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Pakistan through history.

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Gathering of famous Muslim leaders, scholars and intellectuals in 1904. Please follow the numbers on the photograph to recognise the famous personalities. They played a significant role in defining history of the Subcontinent.

1. Sir Abdul Qadir
2. Sir Akbar Hydari
3. Nawab Waqar-Ul-Mulk
4. Hakim Ajmal Khan
5. Maulana Altaf Hussain Hali
6. Munshi Mahboob Alam
7. Nawab Mohsin-Ul-Mulk
8. Maulana Shibli Naumani
9. Professor Arnold
10. Maulvi (Deputy) Nazir Ahmad
11. Maulana Zafar Ali Khan
12. Shaikh (Sir) Mohammad Iqbal.
If someone can recognise anyone else, please write
 
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A rare 1942 photo of Karachi Air Station Malir .(now Karachi Airport) showing American Chinese flags .


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During the 2nd world war .Britain America and Nationalist China were Allies against Hitler and established a training air base in Karachi Malir ...
 
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A paper with letterhead written and signed by HAFEEZ JALANDHARI the writer of
QAUMI TARANA OF PAKISTAN ...

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November 9th!
🇵🇰
A day to honor the great philosopher-poet Allama Iqbal, whose words continue to inspire generations.

Let's remember his vision for a brighter future and strive for a better world.

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Pakistan marks 146th birth anniversary of Allama Iqbal​

Prominent figure of 20th-century Pakistan Movement, Iqbal's legacy remains an inspiration for many generations

News Desk
November 09, 2023

it goes to the credit of allama iqbal and syed wazir hasan who convinced jinnah to preside over an annual session in lucknow in december 1916

It goes to the credit of Allama Iqbal and Syed Wazir Hasan who convinced Jinnah to preside over an Annual Session in Lucknow in December 1916.

LAHORE:
Pakistan marked on Thursday the 146th birth anniversary of the celebrated poet, philosopher, and thinker – Allama Muhammad Iqbal. The country announced a public holiday, and held various events to commemorate Iqbal’s achievements.

Allama Iqbal, a prominent figure of the 20th-century Pakistan Movement, as well as in fields of poetry, philosophy, law and politics is remembered for his influential poetry that continues to resonate with many till today.

Born in Sialkot on November 9, 1877, Allama Iqbal received his early education in his hometown and Lahore. After obtaining a law degree from Britain in 1905, he pursued a PhD in philosophy from Germany.

Following his return in 1910, Iqbal used poetry in a decisive way to awaken the Muslim community intellectually and politically, laying the foundation for the ideology of Pakistan.

He played a key role as a philosopher and politician, advocating for Muslims in India and for the creation of an independent Muslim state which ultimately became Pakistan.

Iqbal's poetry breathed new life and hopes into the young Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, often addressing them as falcons (shaheen).

Regarded as a modern-day Sufi, his philosophical contributions are globally recognized. His notable works include Bang-e-Dra, Zaboor-e-Ajam, Bal-e-Jibreel, Zarb-e-Kaleem, Javid Nama, and Payam-e-Mashriq.

Allama Iqbal passed away on April 21, 1938, in Lahore; he is buried at Badshahi Mosque, Lahore. His legacy will remain an inspiration for many lives and generations.
 
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Chaudhry Rahmat Ali, the visionary founder of the Pakistan National Movement, was born on 16th November 1897.

His remarkable journey, from early education in Lahore to obtaining MA and LLB with honors from Cambridge and Dublin, defined his commitment to the cause. Chaudhry Rahmat Ali’s influential pamphlet “Now or Never” in 1933 marked the birth of the term ‘Pakistan’.

Despite living most of his adult life in England, Rahmat Ali’s dedication to the idea of Pakistan persisted post-independence. The name ‘Pakistan’ itself, derived from the regions Punjab, Afghanistan, Kashmir, Sindh, and Balochistan, symbolized the “Land of the Pure.”Chaudhry Rahmat Ali’s foresight, ahead of leaders like Jinnah and Iqbal, played a vital role in the creation of Pakistan.

His role as the pioneer, envisioning the challenges Muslims would face in a united subcontinent, remains a testament to his significance. Chaudhry Rahmat Ali’s advocacy extended to the United Nations, where he championed the cause of Kashmir.
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The Mazar-e-Quaid, also known as Jinnah Mausoleum, and the National Mausoleum, serves as the final resting place for the Founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Following his demise in 1948, the Quaid-e-Azam Memorial Fund (QMF) was established a year later to create a memorial in his honor. In 1952, the government announced plans to construct four monuments, including a mausoleum, mosque, Islamic center, and university.

In 1957, an international competition was organized by the Pakistani Government to design a memorial for Jinnah. William Whitfield of Raglan Squire and Partners emerged as the winner with a design reflecting avant-garde neo-futurism within a traditional Mughal garden.

However, Fatima Jinnah opposed this design, expressing concerns about the English architect, the international jury, and the western style.

Subsequently, Ms. Jinnah commissioned Yahya Merchant, a Bombay-based architect and a close friend of the Quaid, to design the mausoleum. Merchant's vision featured a towering white marble cuboid structure with a dome, situated on an elevated platform within a 61-acre landscaped hill overlooking the city.The foundation stone for the mausoleum was laid by Ayub Khan on July 31, 1960, and a decade later, on January 18, 1971, General Yahya Khan inaugurated the completed structure.

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A jewish rabbi of #Karachi with his son in the 1954
کراچی کا ایک یہودی ربی اپنے بیٹے کے ہمراہ پچاس کی دہائی میں

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A new vision of nationhood

Dr Noman Ahmed

A group photograph of important Muslim leaders who had gathered in Delhi in 1904 to discuss various social and political affairs concerning the Muslims of India.


A group photograph of important Muslim leaders who had gathered in Delhi in 1904 to discuss various social and political affairs concerning the Muslims of India.


The question of when Pakistan emerged as a distinct nation has elicited diverse opinions. Those aligned with the official narrative argue that Pakistan’s origins trace back to when Muhammad bin Qasim set foot in Sindh, overthrowing a tyrant who oppressed Muslims in the region. Others claim that the foundation of Pakistan was laid during the reign of the great Muslim emperors of Hindustan.

Some highlight the contributions of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and his contemporaries, who spearheaded intellectual and social reforms, paving the way for a separate homeland for Indian Muslims. More serious scholars, however, contend that Pakistan evolved as a political response to the complex challenges faced by Muslims under British rule and during the Indian National Congress’s tenure (1937–39).

The emergence of political parties in the subcontinent was a result of the granting of limited political space by the British rulers. Within this landscape, parties presented competing manifestos, and among them, the demand for Pakistan resonated most strongly with Muslims. The movement gained unprecedented momentum when the All-India Muslim League formally articulated its vision through the Lahore Resolution on March 23, 1940.

Politics is often described as the art of the possible. Astute politicians assess situations to explore available options, political space, and strategies to achieve their objectives.

Pakistan cannot survive on outdated rhetoric; it needs a redefined vision of nationhood that is well-grounded in contemporary realities.
For Pakistan’s founding leaders, it became evident nearly a century ago that autonomy for Muslim-majority regions was the answer to the political and social challenges of the subcontinent. This marked a fundamental shift, driven by evolving strategic, political, and communal dynamics.

Factors such as Viceroy Lord Linlithgow’s decision to involve India in the Second World War, escalating Hindu-Muslim tensions, the Indian National Congress’s attempts at political dominance in the mid-1930s, and the diminishing prospects of Muslim political survival in a nationalist India all contributed to the demand for a separate homeland. These concerns formed the foundation of the Muslim League’s political manifesto, guiding the struggle for Pakistan.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his colleagues recognised that the Muslim community required constitutional safeguards. Jinnah candidly presented this reality to Muslims, incorporating it into an electoral manifesto. A key lesson from this history is that shifting political circumstances often necessitate the redefinition of legal and constitutional frameworks.

When political institutions are prevented from functioning within constitutional norms, chaos ensues, with political parties and their followers falling into disarray. Open political discourse is replaced by clandestine manoeuvrings that harm the state. Unfortunately, this pattern has repeated itself throughout Pakistan’s history, especially during periods of military rule. State institutions are strengthened only when all political voices are heard without restriction.

A nation in search of unity

Pakistan today grapples with a disoriented citizenry caught between economic survival, consumerism, and competing religious narratives. The sense of nationhood is weak at best. While moments of crisis temporarily unite people, as seen during the 2022 floods, lasting national cohesion remains elusive. The ongoing security operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and Balochistan have received some political and public backing, but the lack of a unanimous national consensus is concerning. Beyond such instances, society remains deeply divided along lines of resource allocation, provincialism, and religious sectarianism.

The Pakistan Movement was characterised by a pragmatic approach to difficult political realities. Jinnah, despite the League’s vulnerabilities, never shied away from addressing challenges directly. In a statement on March 31, 1944, regarding the League’s stance against the Unionist Party, he asserted that one could not owe allegiance to two parties simultaneously. The vulnerable position of the League did not prevent him from boldly speaking the truth. Such clarity and resolve are lacking today. Unless a similar spirit is revived — where national issues are tackled with fairness and objectivity — meaningful social cohesion will remain a distant dream.

The role of Islam

The role of Islam in governance remains a contentious issue. No constitutional framework can be effectively implemented until the existing ambiguities in this regard are addressed with precision and honesty. These contradictions are evident in all spheres — from the declaration of Islam as the state religion to the attempt to align constitutional laws with Quranic and Sunnah principles. Even in sectors like banking and finance, such inconsistencies create persistent legal and ideological challenges.

The state’s failure to present a cohesive Islamic governance model has allowed sectarianism and religious orthodoxy to hold the population hostage. Society is fragmented between militant, pseudo-puritanical, festive, and mystic interpretations of Islam. Consequently, self-styled zealots periodically emerge, mobilising street power and disrupting public life with little resistance from the government.

This lack of control has led to deadly consequences, such as the ongoing unrest in Kurram and the tragic assassination of Maulana Hamidul Haq Haqqani. It has been observed that religious scholars who support rationality, progressive views on life and the virtues of scientific learning are the most unsafe. Unless these religious fault lines are addressed, Pakistan will remain vulnerable to further instability.

The crisis of federation

Pakistan’s federation is marked by stark inequalities. The relationship between Punjab and the smaller provinces is a central issue in governance. No federation can thrive when physical and social disparities fuel centrifugal forces. The path of least resistance lies in renegotiating resource allocation formulas within the existing provincial framework. For instance, the distribution of the Indus waters should be based on scientific data and consensus agreements, ensuring that one province’s gain is not another’s loss.

The 18th Amendment has granted provinces greater autonomy, but unresolved disputes — such as over National Finance Commission (NFC) awards, mineral royalties, and energy revenues — demand urgent resolution. The controversy surrounding the six canals diverting water from the Sutlej to irrigate Punjab’s deserts has recently sparked significant resentment in Sindh. Farmers fear that water will ultimately be drawn from the Indus via link canals, jeopardising their livelihoods. The federal government and Punjab have made little effort to engage Sindh in meaningful dialogue, further deepening interprovincial mistrust.

A nation of lost potential

Pakistan’s founding fathers envisioned a country of opportunity and progress. Jinnah and his comrades spoke of a state where equal growth opportunities would be available to all. However, this vision was soon eclipsed by harsh realities. Millions of talented Pakistanis have migrated abroad in search of better prospects, as domestic opportunities remain scarce.

Economic development cannot be achieved without enabling personal progress on a large scale. Pakistan’s youth — the future custodians of the state — have a pragmatic outlook on life. They seek tangible incentives to stay and contribute.

If Pakistan is to retain its best minds, it must offer them not just economic stability but also social, cultural, and emotional fulfilment. Hollow nationalist rhetoric will not suffice; the youth demand a clear and actionable vision for the nation’s future.

A disturbing trend is the government’s withdrawal of funding for higher education. The federal government has shifted this burden onto the provinces, and barring Sindh, public investment in universities has dwindled across the country.

If Pakistan is serious about combatting extremism and fostering progress, sustained investment in education is the only viable path. Lessons can be drawn from India and China, both of which prioritised human resource development and are now reaping the benefits of their educational investments.

A state in disarray

One of the primary duties of a state, as Jinnah asserted, is to protect the life and liberty of its citizens. Pakistan has failed on this front. The country is engulfed in social unrest, with rising terror attacks, protests, and agitation across Balochistan, Punjab, KPK, and Sindh. Weak governance has exacerbated the crisis, forcing citizens to take to the streets for even the most basic services, such as registering an FIR or securing access to municipal utilities. The lack of functional local governments has made street protests the only means of gaining administrative attention.

Repeated calls for reform have gone unanswered. It is time for Pakistan’s intellectuals to push for a redefined vision of nationhood — one rooted in present realities, not outdated slogans. A nation cannot survive on pretence and the political machinations of vested interests. It needs a core group of enlightened individuals with a well-articulated agenda for national renewal.

The writer is an academic and researcher based in Karachi.
 

Countdown to freedom

Pakistan Day is a moment to reflect on the numerous sacrifices made by our founding fathers and look back on generations after generations who were lost in the hope of a better future.

Faizan Usmani
March 23, 2025

Days come and pass by — a phenomenon that does not merit any mention or elaboration. However, a nation-state hardly ever experiences a moment when a particular day becomes a point of reference to help it reflect on its standing in the present, know its brittle status in the past, and recalibrate the course of its destiny in the future.

When seen through the chronology of the solar calendar, the Saturday of March 23, 1940, was the beginning of yet another balmy weekend. However, what transpired after March 23 was, per se, a phenomenal occurrence: an abrupt transition of a decades-long political journey from a slow-paced rights movement to a fast-moving liberation drive zeroed in on nothing less than full freedom.

A day that represents an era

Freedom cannot be won in a day or two, but some days attain historical significance because they symbolise the protracted, blood-ridden struggle for freedom spanning generations and serve as a yearly, yet necessary reminder that no sovereign nation can lay claim to glory without revisiting its tragic past, time and again.

Though a lot has been written about the creation of Pakistan as an independent state, scant attention has been paid to the decisive moments when the far-fetched idea of a separate homeland for the Muslims of British India culminated in a near-term goal all of a sudden, and those who had once categorically dismissed any likelihood of an independent Muslim state to be carved out of British India were able to see it coming as an inevitable reality with their eyes wide open.

March 23, a day that represents an era, can frankly be referred to as the moment a half-baked conceptual fantasy incubated through poetic immersion turned into a full-blown reality, to be soon accomplished through blood, sweat, and tears. And the reality on the horizon was stark not only for Muslims, India’s largest minority counting in millions, but also for the country’s formidable Hindu majority, along with the seemingly civilised, ostensibly cultured, yet practically the most ruthless colonists: the British empire, on which the sun would never set.

Pakistan Day is a moment to reflect on the numerous sacrifices made by our founding fathers and look back on generations after generations who were lost in the hope of a better future.

Setting the course of Muslim political thought

Seven years later, as propagated in the enemy’s discourse, the making of Pakistan as an independent nation-state was largely attributed to the hasty retreat of the British rulers from the Indian subcontinent. However, if history is anything to go by, the making of an independent Muslim-majority state in the north-west and north-east of the defunct British-Indian Empire, that too through entirely political means, was the product of a centuries-long historical process that suddenly saw itself at the forefront of a paradigm shift in the last decade of the mid-twentieth century. At that point in time, nobody would have believed that it would take merely a period of seven years for India’s largest yet most deprived minority to finally secure themselves a country they could call home.

The dawn of March 23, 1940, heralded the imminent end of the 150-year colonial rule in the subcontinent, and, at the same time, it set the rectifying course of the Muslim political thought that was intrinsically divided into two major groups: one that perceived the making of a separate country as the ultimate division of the Muslims and Hindus of India, and the second that welcomed the idea of a separate Muslim state.

Dawn of a new era

The 27th three-day Working Committee Session of the All-India Muslim League was held at Minto Park in Lahore from March 22 to March 24, 1940. It is pertinent to note that the session was not planned earlier than expected as it was neither an emergency session nor a crisis meeting, but rather a yearly political convention attended by nearly 100,000 people other than the top Muslim League leadership. Oddly enough, the number of attendees of the annual session was considerably lower than that of those gathered every week for Friday prayers in the Badshahi Mosque of Lahore or the Jama Masjid of New Delhi. As strange as it may seem, United India had seen much more dense gatherings and powerful political shows than the one held by the Muslim League in March 1940.

Lahore Resolution or Pakistan Resolution?


 The crowd gathered at Lahore’s Minto Park for the Muslim League session in March 1940.


The crowd gathered at Lahore’s Minto Park for the Muslim League session in March 1940.

When the Muslim League passed the Lahore Resolution calling for a separate Muslim-majority homeland, the word ‘Pakistan’ was not used in the statement prepared by a subcommittee of the All-India Muslim League, which was headed by none other than Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah himself. Other members of the subcommittee included prominent figures such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Nawab Ismail Khan, Sir Abdullah Haroon, and Khan Liaquat Ali Khan.

Drafted by the then-undivided Punjab’s chief minister, Sikandar Hayat Khan, the resolution was presented by the then-prime minister of Bengal, A.K. Fazlul Haq. On this historic occasion, Amjadi Bano Begum, the wife of Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, Maulana Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana Abdul Hamid Qadri Badayuni, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, Qazi Muhammad Isa, and I.I. Chundrigar were also present.

Some scholars interpret the Lahore Resolution as mainly calling for “independent sovereign states,” as, according to them, the text reflected not more than a unified call to accommodate the political aspirations of Indian Muslims, who desired a loosely federated state structure in a United India, not a divided one.

Relatedly, a coterie of liberal and secular opinion leaders argue that the Lahore Resolution had nothing to do with Islam since the word ‘Islam’ was not used in the 343-word resolution, which featured only the words ‘Muslim’, ‘Muslims,’ and ‘Mussalmans.’ However, such interpretations go against the fact that even a layman’s analysis of the speeches delivered at the Lahore conference, along with the approved text of the Lahore Resolution, proves the contrary.

Begum Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar, for instance, used the word ‘Pakistan’ in her speech on the occasion, according to Pakistan was Inevitable by Syed Hassan Riaz. Although Choudhary Rahmat Ali coined the name ‘Pakistan’ when he published Now or Never; Are We to Live or Perish Forever? in 1933, it was not until after the Lahore Resolution that the word ‘Pakistan’ began to be used throughout the Indian subcontinent by those supporting the creation of a single and sovereign Muslim nation as well as by those opposing the idea with all might and main.

Presidential address by Quaid-i-Azam

A complete silence swept the audience when Quaid-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the President of the All-India Muslim League, emerged on the podium. Not only was his address to the Lahore conference lengthier than his previous addresses in his by-then 37-year-long political career, but his keynote speech on the occasion exuded a profound political wisdom and showed his utmost concern for the future of Indian Muslims after the exit of the British empire from India and the ensuing rise of Hindu hegemony in particular.

The Quaid’s presidential address teemed with words and phrases like ‘freedom,’ ‘Islam,’ ‘Muslim,’ ‘Mussalmans,’ ‘slavery of Mussalmans,’ ‘the value, the importance, the significance of organising ourselves,’ ‘defend yourselves,’ ‘depend upon yourselves,’ ‘We have no right to disagree,’ ‘can we trust them anymore?’ ‘our right of self-determination,’ ‘Congress regards separate electorates as an evil,’ ‘what better guarantees can the minorities have?’, ‘we must depend on our own inherent strength,’ ‘the Mussalmans of India will resist it,’ ‘Mussalmans are not a minority,’ ‘the Mussalmans are a nation by any definition,’ ‘come forward as servants of Islam,’ and many more words and phrases imbued with a desire for all-inclusive freedom.

According to Stanley Wolpert, American historian and an authority on Pakistan and India’s political history, even though Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s rise to the Indian political scene portrayed him as a steadfast proponent of Muslim-Hindu unity in the initial phase of his political career, his presidential address to the Lahore session of the All India Muslim League, as reflected in his words below, was the watershed when “Jinnah irrevocably committed to forcing the creation of an independent Pakistan.”

“If the British government are really in earnest and sincere to secure [the] peace and happiness of the people of this subcontinent, the only course open to us all is to allow the major nations separate homelands by dividing India into autonomous national states.

There is no reason why these states should be antagonistic to each other. On the other hand, the rivalry and the natural desire and efforts on the part of one to dominate the social order and establish political supremacy over the other in the government of the country will disappear. It will lead more towards natural goodwill by international pacts between them, and they can live in complete harmony with their neighbours. This will lead further to a friendly settlement all the more easily with regard to minorities, by reciprocal arrangements and adjustments between Muslim India and Hindu India, which will far more adequately and effectively safeguard the rights and interests of Muslim and various other minorities.”

The second-last paragraph of his detailed speech can be termed as a vision statement — concise to the core, yet setting the course to the ultimate objective that Muslims, being a single nation, must follow:

“Mussalmans are a nation according to any definition of a nation, and they must have their homelands, their territory, and their state. We wish to live in peace and harmony with our neighbours as a free and independent people. We wish our people to develop to the fullest our spiritual, cultural, economic, social, and political life in a way that we think best and in consonance with our own ideals and according to the genius of our people.” “……But at the same time, we cannot be moved or diverted from our purpose and objective by threats or intimidations. We must be prepared to face all difficulties and consequences, make all the sacrifices that may be required of us, to achieve the goal we have set in front of us.”

As mentioned below, the concluding part of the Quaid’s address to the Lahore conference spoke volumes of the ultimate motif, which was nothing but freedom:

“I have placed before you the task that lies ahead of us. Do you realise how big and stupendous it is? Do you realise that you cannot get freedom or independence by mere arguments? I should appeal to the intelligentsia.

The intelligentsia in all countries in the world have been the pioneers of any movements for freedom. What does the Muslim intelligentsia propose to do? I may tell you that unless you get this into your blood; unless you are prepared to take off your coats and are willing to sacrifice all that you can and work selflessly, earnestly, and sincerely for your people, you will never realise your aim.

Friends, I, therefore, want you to make up your mind definitely and then think of devices and organise your people, strengthen your organisation, and consolidate the Mussalmans all over India. I think that the masses are wide awake. They only want your guidance and your lead. Come forward as servants of Islam. Organise the people economically, socially, educationally, and politically, and I am sure that you will be a power that will be accepted by everybody.”

The die was cast

On March 25, the Hindu-dominated English press, in a sarcastic tone, rechristened the move as the ‘Pakistan Resolution’ merely to downplay the resolution as a flight of fancy, an improbable task against the prevailing ground realities that were predominantly in favour of those forces working to safeguard their political interests within the framework of a federation of India as a single entity.






But once the clock strikes, nobody can stop the making of history. What lay seven years down the line was simply more than phenomenal, as the resolution was a call to action unanimously endorsed by the representatives of the most deprived minority of India, enjoying no military support or any backing of global powers other than their self-belief and determination. The making of a country is no joke. However, the emergence of Pakistan, with its flesh-and-blood existence emerging out of non-existence against all odds — that too in the name of Islam — made it more than just another country.

Over and above a day to observe patriotic commemoration rituals, Pakistan Day is a moment to reflect on the numerous sacrifices made by our founding fathers and look back on generations after generations who were lost in the hope of a better future. Above all else, the day affords us yet another opportunity for course correction.

The writer is associated with a political journal
 
Maulana Shaukat Ali with #Palestinian leaders in AlQuds Jerusalem in 1931.

Maulana also visited his brother's grave which is located in Harm-e-Muqaddas.


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Babur's Advent into India -Historical Overview
Explore the significant historical events surrounding Babur's advent into India and its impact on the establishment of the Mughal Empire.




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