chief executive continues to be exclusively responsible for the functioning of the intelligence agencies, with no powers of oversight given to the Parliament. Former Prime Minister V P Singh is said to have tried to set up a Parliamentary Oversight Committee to monitor the functioning of the intelligence agencies. Raman writes that Singh failed mainly on account of opposition from the major political parties.
The L P Singh Committee was established after the revocation of the Emergency in 1977 to look into the affairs of the IB and the CBI (but not the RAW). It framed a legal framework and a charter of duties for the IB, which was still functioning as if nothing had changed after the departure of the British. Indira Gandhi, on returning to power in 1980, buried the recommendations of the Committee since she felt that the Committee had been set up to target her politically. The RAW as well as the IB have thus remained without a legal framework or a charter of duties. The RAW is accountable to the Cabinet Secretary and the Prime Minister.
The general rules of engagement for intelligence agencies, while not codified in Indian administration, are generally well known. The Intelligence Service Act 1994 of the UK prevents MI5, the British Secret Service, from doing anything to further the interests of any political party; says that the rule of law is paramount; provides that the methods of investigation must be proportionate to the threat; and mandates that the more intrusive the means of investigation, the higher must be the level of authorisation. MI5 also has a legal framework and a charter of duties. It produces an annual report, which is placed before Parliament. It provides details of its budget and the manner of its utilisation.
In truth, however, such provisions are no guarantee of accountable or independent conduct by agencies. British intelligence, for example managed to produce politically convenient reports for the government of the day on the issue of weapons of mass destructions in Iraq. And American agencies have routinely conducted operations beyond the knowledge of the US Congress, which occassionally are brought to light, to great public and legislative outrage. Almost certainly, in the Indian scenario, the absence of even the few legal constraints present elsewhere is only more deleterious. Raman himself admits to several complaints against RAW officers leading lavish lives in their foreign postings.
The book is replete with material that should force a re-assessment of the operations of intelligence services by our policy-makers and political leaders. Whether that will happen is difficult to tell. While many would like to see the deficiencies noted in the book disappear, still others would merely like to see them disappear from the public discourse. Raman's anguish, so evident in the book, appears partly the despair of one who holds very little hope that things will change, even while arguing that much is needed.
B. Raman, "The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane", Lancer Publishers, 2007, New Delhi, 293 pages, Rs. 795, ISBN: 0-9796174-3.
India Together: The scoop on external intelligence - 26 October 2007
The Kaoboys of R&AW, which records the role of India's external intelligence agency over three decades, is replete with material that should force a re-assessment of intelligence operations by policy-makers and political leaders, says K S Subramanian.
26 October 2007 - Assessing a secretive organisation is never easy; outsiders are often left with little more than conjecture drawn together from disparate pieces of information that become available at various times. An insider's account, therefore, is a rare window into this world; B Raman's fascinating account of his two and a half decades' long experience in the Research and Analysis Wing, The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane is the kind of light that needs to be shed more frequently upon all of the country's intelligence services.
From 1947 to 1968, the Intelligence Bureau alone was responsible for the collection of both internal and external intelligence. In 1968, against strong internal opposition from the IB, the organisation was bifurcated to create the RAW as the external intelligence agency. Ramji Nath Kao, an officer of the 1940 batch of the colonial Indian Police (IP) with over 20 years' experience in the IB, was chosen by Indira Gandhi to head the new organisation. Raman joined the new organisation at its inception in 1968, and served it till the end of his career in 1994. Besides important postings in Paris and Geneva, he served at the RAW headquarters in New Delhi, eventually rising to be the right hand man of the RAW chief R N Kao, from whose name the book takes its title.
The book records the RAW's role in the major events from the late 1960s to the mid-1990s, and gives fascinating insights into the working styles of former prime ministers and RAW chiefs. Raman concludes with a scintillating assessment of the strengths and a weakness of the RAW.
An interesting pen portrait of Kao, the ever secretive RAW chief, is accompanied by a rapid review of many important developments in India and abroad: the struggle for the liberation of Bangladesh; the insurgency in the northeast; the contributions of successive Prime Ministers and RAW chiefs; the Khalistani terrorism; the role of Kao as senior advisor to Indira Gandhi; the assassinations of Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi; the Bofors scandal; the demolition of the Babri Masjid and its terrorist outcome in the Mumbai blasts of 1993. The author also provides a detailed account of the role of the CIA in the resistance to Soviet occupation in Afghanistan, which led to the emergence of the Al Qaeda besides the role of the ISI in fomenting terrorism in the Indian states of Punjab and J&K.
In 1947, India had only two intelligence agencies: the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Military Intelligence (MI). In 2007, it has eight such agencies: the IB, the Directorate-General of Security, the RAW, the Directorates-General of Military Intelligence, Air Intelligence, Naval Intelligence, the Defence Intelligence Agency and the National Technical Research Organisation.
Like many others who have held sensitive positions, Raman has sprinkled in his book a number of secrets that would no doubt embarass some, but without which the book would be of interest only to a small community already privy to the RAW's goings-on. Thus, for instance, he tells us about Prime Minister Narasimha Rao's request to the RAW to provide him a secret recording device to be used at his discussions with L K Advani during the Babri Masjid crisis; the request by a former Cabinet Secretary that the RAW provide defensive training to RSS cadres in the border areas of Jammu; the secret meeting that Atal Behari Vajpayee, as Foreign Minister, had with the Israeli leader Moshe Dayan during his visit to Paris; and the payment of 6 million US dollars to an Iranian middleman to persuade the Shah of Iran to grant two soft loans to India to tide over a financial crisis.
To more informed readers, however, these 'secrets that can now be told', would no doubt appear to mere sidelights. What makes Kaoboys more compelling - and discouraging - reading is the larger narrative, of an organisation in long and deplorable decline. In this, Raman's book on the RAW invites comparison with M K Dhar's book on the Intelligence Bureau, India's internal intelligence agency, published in 2005. Both books are equally devastating in their exposure of the internal fissures in the two secret service organisations.
Specific failures
There is considerable finger-pointing over particular events in history, which when read together reads like one long decline. The author throws light on the failure of intelligence and shocking laxity on the part of senior officers supervising security arrangements at the residence of the former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, which led to her assassination; the neglect of the available intelligence provided by the RAW to the IB, the politicisation of security and the negligence and weak supervision by the IB and the Tamilnadu police, which led to the assassination of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi; the IB's indifference to instructions given by former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with regard to intelligence liaison with foreign agencies; IB officers' violations of their own guidelines for the prevention of penetration by foreign agencies, which facilitated CIA penetration of the organisation at a high level in the 1990s; the persisting dilution of the effectiveness of counter-penetration measures; and the many cases of lack of centralised control, supervision and record keeping in the area of counter-intelligence and counter-penetration.
The author shows that the loosening of control in these vital areas facilitated foreign penetration of many Indian agencies in the guise of intelligence cooperation: one instance of major penetration of the PM's Office by the French intelligence detected during the tenure of Rajiv Gandhi; two instances of penetration of the RAW by the CIA during the tenure of Rajiv Gandhi and Vajpayee; one instance of penetration of the IB by the CIA during Narasimha Rao's term as PM; and one instance of CIA penetration of the National Security Council Secretariat (NSCS), a part of the PMO, during the term of the current Prime Minister.
The author notes a deplorable tendency on the part of India's intelligence and investigative agencies to dance to the tunes of the political leadership. The very agencies, which lent their services to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in his unwise attempts to cover up the Bofors scandal, subsequently hastened to provide their services to the next Prime Minister V P Singh who attempted to frame his predecessor in false cases by hiring foreign detective agencies! He further reveals that the CBI officials visiting Geneva for investigations into the role of the Hindujas in the Bofors scandal were often at luncheon meetings with the Hindujas!
Accountability
This is a theme that runs through much of the book; democratic societies are always keen that secret service organisations should not become a law unto themselves, and thus, accountability has become one measure of their work everywhere. India is one of the very few democratic countries in the world in which the chief executive continues to be exclusively responsible for the functioning of the intelligence agencies, with no powers of oversight given to the Parliament. Former Prime Minister V P Singh is said to have tried to set up a Parliamentary Oversight Committee to monitor the functioning of the intelligence agencies. Raman writes that Singh failed mainly on account of opposition from the major political parties.
The L P Singh Committee was established after the revocation of the Emergency in 1977 to look into the affairs of the IB and the CBI (but not the RAW). It framed a legal framework and a charter of duties for the IB, which was still functioning as if nothing had changed after the departure of the British. Indira Gandhi, on returning to power in 1980, buried the recommendations of the Committee since she felt that the Committee had been set up to target her politically. The RAW as well as the IB have thus remained without a legal framework or a charter of duties. The RAW is accountable to the Cabinet Secretary and the Prime Minister.
The general rules of engagement for intelligence agencies, while not codified in Indian administration, are generally well known. The Intelligence Service Act 1994 of the UK prevents MI5, the British Secret Service, from doing anything to further the interests of any political party; says that the rule of law is paramount; provides that the methods of investigation must be proportionate to the threat; and mandates that the more intrusive the means of investigation, the higher must be the level of authorisation. MI5 also has a legal framework and a charter of duties. It produces an annual report, which is placed before Parliament. It provides details of its budget and the manner of its utilisation.
In truth, however, such provisions are no guarantee of accountable or independent conduct by agencies. British intelligence, for example managed to produce politically convenient reports for the government of the day on the issue of weapons of mass destructions in Iraq. And American agencies have routinely conducted operations beyond the knowledge of the US Congress, which occassionally are brought to light, to great public and legislative outrage. Almost certainly, in the Indian scenario, the absence of even the few legal constraints present elsewhere is only more deleterious. Raman himself admits to several complaints against RAW officers leading lavish lives in their foreign postings.
The book is replete with material that should force a re-assessment of the operations of intelligence services by our policy-makers and political leaders. Whether that will happen is difficult to tell. While many would like to see the deficiencies noted in the book disappear, still others would merely like to see them disappear from the public discourse. Raman's anguish, so evident in the book, appears partly the despair of one who holds very little hope that things will change, even while arguing that much is needed.
B. Raman, "The Kaoboys of R&AW: Down Memory Lane", Lancer Publishers, 2007, New Delhi, 293 pages, Rs. 795, ISBN: 0-9796174-3.
India Together: The scoop on external intelligence - 26 October 2007
Spooks 'n Sprouts :An ex-RAW chief lays bare the intrigue-ridden Indira years
Saikat Datta
K.S. Nair, a founder-member of RAW, saw it all:
The Nepal king offered asylum to Rajiv Gandhi and his family after Indira lost the elections
$6 million paid into a Swiss account to bribe Sanjay's Iranian friend. Op codenamed 'Casino'.
Mrs Gandhi used the services of an ex-IB chief to bring down Janata government
RAW created by Indira to undermine IB, cut then home minister Y.B. Chavan to size
***
In this season of former spies publishing 'tell-all' books comes what looks like yet another trendsetter. For the first time, a former RAW chief has penned his memoirs. It's billed to create a few ripples in political circles and perhaps some embarrassment and heartburn for the ruling Congress party. Kinattinkara Sankaran Nair's book, out in the market in the next fortnight, is simply titled Inside IB and RAW with a slightly eccentric sub-head: The Rolling Stone That Gathered Moss.
Nair can claim to have enjoyed the fruits of some crucial postings, and is eminently qualified to become a unique moss-gatherer. He was one of the earliest recruits into the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and then joined R.N. Kao to set up the fledgling Research and Analysis Wing. Considered close to Kao, and therefore the Congress government of the day, Nair took over as RAW chief when the Janata Party government led by Prime Minister Morarji Desai came to power in 1977. He spent a few eventful months heading the organisation before taking premature retirement in protest against the government's efforts to downgrade him.
But, as the second-in-command from 1968-77, Nair was witness to much political intrigue before and during the dreaded years of the Emergency. The ex-RAW chief has very few kind words for Sanjay Gandhi, describes Indira Gandhi as a "better manipulator" than her political rivals and labels Morarji Desai a "heartless man". Here are some of Nair's revelations:
***
Asylum for Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi
After Indira was routed in the 1977 general elections, she was worried the new Janata-led government would hound her family. This was when she received a missive from the king of Nepal offering her family political asylum. Mrs G almost accepted it. To quote Nair's book: "Mrs Gandhi was on the point of sending her son Rajiv and his family to Kathmandu, in response to the offer of the king of Nepal to give them asylum. Ramji Kao, who was consulted by Mrs Gandhi, advised against fleeing from the country. He also opined that Morarji Desai, whatever his bitterness, would give full physical protection to the family. The advice was accepted and no physical danger ensued for the family." Had Rajiv and Sonia fled India, they perhaps would never have entered politics.
***
Operation Casino: the $6 million kickback
Cronies of Sanjay GandhiIndian businessmen and international "wheeler-dealers"had helped India secure a $250 million soft loan from Iran for the Kudremukh iron ore project in Karnataka. An Iranian, identified as Rashidyan was paid a "kickback of six million dollars". Codenamed 'Operation Casino', the ex-RAW chief was directed to carry the money in 100 dollar bills but he pointed out he would have to carry several large Samsonite suitcases to Switzerland for the purpose. Finally, the finance secretary authorised the Indian embassy there to issue a cheque that he would collect and then deposit in an account specified by the government.
Nair writes: "The case was closed without further inquiries being made into the matter." When the issue was debated in Parliament and Nair was sounded out on deposing before a joint parliamentary committee, he agreed saying he'd "be delighted to strip the dhoti of Morarji Desai" instead. Nair's logic is that far from nailing Sanjay, the exercise would have ended up embarassing the Janata regime since the loan had come through.
***
A Shrewd Mrs G and the ex-IB man
Nair observes that even in defeat, Mrs Gandhi continued to display "enormous courage and fortitude". The book also gives insights into the late prime minister's political machinations to bring down the Janata party government. Besides private secretary R.K. Dhawan, Indira used the services of a former IB chief. Notes Nair: "With the help of loyal aides likes her private secretary Dhawan and ex-dib Rajeshwar, she manipulated to accentuate the differences between the PM Morarji Desai and his No. 2 Charan Singh, till the former was displaced by the latter." Nair says that this move helped the Congress to capitalise on the disarray within the Janata Party and helped the "Iron lady" come back to power.
***
Sanjay Gandhi: The power behind the sari:
The role played by Sanjay during the Emergency is wellknown and Nair here adds his bit on the scion's "dictatorial" ways, calling him the "virtual ruler, who operated from behind the PM's sari". Nair has a personal grouse against Sanjay and blames him for scotching his appointment as IB director. Having been informed by the prime minister of his new assignment, Nair was summoned to her residence to meet Sanjay. "As was the current practice then, Dhawan, sitting in the PM's residence, showed the file to Sanjay, who wanted to know if the DIB-designate would be loyal and carry out all instructions implicitly and unquestioningly. Late in the evening, I was summoned to the PM's residence (by Sanjay). I refused to go," writes Nair, adding "Sanjay was extremely annoyed at my refusal to turn up". Later, Shiv Mathur, IG of Police from Punjab, was "interviewed, assessed and immediately appointed DIB".
***
The creation of RAW: the real story
While those tracking the history of RAW will be quick to point out that the IB's failure to predict the Chinese invasion of 1962 led to the creation of a new agency to handle external intelligence, Nair has a different take. According to him, RAW was established in 1968 more out of reasons political than professional. "Indira Gandhi strongly suspected him (then Union home minister Y.B. Chavan) of conspiring against her," writes Nair. She quickly removed the department of personnel and training that controls the IAS, IPS and other cadres from the home ministry to the prime minister and then decided to "weaken the Intelligence Bureau".
A defence ministry paper in 1965 had suggested the creation of a separate foreign intelligence agency and this was "effectively used to strip the IB of this duty". According to Nair, this "separation of foreign intelligence was meant to impair the efficiency of the IB and, therefore, its utility to Chavan as home minister".
***
The original Mr Moneybags
Lalit Narayan Mishra, a cabinet minister in Indira Gandhi's government, has been described by Nair as the man who made money for the Congress party through kickbacks in international deals.
The book says he was the "genius who advocated the collection of money for the Congress party through under- or over- invoicing tricks, in the voluminous sale or purchase transactions abroad by large public sector institutions like the State Trading Corporation". The money thus made, says Nair, "could be quietly stashed abroad and brought in surreptitiously when required by the party" for elections or other expenditures. "Mishra's own funds were also reported to have been kept in Switzerland, with the help of one of his aides who was given a power of attorney. The aide is supposed to have cleaned out the account, shortly after Mishra's assassination (in 1975)."
***
Recycled? Morarji Desai (2nd from right) with Chandra Shekhar, Jagjivan Ram during the Janata's party
The "unpleasant" Morarjibhai
Having served briefly under Morarji Desai as RAW chief, Nair has bitter memories of the former PM. In the US, says Nair, Desai was known as the "recycling agent" for his urine therapy. He describes him an "unkind" and "heartless to others". Nair recalls that as chief minister of Bombay, Morarji was dismissive when informed about his daughter-in-law's suicide. "He is reported to have said 'silly girl' and carried on with the files on his table," writes Nair. However, he does acknowledge Desai as a man of personal courage with incredible physical fitness even in his old age.
***
Intel failures and success stories
While Nair's book has some revealing vignettes of politicians, the bits he has penned on intelligence are worrying. Not only does Nair recount the endemic turf wars between the intelligence agencies, but also the major intelligence failures that have escaped public scrutiny. The failure of the Indian army to gauge the Pakistani military's strengths during the 1965 war is cited as one example. However, he also cites some success stories: Indian intelligence succeeded in breaking the stranglehold of the powerful Rana clan over the king of Nepal. It extended help to Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Wali Khan to raise the issue of Pakhtun independence in Pakistan.
Now in his late seventies, Nair's reminiscences also has a few light touches like the recall of his run-in with Indira Gandhi early in his career when he was with the IB. It happened in Amritsar. Nair was looking after the security of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and daughter Indira who were visiting the holy city. After one rally, Indira lost her chappals and Congress workers asked Nair to search for the missing footwear. Nair refused. "The next morning at breakfast she was very icy when I visited her," reports Nair.
So why has Nair decided to publish his memoirs almost three decades after his retirement? To put it in his own words: "I came under tremendous mental pressure due to some personal circumstances. To avoid cracking up, I found an escape valve by sitting for hours and typing out my story. The memories were not intended for publication. At worst, I wished to circulate my story among friends for a laugh...."
Spooks 'n Sprouts : outlookindia.com
Saikat Datta
K.S. Nair, a founder-member of RAW, saw it all:
The Nepal king offered asylum to Rajiv Gandhi and his family after Indira lost the elections
$6 million paid into a Swiss account to bribe Sanjay's Iranian friend. Op codenamed 'Casino'.
Mrs Gandhi used the services of an ex-IB chief to bring down Janata government
RAW created by Indira to undermine IB, cut then home minister Y.B. Chavan to size
***
In this season of former spies publishing 'tell-all' books comes what looks like yet another trendsetter. For the first time, a former RAW chief has penned his memoirs. It's billed to create a few ripples in political circles and perhaps some embarrassment and heartburn for the ruling Congress party. Kinattinkara Sankaran Nair's book, out in the market in the next fortnight, is simply titled Inside IB and RAW with a slightly eccentric sub-head: The Rolling Stone That Gathered Moss.
Nair can claim to have enjoyed the fruits of some crucial postings, and is eminently qualified to become a unique moss-gatherer. He was one of the earliest recruits into the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and then joined R.N. Kao to set up the fledgling Research and Analysis Wing. Considered close to Kao, and therefore the Congress government of the day, Nair took over as RAW chief when the Janata Party government led by Prime Minister Morarji Desai came to power in 1977. He spent a few eventful months heading the organisation before taking premature retirement in protest against the government's efforts to downgrade him.
But, as the second-in-command from 1968-77, Nair was witness to much political intrigue before and during the dreaded years of the Emergency. The ex-RAW chief has very few kind words for Sanjay Gandhi, describes Indira Gandhi as a "better manipulator" than her political rivals and labels Morarji Desai a "heartless man". Here are some of Nair's revelations:
***
Asylum for Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi
After Indira was routed in the 1977 general elections, she was worried the new Janata-led government would hound her family. This was when she received a missive from the king of Nepal offering her family political asylum. Mrs G almost accepted it. To quote Nair's book: "Mrs Gandhi was on the point of sending her son Rajiv and his family to Kathmandu, in response to the offer of the king of Nepal to give them asylum. Ramji Kao, who was consulted by Mrs Gandhi, advised against fleeing from the country. He also opined that Morarji Desai, whatever his bitterness, would give full physical protection to the family. The advice was accepted and no physical danger ensued for the family." Had Rajiv and Sonia fled India, they perhaps would never have entered politics.
***
Operation Casino: the $6 million kickback
Cronies of Sanjay GandhiIndian businessmen and international "wheeler-dealers"had helped India secure a $250 million soft loan from Iran for the Kudremukh iron ore project in Karnataka. An Iranian, identified as Rashidyan was paid a "kickback of six million dollars". Codenamed 'Operation Casino', the ex-RAW chief was directed to carry the money in 100 dollar bills but he pointed out he would have to carry several large Samsonite suitcases to Switzerland for the purpose. Finally, the finance secretary authorised the Indian embassy there to issue a cheque that he would collect and then deposit in an account specified by the government.
Nair writes: "The case was closed without further inquiries being made into the matter." When the issue was debated in Parliament and Nair was sounded out on deposing before a joint parliamentary committee, he agreed saying he'd "be delighted to strip the dhoti of Morarji Desai" instead. Nair's logic is that far from nailing Sanjay, the exercise would have ended up embarassing the Janata regime since the loan had come through.
***
A Shrewd Mrs G and the ex-IB man
Nair observes that even in defeat, Mrs Gandhi continued to display "enormous courage and fortitude". The book also gives insights into the late prime minister's political machinations to bring down the Janata party government. Besides private secretary R.K. Dhawan, Indira used the services of a former IB chief. Notes Nair: "With the help of loyal aides likes her private secretary Dhawan and ex-dib Rajeshwar, she manipulated to accentuate the differences between the PM Morarji Desai and his No. 2 Charan Singh, till the former was displaced by the latter." Nair says that this move helped the Congress to capitalise on the disarray within the Janata Party and helped the "Iron lady" come back to power.
***
Sanjay Gandhi: The power behind the sari:
The role played by Sanjay during the Emergency is wellknown and Nair here adds his bit on the scion's "dictatorial" ways, calling him the "virtual ruler, who operated from behind the PM's sari". Nair has a personal grouse against Sanjay and blames him for scotching his appointment as IB director. Having been informed by the prime minister of his new assignment, Nair was summoned to her residence to meet Sanjay. "As was the current practice then, Dhawan, sitting in the PM's residence, showed the file to Sanjay, who wanted to know if the DIB-designate would be loyal and carry out all instructions implicitly and unquestioningly. Late in the evening, I was summoned to the PM's residence (by Sanjay). I refused to go," writes Nair, adding "Sanjay was extremely annoyed at my refusal to turn up". Later, Shiv Mathur, IG of Police from Punjab, was "interviewed, assessed and immediately appointed DIB".
***
The creation of RAW: the real story
While those tracking the history of RAW will be quick to point out that the IB's failure to predict the Chinese invasion of 1962 led to the creation of a new agency to handle external intelligence, Nair has a different take. According to him, RAW was established in 1968 more out of reasons political than professional. "Indira Gandhi strongly suspected him (then Union home minister Y.B. Chavan) of conspiring against her," writes Nair. She quickly removed the department of personnel and training that controls the IAS, IPS and other cadres from the home ministry to the prime minister and then decided to "weaken the Intelligence Bureau".
A defence ministry paper in 1965 had suggested the creation of a separate foreign intelligence agency and this was "effectively used to strip the IB of this duty". According to Nair, this "separation of foreign intelligence was meant to impair the efficiency of the IB and, therefore, its utility to Chavan as home minister".
***
The original Mr Moneybags
Lalit Narayan Mishra, a cabinet minister in Indira Gandhi's government, has been described by Nair as the man who made money for the Congress party through kickbacks in international deals.
The book says he was the "genius who advocated the collection of money for the Congress party through under- or over- invoicing tricks, in the voluminous sale or purchase transactions abroad by large public sector institutions like the State Trading Corporation". The money thus made, says Nair, "could be quietly stashed abroad and brought in surreptitiously when required by the party" for elections or other expenditures. "Mishra's own funds were also reported to have been kept in Switzerland, with the help of one of his aides who was given a power of attorney. The aide is supposed to have cleaned out the account, shortly after Mishra's assassination (in 1975)."
***
Recycled? Morarji Desai (2nd from right) with Chandra Shekhar, Jagjivan Ram during the Janata's party
The "unpleasant" Morarjibhai
Having served briefly under Morarji Desai as RAW chief, Nair has bitter memories of the former PM. In the US, says Nair, Desai was known as the "recycling agent" for his urine therapy. He describes him an "unkind" and "heartless to others". Nair recalls that as chief minister of Bombay, Morarji was dismissive when informed about his daughter-in-law's suicide. "He is reported to have said 'silly girl' and carried on with the files on his table," writes Nair. However, he does acknowledge Desai as a man of personal courage with incredible physical fitness even in his old age.
***
Intel failures and success stories
While Nair's book has some revealing vignettes of politicians, the bits he has penned on intelligence are worrying. Not only does Nair recount the endemic turf wars between the intelligence agencies, but also the major intelligence failures that have escaped public scrutiny. The failure of the Indian army to gauge the Pakistani military's strengths during the 1965 war is cited as one example. However, he also cites some success stories: Indian intelligence succeeded in breaking the stranglehold of the powerful Rana clan over the king of Nepal. It extended help to Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and his son Wali Khan to raise the issue of Pakhtun independence in Pakistan.
Now in his late seventies, Nair's reminiscences also has a few light touches like the recall of his run-in with Indira Gandhi early in his career when he was with the IB. It happened in Amritsar. Nair was looking after the security of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and daughter Indira who were visiting the holy city. After one rally, Indira lost her chappals and Congress workers asked Nair to search for the missing footwear. Nair refused. "The next morning at breakfast she was very icy when I visited her," reports Nair.
So why has Nair decided to publish his memoirs almost three decades after his retirement? To put it in his own words: "I came under tremendous mental pressure due to some personal circumstances. To avoid cracking up, I found an escape valve by sitting for hours and typing out my story. The memories were not intended for publication. At worst, I wished to circulate my story among friends for a laugh...."
Spooks 'n Sprouts : outlookindia.com
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