Operation Rah-e-Rast (Swat)
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Key Swat Taliban commander surrenders
MINGORA: A senior Taliban commander and close aide of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan Swat chief Mullah Fazlullah surrendered to security forces in Swat on Wednesday. Sources said Taliban’s key senior commander, Qari Sohail, surrendered to security forces at Charbagh tehsil of Swat. Sohail was in charge of the Taliban’s FM-radio station during their rule in Swat. ghulam farooq
MINGORA: A senior Taliban commander and close aide of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan Swat chief Mullah Fazlullah surrendered to security forces in Swat on Wednesday. Sources said Taliban’s key senior commander, Qari Sohail, surrendered to security forces at Charbagh tehsil of Swat. Sohail was in charge of the Taliban’s FM-radio station during their rule in Swat. ghulam farooq
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To calm the north-west
Monday, July 26, 2010
Sher M Khan
Charles Lindholm, who is professor of anthropology at Boston University, did his original field research in Swat over thirty years ago, and has since been writing about the area. Dr Sher M Khan is a native of the Swat Valley. He is internationally renowned for his work in nuclear medicine and is in charge of relief efforts by the Red Crescent in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (formerly NWFP, or “the Frontier”
. The two began this exchange of questions and answers more than two years ago. The results were published in Urdu and English. Their conversation continued a year later. This third instalment was conducted on June 20. The following is its condensed version:
Sher M Khan: What should Pakistan’s government, law-enforcing authorities, military establishment and civil society do to improve the situation in the country’s troubled north-western region?
Charles Lindholm: In an ideal world, the answer is simple: (1) Provide security and prevent violence; (2) offer basic social services; (3) give the local people some reason for hope; (4) supply swift and fair justice. But in present circumstances the answer is far more difficult. This is partially because the various external authorities and parties involved in the Frontier all have their own agendas, histories, and values that orient their policies. These powerful forces, including the USA, India, Al Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban, the Pakistani army, and its intelligence service (the ISI), do not necessarily operate in ways that foster peace in the Frontier. Rather, for their own reasons, they may even encourage conflict. It is hard to see how these various forces can be convinced that is not only in the interest of the local people, but also in their own interest, to promote conciliation. Nor is it likely that they can agree on what ought to be done.
For example, the rebels’ demand for Sharia law is an understandable response to the corruption and inefficiency of the Pakistani legal system in the Frontier. But simply calling for Sharia does not solve the problem. Who will the judges be? Will they be appointed by the government, elected by the people, or simply assume authority as leaders of the rebellion? What form will Sharia law take–will it be the rigid system promoted by the Taliban and al-Qaeda, or the more flexible approach favoured by most religious scholars? Will religious law take the place of the Pakistani legal system, or exist alongside it? Will it replace customary law (rewaj)? Each of these questions has complex political ramifications. To be successful, the answers must be openly negotiated and debated, not imposed by force.
SMK: The situation on the ground in Swat, Waziristan, the Borderlands and South-east Afghanistan is far from perfect. In my humble opinion the root causes are poverty, injustice, unemployment and poor government.
CL: I agree. Other related factors include overpopulation, ecological disaster, internal political fragmentation, endemic feuds, a warrior ethic, and a pervasive (and somewhat realistic) atmosphere of resentment and suspicion. Some of these factors appear to be purely economic and political–but they cannot be resolved without paying attention to other, more cultural elements. For example, what is the local definition of “good government”? Who has the right and the capacity to govern a society where the traditional bastions of authority (the khans and the elders) have lost so much of their legitimacy and their intimate connections to the populace? Certainly, the Pakistani government has not yet filled the role of legitimate authority. In that vacuum, charismatic preachers have gained authority. This is natural. When a society is in chaos people often turn to leaders who offer total transformation, not a return to status quo viewed as corrupt. Unfortunately, in the NWFP, these leaders have affiliated themselves with al Qaeda and the Taliban. The ambitions of these organisations are not pragmatic. Instead, they want to utterly overthrow the existing social/political system and replace it with a radical theocracy. This means that compromise is extremely difficult, since they portray their opponents as fundamentally evil–an attitude that is often reciprocated. Such an unyielding stance incites a dangerous cycle of violence, as the state and its allies respond to local resistance with increased force, further heightening hatred and fear. Jet and drone attacks are not the way to win people’s hearts and minds. At the same time, one cannot expect the establishment to stand still when their already precarious authority is directly challenged. In this situation, alleviating the fundamental problems you mention is difficult to achieve, but even more necessary. There is no magical solution; only the time and efforts of people willing to work for the sake of those who are voiceless.
SMK: What do you think should be done to ameliorate poverty and reduce or remove the injustices?
CL: A legitimate government has to demonstrate that it can indeed offer some degree of security and provide basic services. But beyond that, in this situation the Pakistani state must show a willingness to compromise and to understand the perspectives of its opponents. Extremism is generally a product of a long history of hopelessness and injustice. To overcome that heritage, people must be offered the opportunity to express what is most important to them, whether the authorities like what they have to say or not, and to negotiate meaningfully without fear of reprisal. Officials should remember that the government’s function is to serve the people, to listen to them, not to install policies from above. Patience, inclusion, tolerance, and, above all, an ethic of service are required.
But I want to stress that leaving everything to official action will not work. Individuals of goodwill in Pakistan must bring their own knowledge and resources to bear, demonstrating through practical action that there are other paths for the poor and disenfranchised besides extremism or acquiescence. In particular, education and health care can be privately subsidised. Also, it may be possible to offer revenue-producing work in the Frontier. When I was there–so many years ago–people kept asking me if I could build a factory…maybe one that would manufacture matches, making use of the forests that grew there.
SMK: There is the conspiracy theory. The players of “the game” are perceived to be international, national and vested interests.
CL: I believe that to certain degree this view is accurate, but far from complete. Attributing local troubles to conspiracies is a way to escape from responsibility. If problems are always the fault of others, then the only action possible is the futile act of blaming, which may be psychologically gratifying as a way to explain impotence, but is destructive. Pawns never become kings.
SMK: What can India, Pakistan and Afghanistan do to promote regional harmony and raise the standards of living of their peoples?
CL: When the citizens of the Indian Subcontinent and Central Asia become despondent about the possibilities of reconciliation and development, it is worth remembering European history, where religious bigotry, a love of glory, and a relentless pursuit of wealth produced generations of destructive warfare in the 16th and 17th centuries. In 1648, the Treaties of Westphalia brought a temporary end to that interminable battle by recognising the autonomy of the various competing states, affirming religious tolerance, and dropping barriers to trade. This treaty set a template for the future–one that India, Pakistan and Afghanistan (as well as other states in the region) would do well to follow. In particular, opening trade and allowing free movement between nations would help establish a massive economic bloc that could, in time, compete with China, the US, and the EU.
SMK: And what can the “super powers” do to help the region? Or do they have their own agenda: divide and rule.
CL: Like everything else, the ambitions and policies of the “super powers” are ambivalent. Certainly, there are some influential persons and groups who fear the growth of religious extremism and who would like to see the entire subcontinent preoccupied with internal squabbles. Yet, in my opinion, most thoughtful persons realise that the benefit of all would be best served by a regime of relative peace, stability, and justice in the region. The problem comes when peace, stability, and justice are enforced from above, not negotiated, where local people are not consulted, and where agencies pursuing their own goals and values lose sight of the necessity of living together in a world that is growing smaller every day.
Email: sher@pes.comsats.net.pk
Monday, July 26, 2010
Sher M Khan
Charles Lindholm, who is professor of anthropology at Boston University, did his original field research in Swat over thirty years ago, and has since been writing about the area. Dr Sher M Khan is a native of the Swat Valley. He is internationally renowned for his work in nuclear medicine and is in charge of relief efforts by the Red Crescent in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (formerly NWFP, or “the Frontier”
. The two began this exchange of questions and answers more than two years ago. The results were published in Urdu and English. Their conversation continued a year later. This third instalment was conducted on June 20. The following is its condensed version:Sher M Khan: What should Pakistan’s government, law-enforcing authorities, military establishment and civil society do to improve the situation in the country’s troubled north-western region?
Charles Lindholm: In an ideal world, the answer is simple: (1) Provide security and prevent violence; (2) offer basic social services; (3) give the local people some reason for hope; (4) supply swift and fair justice. But in present circumstances the answer is far more difficult. This is partially because the various external authorities and parties involved in the Frontier all have their own agendas, histories, and values that orient their policies. These powerful forces, including the USA, India, Al Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban, the Pakistani army, and its intelligence service (the ISI), do not necessarily operate in ways that foster peace in the Frontier. Rather, for their own reasons, they may even encourage conflict. It is hard to see how these various forces can be convinced that is not only in the interest of the local people, but also in their own interest, to promote conciliation. Nor is it likely that they can agree on what ought to be done.
For example, the rebels’ demand for Sharia law is an understandable response to the corruption and inefficiency of the Pakistani legal system in the Frontier. But simply calling for Sharia does not solve the problem. Who will the judges be? Will they be appointed by the government, elected by the people, or simply assume authority as leaders of the rebellion? What form will Sharia law take–will it be the rigid system promoted by the Taliban and al-Qaeda, or the more flexible approach favoured by most religious scholars? Will religious law take the place of the Pakistani legal system, or exist alongside it? Will it replace customary law (rewaj)? Each of these questions has complex political ramifications. To be successful, the answers must be openly negotiated and debated, not imposed by force.
SMK: The situation on the ground in Swat, Waziristan, the Borderlands and South-east Afghanistan is far from perfect. In my humble opinion the root causes are poverty, injustice, unemployment and poor government.
CL: I agree. Other related factors include overpopulation, ecological disaster, internal political fragmentation, endemic feuds, a warrior ethic, and a pervasive (and somewhat realistic) atmosphere of resentment and suspicion. Some of these factors appear to be purely economic and political–but they cannot be resolved without paying attention to other, more cultural elements. For example, what is the local definition of “good government”? Who has the right and the capacity to govern a society where the traditional bastions of authority (the khans and the elders) have lost so much of their legitimacy and their intimate connections to the populace? Certainly, the Pakistani government has not yet filled the role of legitimate authority. In that vacuum, charismatic preachers have gained authority. This is natural. When a society is in chaos people often turn to leaders who offer total transformation, not a return to status quo viewed as corrupt. Unfortunately, in the NWFP, these leaders have affiliated themselves with al Qaeda and the Taliban. The ambitions of these organisations are not pragmatic. Instead, they want to utterly overthrow the existing social/political system and replace it with a radical theocracy. This means that compromise is extremely difficult, since they portray their opponents as fundamentally evil–an attitude that is often reciprocated. Such an unyielding stance incites a dangerous cycle of violence, as the state and its allies respond to local resistance with increased force, further heightening hatred and fear. Jet and drone attacks are not the way to win people’s hearts and minds. At the same time, one cannot expect the establishment to stand still when their already precarious authority is directly challenged. In this situation, alleviating the fundamental problems you mention is difficult to achieve, but even more necessary. There is no magical solution; only the time and efforts of people willing to work for the sake of those who are voiceless.
SMK: What do you think should be done to ameliorate poverty and reduce or remove the injustices?
CL: A legitimate government has to demonstrate that it can indeed offer some degree of security and provide basic services. But beyond that, in this situation the Pakistani state must show a willingness to compromise and to understand the perspectives of its opponents. Extremism is generally a product of a long history of hopelessness and injustice. To overcome that heritage, people must be offered the opportunity to express what is most important to them, whether the authorities like what they have to say or not, and to negotiate meaningfully without fear of reprisal. Officials should remember that the government’s function is to serve the people, to listen to them, not to install policies from above. Patience, inclusion, tolerance, and, above all, an ethic of service are required.
But I want to stress that leaving everything to official action will not work. Individuals of goodwill in Pakistan must bring their own knowledge and resources to bear, demonstrating through practical action that there are other paths for the poor and disenfranchised besides extremism or acquiescence. In particular, education and health care can be privately subsidised. Also, it may be possible to offer revenue-producing work in the Frontier. When I was there–so many years ago–people kept asking me if I could build a factory…maybe one that would manufacture matches, making use of the forests that grew there.
SMK: There is the conspiracy theory. The players of “the game” are perceived to be international, national and vested interests.
CL: I believe that to certain degree this view is accurate, but far from complete. Attributing local troubles to conspiracies is a way to escape from responsibility. If problems are always the fault of others, then the only action possible is the futile act of blaming, which may be psychologically gratifying as a way to explain impotence, but is destructive. Pawns never become kings.
SMK: What can India, Pakistan and Afghanistan do to promote regional harmony and raise the standards of living of their peoples?
CL: When the citizens of the Indian Subcontinent and Central Asia become despondent about the possibilities of reconciliation and development, it is worth remembering European history, where religious bigotry, a love of glory, and a relentless pursuit of wealth produced generations of destructive warfare in the 16th and 17th centuries. In 1648, the Treaties of Westphalia brought a temporary end to that interminable battle by recognising the autonomy of the various competing states, affirming religious tolerance, and dropping barriers to trade. This treaty set a template for the future–one that India, Pakistan and Afghanistan (as well as other states in the region) would do well to follow. In particular, opening trade and allowing free movement between nations would help establish a massive economic bloc that could, in time, compete with China, the US, and the EU.
SMK: And what can the “super powers” do to help the region? Or do they have their own agenda: divide and rule.
CL: Like everything else, the ambitions and policies of the “super powers” are ambivalent. Certainly, there are some influential persons and groups who fear the growth of religious extremism and who would like to see the entire subcontinent preoccupied with internal squabbles. Yet, in my opinion, most thoughtful persons realise that the benefit of all would be best served by a regime of relative peace, stability, and justice in the region. The problem comes when peace, stability, and justice are enforced from above, not negotiated, where local people are not consulted, and where agencies pursuing their own goals and values lose sight of the necessity of living together in a world that is growing smaller every day.
Email: sher@pes.comsats.net.pk
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Swat residents recall Taliban’s reign of terror
SWAT: The reign of terror unleashed by Taliban insurgents, led by radical cleric Maulana Fazlullah or Mullah Radio, has ended in the scenic valley of Swat – thanks to the timely action of the government and the army. Scores of insurgents were killed in action and many were arrested. Those on the run, however, are now surrendering to the authorities.
Recently, Qari Sohail, a close aide of Maulana Fazlullah and in charge of his infamous FM radio, laid down his arms, much to the relief of residents of Charbagh tehsil of Swat district. The radical cleric used by the firebrand cleric for preaching his own version of Islamic teachings. At the same time, it was also used to transmit threats to opponents of Maulana Fazlullah.
Though security forces have purged Swat of Taliban rebels, painful memories of their ruthless rule are still fresh in the minds of local residents.
“The militants had made our lives miserable. They not only wanted to enforce their own hard-line version of Islam in the region but also extorted huge sums of money from well-off people,” Tahir Shah, the former mayor of Charbagh tehsil said. “They snatched two vehicles from me, but I could say nothing,” he told The Express Tribune.
Many people question “the government’s slackness” in checking the Taliban propaganda at an initial stage. “The FM radio of Maulana Fazlullah was the root cause of the trouble in Swat. We fail to understand why the government was unable to block or stop it,” said Shahid Iqbal.
About the profligacy of the Taliban, he said, “They had a lavish lifestyle. They squandered money, using costly mobile phones and eating sumptuous food.” He recalled how the insurgents had once made the residents of Charbagh offer their Eid prayers in a muddy field.
“The Taliban did not like local tribal elders who were opposed to their high-handedness,” said Syed Ghulam, a teacher from Ashar Banr village. “They killed several local elders without mercy,” he added.
Ghulam’s brother was also killed by the Taliban. “My brother had gone to another village along with his family to see some relatives. On his way back Taliban militants snatched him from the vehicle and shot him dead right in front of the family,” Ghulam said. “Our family hasn’t been able to recover from this loss,” he added.
A teacher at a madrassa in Kabal tehsil also recalled the tyrannical rule of the Taliban. “They ran amok, killing people ruthlessly and destroying government buildings at will. And nobody dared challenge them,” he told The Express Tribune. “The desperadoes wanted to solve every problem through the barrel of the gun. They knew no mercy,” he added.
He was happy that the security forces had flushed out the militants from most parts of the district. “Thanks God, we are getting rid of them one by one,” he said.
Swat is limping back to normalcy but residents say the government should award harsh punishment to the militants, so that nobody in future dare challenge its writ in the region.
Swat residents recall Taliban?s reign of terror – The Express Tribune
SWAT: The reign of terror unleashed by Taliban insurgents, led by radical cleric Maulana Fazlullah or Mullah Radio, has ended in the scenic valley of Swat – thanks to the timely action of the government and the army. Scores of insurgents were killed in action and many were arrested. Those on the run, however, are now surrendering to the authorities.
Recently, Qari Sohail, a close aide of Maulana Fazlullah and in charge of his infamous FM radio, laid down his arms, much to the relief of residents of Charbagh tehsil of Swat district. The radical cleric used by the firebrand cleric for preaching his own version of Islamic teachings. At the same time, it was also used to transmit threats to opponents of Maulana Fazlullah.
Though security forces have purged Swat of Taliban rebels, painful memories of their ruthless rule are still fresh in the minds of local residents.
“The militants had made our lives miserable. They not only wanted to enforce their own hard-line version of Islam in the region but also extorted huge sums of money from well-off people,” Tahir Shah, the former mayor of Charbagh tehsil said. “They snatched two vehicles from me, but I could say nothing,” he told The Express Tribune.
Many people question “the government’s slackness” in checking the Taliban propaganda at an initial stage. “The FM radio of Maulana Fazlullah was the root cause of the trouble in Swat. We fail to understand why the government was unable to block or stop it,” said Shahid Iqbal.
About the profligacy of the Taliban, he said, “They had a lavish lifestyle. They squandered money, using costly mobile phones and eating sumptuous food.” He recalled how the insurgents had once made the residents of Charbagh offer their Eid prayers in a muddy field.
“The Taliban did not like local tribal elders who were opposed to their high-handedness,” said Syed Ghulam, a teacher from Ashar Banr village. “They killed several local elders without mercy,” he added.
Ghulam’s brother was also killed by the Taliban. “My brother had gone to another village along with his family to see some relatives. On his way back Taliban militants snatched him from the vehicle and shot him dead right in front of the family,” Ghulam said. “Our family hasn’t been able to recover from this loss,” he added.
A teacher at a madrassa in Kabal tehsil also recalled the tyrannical rule of the Taliban. “They ran amok, killing people ruthlessly and destroying government buildings at will. And nobody dared challenge them,” he told The Express Tribune. “The desperadoes wanted to solve every problem through the barrel of the gun. They knew no mercy,” he added.
He was happy that the security forces had flushed out the militants from most parts of the district. “Thanks God, we are getting rid of them one by one,” he said.
Swat is limping back to normalcy but residents say the government should award harsh punishment to the militants, so that nobody in future dare challenge its writ in the region.
Swat residents recall Taliban?s reign of terror – The Express Tribune
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Swat school seeks to turn boys from Taliban
Boys who were kidnapped by Taliban militants to be used as suicide attackers, informants and fighters, attend the rehabilitation school Sabaoon.AP
SWAT: The painting is disturbing: raindrops shaped like bullets and branches intended to look like blood-soaked necks. The artist was a boy recruited by the Taliban to help kill Pakistani soldiers.
He and more than 120 other boys, some as young as 12, now go to an army-run school designed to guide youths in the picturesque Swat Valley away from the brutality and fanaticism of the Taliban.
The school offers psychological therapy and an education, a privilege for youths in an impoverished country where half the 177 million people are illiterate.
Uncertain is whether the boys can find jobs once they are released at age 18 _ making them again vulnerable to Taliban recruiters.
The students receive instruction in computers, science, reading, math _ and religion.
Verses from the Quran painted on the whitewashed walls urge the faithful to pursue a path of peace and warn of eternal damnation for those who kill.
Unable to read the Quran, the boys were told by the Taliban that Islam's holy book identifies the Pakistani army as an enemy controlled by Christian-dominated America and Hindu-dominated India, said Dr. Feriha Peracha, a neuropsychiatrist who has worked in Canada and Britain.
''They thought the Quran actually said that and told them to kill the soldiers,'' she said. ''Religion was not their motivation but it was used.''
Many of the boys are also deeply disturbed, according to Peracha. She tries to get them to deal with buried rage from Taliban exploitation.
The painting showing raindrops as bullets reflects the turmoil of a boy whose job was to tell the Taliban about the presence of senior Pakistani officers in convoys.
Occasionally, he would toss a grenade at military vehicles, she said.
Others are unrepentant. One of Peracha's new students was transferred to the school after being detained while trying to cross into Afghanistan to carry out a suicide attack against American soldiers.
''He's sorry, not that he was going to blow up the soldiers, but that he was caught,'' she said. ''He is a high risk. He still needs a lot of work.''
Authorities do not permit interviews with the students or allow their names to be published for fear their families might face retribution. Some still have relatives in the Taliban.
Part boarding school and part reformatory, the military set up the institution after driving the Taliban from much of the valley last year.
The army rounded up about 3,000 insurgents, including young boys recruited as informants, fighters and suicide bombers.
That presented the army with a conundrum: Keep the youngsters locked up with older battle-hardened militants or free them, possibly allowing them to grow into an even more dangerous enemy.
So the army decided to set up a school for the younger captives in hopes they could learn skills and a moderate interpretation of Islam that would turn them away from extremism.
Located at the end of a potholed road, the school, called Sabaoon or New Dawn in the Pashto language, opened in September 2009 with 22 troubled boys.
Enrollment has increased to 129 with a goal of accommodating 200 boys. Because the school sits on high ground, it has escaped the flooding that is ravaging parts of the region.
The first months were difficult. Fear that the Taliban would return frightened away civilian staff. The army eventually transferred three military psychologists from other parts of the country to get the school up and running.
''Nobody else was willing to come in,'' Maj. Gen. Ashfaq Nadeem said in his office on a fortified army base atop the Malakand Pass that leads to the Swat Valley.
When peace returned to the valley, a Pakistani nongovernment organization, Hum Pakistani Foundation, agreed to operate the school along with the army.
Most of the boys currently at the school were captured but nearly half were handed over by their families, Nadeem said.
At first, fear and mistrust caused many villagers to close ranks and hide their young militant sons.
''But they have seen how the school runs and that their sons are taught skills and now they want to get their sons in our facility,'' Nadeem said.
At meetings organized with community elders, families are encouraged to hand over sons who display sympathy for the insurgents.
At the height of their strength, the Swati Taliban had threatened Islamabad, the federal capital, barely 100 kilometers (60 miles) away.
In the years they were the de facto rulers of the province, the Swati Taliban were among the most barbaric insurgent groups in the border regions.
They circulated gruesome videos of policemen killed excruciatingly slowly with unsharpened knives, highlighting the terror on the faces of other policemen forced to watch as they awaited their turns.
The Taliban wanted to prove their fierceness ''and they also wanted to instill fear,'' Nadeem said. ''That was their way of controlling the population.''
Boys who were kidnapped by Taliban militants to be used as suicide attackers, informants and fighters, attend the rehabilitation school Sabaoon.AP
SWAT: The painting is disturbing: raindrops shaped like bullets and branches intended to look like blood-soaked necks. The artist was a boy recruited by the Taliban to help kill Pakistani soldiers.
He and more than 120 other boys, some as young as 12, now go to an army-run school designed to guide youths in the picturesque Swat Valley away from the brutality and fanaticism of the Taliban.
The school offers psychological therapy and an education, a privilege for youths in an impoverished country where half the 177 million people are illiterate.
Uncertain is whether the boys can find jobs once they are released at age 18 _ making them again vulnerable to Taliban recruiters.
The students receive instruction in computers, science, reading, math _ and religion.
Verses from the Quran painted on the whitewashed walls urge the faithful to pursue a path of peace and warn of eternal damnation for those who kill.
Unable to read the Quran, the boys were told by the Taliban that Islam's holy book identifies the Pakistani army as an enemy controlled by Christian-dominated America and Hindu-dominated India, said Dr. Feriha Peracha, a neuropsychiatrist who has worked in Canada and Britain.
''They thought the Quran actually said that and told them to kill the soldiers,'' she said. ''Religion was not their motivation but it was used.''
Many of the boys are also deeply disturbed, according to Peracha. She tries to get them to deal with buried rage from Taliban exploitation.
The painting showing raindrops as bullets reflects the turmoil of a boy whose job was to tell the Taliban about the presence of senior Pakistani officers in convoys.
Occasionally, he would toss a grenade at military vehicles, she said.
Others are unrepentant. One of Peracha's new students was transferred to the school after being detained while trying to cross into Afghanistan to carry out a suicide attack against American soldiers.
''He's sorry, not that he was going to blow up the soldiers, but that he was caught,'' she said. ''He is a high risk. He still needs a lot of work.''
Authorities do not permit interviews with the students or allow their names to be published for fear their families might face retribution. Some still have relatives in the Taliban.
Part boarding school and part reformatory, the military set up the institution after driving the Taliban from much of the valley last year.
The army rounded up about 3,000 insurgents, including young boys recruited as informants, fighters and suicide bombers.
That presented the army with a conundrum: Keep the youngsters locked up with older battle-hardened militants or free them, possibly allowing them to grow into an even more dangerous enemy.
So the army decided to set up a school for the younger captives in hopes they could learn skills and a moderate interpretation of Islam that would turn them away from extremism.
Located at the end of a potholed road, the school, called Sabaoon or New Dawn in the Pashto language, opened in September 2009 with 22 troubled boys.
Enrollment has increased to 129 with a goal of accommodating 200 boys. Because the school sits on high ground, it has escaped the flooding that is ravaging parts of the region.
The first months were difficult. Fear that the Taliban would return frightened away civilian staff. The army eventually transferred three military psychologists from other parts of the country to get the school up and running.
''Nobody else was willing to come in,'' Maj. Gen. Ashfaq Nadeem said in his office on a fortified army base atop the Malakand Pass that leads to the Swat Valley.
When peace returned to the valley, a Pakistani nongovernment organization, Hum Pakistani Foundation, agreed to operate the school along with the army.
Most of the boys currently at the school were captured but nearly half were handed over by their families, Nadeem said.
At first, fear and mistrust caused many villagers to close ranks and hide their young militant sons.
''But they have seen how the school runs and that their sons are taught skills and now they want to get their sons in our facility,'' Nadeem said.
At meetings organized with community elders, families are encouraged to hand over sons who display sympathy for the insurgents.
At the height of their strength, the Swati Taliban had threatened Islamabad, the federal capital, barely 100 kilometers (60 miles) away.
In the years they were the de facto rulers of the province, the Swati Taliban were among the most barbaric insurgent groups in the border regions.
They circulated gruesome videos of policemen killed excruciatingly slowly with unsharpened knives, highlighting the terror on the faces of other policemen forced to watch as they awaited their turns.
The Taliban wanted to prove their fierceness ''and they also wanted to instill fear,'' Nadeem said. ''That was their way of controlling the population.''
air marshal
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Swat can be made a success story; General Talat
ISLAMABAD, Aug 7 (APP): The military action in Swat against militants can be made a success story through meaningful coordination among the government officials, the Army, the civil society and media and transparency in the reconstruction and rehabilitation process in the valley.
This was the jest of a seminar held here Saturday on lessons learnt from Swat after one year. The seminar was organized by local non governmental organization the Individualland and was attended by Lt. Gen. (R) Talat Mehmood, eminent journalist Ikram Hoti, Managing Director of Bacha Khan Education Trust KP Mr. Khadim Hussain and many others.
Recalling the previous one year of the reconstruction and rehabilitation in the militancy hit valley of Swat, Lt. Gen. (R) said that Swat operation was made a success through meaningful coordination among all the stack holders and the rehabilitation process can close the doors of militancy forever.
He added that some prominent Taliban leaders are still at large but bringing them to justice can restore the confidence of the local population. He said that round about 2000 suspect terrorists are still in custody and they should urgently be prosecuted in courts so that justice is done and seen that it has been done.
Gen. Talat furthers stated that establishment of academic organization and promotion of education in Swat on priority basis is a must for de-radicalization of youth and particularly the former militant sympathizers.
Other speakers who addressed the seminar included journalist Ikram Hoti, Khadim Hussain and a number of participants actively took part in the question answer session at the end of the seminar.
ISLAMABAD, Aug 7 (APP): The military action in Swat against militants can be made a success story through meaningful coordination among the government officials, the Army, the civil society and media and transparency in the reconstruction and rehabilitation process in the valley.
This was the jest of a seminar held here Saturday on lessons learnt from Swat after one year. The seminar was organized by local non governmental organization the Individualland and was attended by Lt. Gen. (R) Talat Mehmood, eminent journalist Ikram Hoti, Managing Director of Bacha Khan Education Trust KP Mr. Khadim Hussain and many others.
Recalling the previous one year of the reconstruction and rehabilitation in the militancy hit valley of Swat, Lt. Gen. (R) said that Swat operation was made a success through meaningful coordination among all the stack holders and the rehabilitation process can close the doors of militancy forever.
He added that some prominent Taliban leaders are still at large but bringing them to justice can restore the confidence of the local population. He said that round about 2000 suspect terrorists are still in custody and they should urgently be prosecuted in courts so that justice is done and seen that it has been done.
Gen. Talat furthers stated that establishment of academic organization and promotion of education in Swat on priority basis is a must for de-radicalization of youth and particularly the former militant sympathizers.
Other speakers who addressed the seminar included journalist Ikram Hoti, Khadim Hussain and a number of participants actively took part in the question answer session at the end of the seminar.
air marshal
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SWAT: Security forces have killed three militants including a commander during an operation in Malam Jabba region of Swat. - AFP
fatman17
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Lack of plan for Swat integration ‘main cause’ of unrest: study
* Report says ‘credible civilian admin’ should be established with support from military
* Recommends parties should initiate new memberships based on poor
By Iqbal Khattak
PESHAWAR: Lack of a plan to fully integrate Swat into Pakistan has been seen as the likely “main cause” of the unrest in the district, a study by a think tank finds, adding it was prevented from a complete merger into Pakistan due to “different vested interests that played a negative role for personal gains”.
Swat “needs to be mainstreamed”, a report – “Swat: The Main Causes of the Breakdown of Governance and Rise of Militancy” – by the Regional Institute of Policy Research and Training suggested.
It added, “The president can order this under articles 247(2) and (6). Administrative reforms prior to the October 12, 1999 district administration model should be undertaken by establishing the executive magistracy, the district magistrate and police.”
The report also underlined that weak military-civilian coordination was responsible for “poor governance” in Swat last year when the Taliban literally took over the scenic valley, leading to complete disappearance of the writ of the state.
Credible admin: A “credible civilian administration” should be established in Swat with full support from the military as insurgencies “are defeated by strong civilian administration”, the report recommended. It follows a survey conducted to establish views of the people in Swat about the causes that in their view led to the governance crisis in 2009 when over two million civilians were displaced following the federal government’s decision to launch Operation Rah-e-Rast against the Mullah Fazlullah-led Taliban insurgents.
Former Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief secretary Khalid Aziz, author of the report, told Daily Times that he believed “conflicts don’t happen overnight and this study proved it”. Secondly, the study also found that there were multiple causes that resulted in causing the conflict to arise, he added.
The report is critical of the “permissiveness” of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a conglomerate of Islamic groups and parties – government that ruled Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from 2002-2007. It read, “The MMA did not confront the religious challengers to the state.”
The report also criticised former military ruler Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf for weakening the gridlock of security by abolishing the district administration at the start of the war on terrorism in November 2001. It said the move allowed radicals the “freedom to do” as they wished.
The importance of “civilian control” in Swat was emphasised urging both the military and civilian administration to have a clear roadmap with milestones and indicators for the “exit of the military”. It also pressed the KP government to create a comprehensive district security programme in consultation with the military and police for a phased return to civilian control.
Memberships: It recommended that mainstream political parties should begin a drive for new memberships based on the poor and marginalised. “Providing the poor with a political voice will assist in early and long-term normalisation. If political power devolves to the poor classes, they will become empowered to defend their interests politically rather than through violence.”
The “appeasement policy”, the study report strongly recommended, “should no more be followed” stressing the government should administer Swat according to normal laws of the land. “The enactments that were introduced to please the militants should be retired,” the research report recommended.
To transform the mindset of the people of Swat, the report advocated for a robust communication strategy “without (any) delay, as years-long strong presence of conservative elements influenced” the local population.
* Report says ‘credible civilian admin’ should be established with support from military
* Recommends parties should initiate new memberships based on poor
By Iqbal Khattak
PESHAWAR: Lack of a plan to fully integrate Swat into Pakistan has been seen as the likely “main cause” of the unrest in the district, a study by a think tank finds, adding it was prevented from a complete merger into Pakistan due to “different vested interests that played a negative role for personal gains”.
Swat “needs to be mainstreamed”, a report – “Swat: The Main Causes of the Breakdown of Governance and Rise of Militancy” – by the Regional Institute of Policy Research and Training suggested.
It added, “The president can order this under articles 247(2) and (6). Administrative reforms prior to the October 12, 1999 district administration model should be undertaken by establishing the executive magistracy, the district magistrate and police.”
The report also underlined that weak military-civilian coordination was responsible for “poor governance” in Swat last year when the Taliban literally took over the scenic valley, leading to complete disappearance of the writ of the state.
Credible admin: A “credible civilian administration” should be established in Swat with full support from the military as insurgencies “are defeated by strong civilian administration”, the report recommended. It follows a survey conducted to establish views of the people in Swat about the causes that in their view led to the governance crisis in 2009 when over two million civilians were displaced following the federal government’s decision to launch Operation Rah-e-Rast against the Mullah Fazlullah-led Taliban insurgents.
Former Khyber Pakhtunkhwa chief secretary Khalid Aziz, author of the report, told Daily Times that he believed “conflicts don’t happen overnight and this study proved it”. Secondly, the study also found that there were multiple causes that resulted in causing the conflict to arise, he added.
The report is critical of the “permissiveness” of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), a conglomerate of Islamic groups and parties – government that ruled Khyber Pakhtunkhwa from 2002-2007. It read, “The MMA did not confront the religious challengers to the state.”
The report also criticised former military ruler Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf for weakening the gridlock of security by abolishing the district administration at the start of the war on terrorism in November 2001. It said the move allowed radicals the “freedom to do” as they wished.
The importance of “civilian control” in Swat was emphasised urging both the military and civilian administration to have a clear roadmap with milestones and indicators for the “exit of the military”. It also pressed the KP government to create a comprehensive district security programme in consultation with the military and police for a phased return to civilian control.
Memberships: It recommended that mainstream political parties should begin a drive for new memberships based on the poor and marginalised. “Providing the poor with a political voice will assist in early and long-term normalisation. If political power devolves to the poor classes, they will become empowered to defend their interests politically rather than through violence.”
The “appeasement policy”, the study report strongly recommended, “should no more be followed” stressing the government should administer Swat according to normal laws of the land. “The enactments that were introduced to please the militants should be retired,” the research report recommended.
To transform the mindset of the people of Swat, the report advocated for a robust communication strategy “without (any) delay, as years-long strong presence of conservative elements influenced” the local population.
muse
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Incredible that a area 60 km from Islamabad needs to be "integrated" into whatever this "Pakistan" is.
And really that's the problem, the heart of the matter, why are there so many different Pakistans? Why can't this nation agree or be made to agree on anything other than Indian enemy?i
And really that's the problem, the heart of the matter, why are there so many different Pakistans? Why can't this nation agree or be made to agree on anything other than Indian enemy?i
karan.1970
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You guys are one better than us.. All of us cant be made to agree even on Pakistan being the enemy
Abu Zolfiqar
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unbelievable!! All these months what is the government doing? Twiddling their fingers hoping things will self-correct and self-heal?
Military can give ''support'' -- but that's just about all they can do. If they go further than that, then the human rights groups and western media will say military is using Swat case to impose their will on the politics. Damned if we do, damned if we dont!!
the onus is on the ''government'' of Pakistan! Unless they want reinstatement of 'walis' and other feudal type princely system
no vision....no proactiveness....no initiative! No discipline or patriotism either. No wonder a large number of people (not just the Swatis) are disillusioned with federal administration.
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somebozo
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Goes to prove these are just bunch of classic "dakets" aka armed robbers to serve their own intrest of getting rich fast. There is nothig islamic or muslim about them..let alone the hardline excuse.
This is no different that the olden days when few trouble youth would join criminal or drug gangs for getting rich fast or to boast so called "Street influence". And these thugs exploit ignorance like any other criminal rackets.
Im sorry to say but part of the terrorist / talban problem has to do with Puktoon persistence and tribalism.
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