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Pakistan - National Security Policy

I mean you don't need to be a president to bring seat card version thing for education

Cut sehat card and invest in your future I say
A skilled, educated workforce will eventually pay back that investment multiple times over compared to welfare for someone with health issues

In my heart, I agree with you, but I don't think we realise how much the poor segments of society suffer when the health is effected, they find it hard to put food on the table, health is paramount.

But I think we are capable of delivery health and education/training. The argument for a trained workforce works great when we don't have to think about the food on the table or a bowl, but for most people, health and capacity to feed their families is actually more important then education.

But, I know we can do both. It is time for this government to take the next steps, as identified by you, and train our workforce.
 
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National Security Adviser (NSA) Dr Moeed Yusuf said on Thursday that Pakistan's first-ever National Security Policy (NSP) was formulated in consultation with all stakeholders.

Yusuf made the remarks while briefing the National Assembly's Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs on the internal and external security situation.

"Had a very productive discussion on the National Security Policy (NSP) and Afghanistan. I am grateful for the appreciation we received for our work from members of the committee," he said in a Twitter post.




During the briefing, Yusuf said the policy's implementation will be ensured with the collaboration of all provinces.

The NSA also said that the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) had unilaterally broken the ceasefire agreement with Pakistan.

On the security policy, Yusuf said that former adviser to the prime minister on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz, had started work on the policy in 2014.

The NSA said that it took seven years to prepare it, adding that it will not be implemented until the parliament has approved it.

“Promoting education, food security, hybrid warfare, and eradicating organised crime are part of the policy," he informed lawmakers.

"The policy has been drafted for the next five years. Some measures are long-term and some are short-term," he added.
 
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Govt open to ‘revisiting NSP’​

Parliamentary secretary says valid ideas could still be incorporated


Rizwan Shehzad
February 02, 2022

prime minister imran khan signs the public version of the national security policy photo pmo file

Prime Minister Imran Khan signs the public version of the National Security Policy...



ISLAMABAD:
A government representative hinted on Wednesday at the possibility of revisiting the National Security Policy (NSP) after opposition leaders called for a more focused policy that also addressed the underlying causes of political, economic, and social imbalance in the country.

Participating in a dialogue hosted by the Islamabad Policy Institute on the recently unveiled NSP Parliamentary Secretary for Foreign Affairs Andleeb Abbas said that the policy was a living document and the government was open to reviewing it.

“Policies are revisited and reviewed and constructive criticism will be welcomed,” Abbas told the participants, adding that the NSP had been prepared on the basis of government’s viewpoint but valid ideas could still be incorporated.

Abbas also said that it was a comprehensive document, but there was room for improvement in it. She emphasised its implementation and pointed out that some of the initiatives that the government had already taken were in line with its objectives.

The discussion was moderated by Iftikhar Shirazi. On the occasion, senior leaders of both the major opposition parties, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), criticised the policy for being “too wordy but containing little substance”.

“NSP, a hollow document that lacks legitimacy and consent from elected representatives, is devoid of a clearly defined implementation framework, and contradicts directly the conduct of foreign and security policies by the hybrid regime since 2018,” said PML-N Vice President Khurram Dastgir Khan.

In this regard, Khan noted that the NSP set out defence of the nation’s sovereignty as its principal aim, but the government compromised the country’s economic sovereignty by bulldozing the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) Bill in parliament.

He argued that if the NSP’s claim of being “citizen-centric” was to be realised, then resource allocation must be rationalised by balancing defence spending and development. “If this does not happen, the policy is mere a paper,” he maintained.

The former foreign minister felt that the Kashmir dispute was not adequately emphasised in the document and the ground situation in the occupied territory was not fully reflected. He said the document limited itself to just repeating the Foreign Office boilerplate and did not even demand a reversal of India’s actions on August 5, 2019.


PPP Secretary General Farhatullah Babar, meanwhile, said the NSP lacked input from parliament, civil society, therefore, it was neither inclusive nor participatory – a basic condition for a true national policy. “It is an expression of pious hopes, vague promises, and resting on borrowed cliches,” he added.

He regretted that much like the formulation of the NSP without taking parliament on board, the government had without any political consultations and debate drastically changed the National Action Plan (NAP) and rendered the National Counter Terrorism Authority (Nacta) dysfunctional.

The NSP, he contended, claimed “to leverage the symbiotic relationship between human security, economic security and military security,” but failed to recognise that human security also meant protecting and enhancing human freedoms that were the essence of life.
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He called for addressing the issues of institutional imbalance, inequitable resource distribution, non-state actors and deliberate undermining of the democratic institutions. He suggested that a new national policy that must make a clear admission of the failures of the past of the need to “put own house in order” and start with a Truth Commission to chalk out the future path.
 
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The Linkage Between National Security, Economic Growth, Political Standing and Ecological Footprint in Pakistan: A Policy Perspective​



The national security and economy of a country are vital consolidated components. Pakistan needs to bring forth policies that strengthen it on the national security and economic front – an essential aspect for thriving globally and regionally.



National security is related to the protection of a nation’s population from all external and internal threats and violence. It is a Western concept that became famous after World War II. Over the last few decades, the interconnection between economy and national security, globally, has translated into economic integration. It depends on countries as to what they prefer – national security or economy? It depends on which one of the above is their priority. There are too many countries which recognized themselves as an atomic power, however, they do not have good economic indicators.

On the other hand, there are countries which are quite developed but don’t have atomic power. There was an era of socialism where security dominated economic development. However, in the capitalist era, economic development dominated security. Although, the countries that focused on their economic situation automatically led them to having a good position security wise. Now these countries dictate the world as superpowers. So, it is not about achieving deterrence, rather it is what you achieve in terms of your economy and consequently the security of a country.





For an economy like Pakistan, this propinquity demonstrates itself into two perspectives, both as possible threats and as opportunities for the national security. The two concepts of ‘economy’ and ‘national security’ are comprehensive concepts that have been subject to a lot of discussion across various academic disciplines and in society, policy, and culture.

However, we have barely seen Pakistan’s economy being given that much significance or importance whilst devising our foreign and defense policies. In contrast, Pakistani economists have unusually discussed the economic cost and benefits of Pakistan’s foreign and strategic policies in their debates.

For economies like Pakistan, the aspect of an unprecedented budget deficit, unsustainable debt burden, huge imbalances in trade account and current account and high inflation have found economics come more into play instead of just mere contemplation (consideration) in respect of national security.

The issue is that the economy of Pakistan is projecting poor economic indicators. Simultaneously, we have been facing security threats from Afghanistan and India. Instability in Afghanistan has had an adverse impact on Pakistan’s security situation. With all these security threats, it seems like we have a low defense expenditure, however, our national security will not improve until and unless we move towards a sturdy growth path.


The table given below illustrates the indices as to how much the security situation has improved in the last six years.

On the other hand, few emerging Asian economies like China are being noticeably seen advancing their national security on the back of their economic progress and building commercial links with the western countries helping in strategic development and foreign policy. Nowadays, economic ties between two countries define the overall direction of their alliance rather than things such as religion, race, or ideology. In the modern world, power is said to be based on indicators such as economic competitiveness and political resilience of a country that ultimately boosts their military capability as well. In that context, Pakistan first needs to sustain an equitable growth by ensuring robust economic growth and generating fair income revenue. Equitable growth can arise in the form of better and affordable health cover, affordable housing, and rail and air transport.

Moreover, equitable growth will lead to the enhancement of internal security, boost external security, and assure political stability. To accomplish this feat, the economy of Pakistan must become more efficient in terms of its competitiveness and has to be more engaging on a global platform.


Nowadays, economic ties between two countries define the overall direction of their alliance rather than things such as religion, race, or ideology. In the modern world, power is said to be based on indicators such as economic competitiveness and political resilience of a country that ultimately boosts their military capability as well.




Undeniably, without assuring the economic well-being of the Pakistani people and without improving the financial health of the government, Pakistan cannot emerge as a secure state. Sadly, Pakistan has now become more dependent on the globalized world, in terms of trade of goods and services, and being indebted to Multilateral Lending Agencies.

The interrelationship between economic growth and military expenses has been a controversial subject in Pakistan, with arguments to the contrary being given. For a nation’s sovereignty, military institution(s) have a critical role.

According to the classical school of thought, military expenses impede the growth of an economy as high military or government expenses may crowd out private investment by jacking up the interest rate. On the contrary, the Keynesian school of thought states that high military expenses may lead to a rise in the aggregate demand which then leads to improved infrastructure, increased economic activity, and helps in reducing unemployment within the economy.

The table infra shows the per capita military expenses for the past decade – a regional comparison.



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Historically speaking, a robust growth of the economy was interestingly observed in other regimes as compared to the democratic regimes. At that time, a huge growth in the economy was witnessed, particularly in the large-scale manufacturing sector.


The table (1) is showing the archive of Pakistan’s economic history in which we can see four different regimes that were economically outstanding; (a) Ayub Khan’s era; (b) The regime of General Zia; (c) Musharraf’s era; and (d) The third regime of PML-N. During these tenures, the economy of Pakistan achieved high growth rates. From these regimes, two were purely non democratic regimes, one was a hybrid regime, and the fourth was a democratic regime, respectively.

In the 1960s, after a worldwide slump, Pakistan’s economy was rapidly revitalized and it turned out to be a decade of supreme economic performance and we witnessed a strong build up in the growth rates. It was only after an unstable economic situation in the last decade of the 20th Century that the growth rates in industries, capital investment and the economy started to pick up under the aforestated hybrid regime (during Fiscal Years 1999-08).

However, the missing part at that time was a proper strategic policy which would have guided Pakistan’s economy towards prosperity. Likewise, the last phase was also good when it came to the performance of Pakistan’s economy. After all these decades, one must wonder as to what went wrong. One unwonted answer is that a blind eye has been turned towards the structural reforms of Pakistan’s economy.

Undoubtedly, national security is guaranteed when a country has sufficient economic muscle. Strategically, security can be achieved not only by the military but by the whole progression of the economy. As stated earlier, booming economic relations act as an enabler of national security, whereas an economy being in a poor state eventually serves as a barrier to national security.

Therefore, the need of the hour is to strengthen the economic situation because the consolidated economic performance of a country has been observed to have strategic consequences thereby helping an economy, either developing or developed, to attract the world better in terms of economic engagement with it, improving global and regional peace. Moreover, the strengthening of the economic situation will also reduce the economic and social tension on the national front which will lead the government to find resources to invest in physical infrastructure, reducing income disparities and promoting efficient growth.


Economic growth and national security are inextricably linked, hence, Pakistan needs to pursue both. The economy of Pakistan is the foundation behind its military power and inclusive growth which helps in relieving the pressure on foreign affairs.



I conclude by stating that, economic growth and national security are inextricably linked, hence, Pakistan needs to pursue both. The economy of Pakistan is the foundation behind its military power and inclusive growth which helps in relieving the pressure on foreign affairs. Additionally, Pakistan will have to go back to the drawing board and map out a long term foreign policy and structural reform plan to integrate with global and regional economies to meet the needs of the Twenty-First Century.


ASHFAQ TOLA
The writer is a Fellow Chartered Accountant and a senior tax consultant. He has previously written several articles about the economy and tax system of Pakistan.
 
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China is the fulcrum of Pakistan's National Security Policy​

 
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Rethinking Pakistan's National Security Policy?​

Ft. Dr. Moeed Yusuf​



 
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Pakistan's new National Security Policy: Test lies in implementation​


Experts see it as paradigm shift in country's 75-year checkered political history


Anadolu Agency
February 28, 2022

speaker national assembly asad qaiser presiding over the meeting of parliamentary committee on national security at parliament house in islamabad photo pid

Speaker National Assembly Asad Qaiser presiding over the meeting of Parliamentary Committee on National Security at Parliament House in Islamabad. PHOTO: PID


KARACHI/SANGHAR:
Pakistan's recently announced national security policy is undoubtedly a "paradigm shift" from the country's traditional military-dominated strategy to economic security, nonetheless, experts say the real challenge will be in putting the ambitious plan into action.

Islamabad announced its first-ever national security policy in January, prioritizing economic security over military security, though the South Asian nuclear state will stick to its traditional military security strategy in the face of rising tensions with longtime rival India.

Said Nazir, a retired officer and Islamabad-based security analyst, told Anadolu Agency that Islamabad, for the first time, is looking for "economic allies" in comparison to its decades-long policy of having military alliances, amid a string of economic compulsions.

"It's a paradigm shift from a traditional security-based policy to an economy-oriented policy," Nazir said, adding, "the old mantra was the security, security hardware, and security allies, but now the focus is on the economy and development projects like BRI (China's Belt and Road Initiative)."

"Now we are looking for economic alliances as the economy has long been our weak point," Nazir insisted, citing the example of the now-defunct Soviet Union, whose ultimate collapse was caused by a weak economy.

China and Pakistan are pursuing a $64 billion China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project, which is part of Beijing's ambitious BRI – the project aims to connect China's strategically important northwestern Xinjiang province to the Gwadar port in southern Pakistan through a network of roads, railways, and pipelines to transport cargo, oil, and gas – which both US and India oppose for geopolitical reasons.

Syed Abrar Hussain, a former diplomat and vice chairman of the Institute of Policy Studies, an Islamabad-based think tank, holds a similar view, saying that the policy seeks to secure Pakistan's interests through political and economic diplomacy.

Real challenge

The newly announced policy, Hussain argued, will provide policymakers with a "sense of direction" in the future. However, the real test will be in its implementation.

"It will certainly provide some sense of direction and clarity of vision to the public in general and policymakers in particular, which was probably lacking in the past," Hussain, who served as Pakistan's ambassador to Afghanistan from 2014 to 2017, told Anadolu Agency.

Nonetheless, he asserted that the policy's implementation roadmap is lacking. At least it has not been made public, he said, adding that only half of the 110-page policy has been made public, with the rest kept confidential.

Echoing a similar view, Nazir said: "Keeping our track record in view, the real challenge will be the implementation of the policy itself."

The two experts' apprehensions coincide with a "consistent" inconsistency that has prevailed throughout the country's 75-year checkered political history, wherein every new government tried to change the policies of the previous regime.

In 2016 the last government of three-time Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif introduced a National Action Plan to combat terrorism in the country following a terrorist attack that killed over 150 people, mostly students, at a military-run school in the northwestern city of Peshawar. Currently, the plan exists only on paper.

"Out of 20 points (of the National Action Plan), 13 were fully addressed, but not implemented in letter and spirit, whereas seven were either partially or little implemented," he asserted, claiming that counter-terrorism institutions such as the National Counter Terrorism Authority and Joint Intelligence Directorate are "either in limbo or nowhere in sight."

Regional security

Another highlight of the new security policy, according to Nazir, is that it is no longer "India-centric but economy-oriented."

However, he said he does not believe that this shift will have a positive impact on the strained relations between the two nuclear neighbors.
Citing the scrapping of Indian-administered Kashmir's decades-long semi-autonomous status and a controversial citizenship law targeting Muslims, Nazir sees remote chances for the resumption of long-stalled talks between the two countries, particularly in the presence of Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government.

"The two countries are expected to stay locked in an already intensifying arms race as both countries stick to their traditional stances, with Pakistan calling for a reversal of August 2019 action, whereas India is not ready to even talk about it."
J Jeganaathan, head of the National Security Studies Department at the Central University of Jammu, sees no immediate thaw in Islamabad-New Delhi relations.
"I don't think there are chances for the resumption of talks, at least in the immediate future, not just because in the context of this policy, but the sheer reality that Pakistan's stance towards Kashmir appears to remain unchanged," he told Anadolu Agency.

The policy document, he argued, highlighted Islamabad's traditional intention to improve ties with New Delhi by keeping the Kashmir issue at the center of its national security policy, "which is nothing more than a mere reflection of suicidal tendencies."

Products of accidents

Former Indian Foreign Minister Yashwant Sinha expressed skepticism about the resumption of talks between India and Pakistan anytime soon.

He observed that the two countries' relationship and talks have been accidental.
"Someone suggests that we talk, and both countries agree. They talk, but nothing comes of it. Then, once again, one country says, we will not talk, and talks are halted for an extended period of time. So, both countries must abandon that tactic or strategy," Sinha, who served as minister of external affairs from 2002 to 2004, told Anadolu Agency.

He was a senior leader of the ruling BJP before resigning in 2018. In March 2021, he joined the All India Trinamool Congress.

"There should be no preconditions from their side and no conditions from our side, and then let's talk."

"They (Pakistan) can't unilaterally decide what the core issue is, and that's where the problem is,"

"I don't think India has ever agreed (on anything). Pakistan keeps talking about J&K (Jammu and Kashmir) as the core issue. There is a composite or comprehensive dialogue framework that has identified eight issues, including Jammu and Kashmir, as well as terrorism, which is a concern for India," Sinha said.

So, he suggested any talks with Pakistan should be based on those eight issues, which include trade and other issues.
 
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The policy publishing is good because now people can stop demanding favors
Just do us a favor , download the Pakistan's Security Policy PDF

It lists our objectives clearly in English , and don't ask us unreasonable favors

We want equal trade relations with all nations in Globe
 
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Who, regardless of whose party is in office, will see that this policy is carried out and maintained? In my experience, the establishment does have an impact, but it tends to concentrate its attention inside and put its external policies on autopilot, adjusting only in response to shifts in power and other external factors.
https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/pakistan-national-security-policy.733121/snow rider
 
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