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Norway massacre: Breivik manifesto attempts to woo India's Hindu nationalis

Sir America is not wiping out terrorists in Afghanistan it is just bombing civilians and wedding functions in Afghanistan and Taliban are defeating them and as far as India is concerned sir Kashmiris don't want to live with you now even you analysts have started saying this that is why you have more than half a million soldiers their because you know the day you will pullout Kashmiris will declare independence

your ignorance is appalling. The divisional head quarters of Northern Command which has 7 infantry divisions and with 5 armored divisions along with regimental HQ of J&K Rifles, J&K Light Infantry, all are located in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. So at any given day there will be 50000+ troops in the state.

The active deployments of troop is an outcome of state sponsored terrorism from pakistani establishments, due to which armed forces have to deploy in kashmir. the deployment of army in any place causes the restriction on democratic privileges. Pakistani establishment is responsible for the troubles of kashmiri people
 
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Mullah Omar is not in control of the Afghan Taliban anymore. If the two movts were so distinct then how come the commander of Chahrmang region in Bajaur was Qari Zia-ur-Rehman ? The Afghan Talib commander of Kunar and Nuristan ?
Sir for your kind information Mullah Omar is in full control of Afghan Taliban but he has nothing to do with TTP
 
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Sir for your kind information Mullah Omar is in full control of Afghan Taliban but he has nothing to do with TTP

The RAW and Mossad are in full control of the TTP. Recently TTP members have been arrested in Karachi with israeli weapons. It's not too hard to figure out the rest.
 
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The RAW and Mossad are in full control of the TTP. Recently TTP members have been arrested in Karachi with israeli weapons. It's not too hard to figure out the rest.

AK-47 has become a By default weapon, does it mean the soviet countries are behind?
 
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WoW what reasons! If he wanted to fight against these than he should see how India is fighting against similar menaces. Take the good and leave the rests.


Norway killer Breivik's common cause with Hindu nationalists

Norway killer Anders Breivik’s manifesto for a new European order, posted online, mentions India in various contexts. Excerpts:


Common cause with Hindu nationalists

On the Indian subcontinent the history is tragic indeed, that’s where the Hindu holocaust took place in medieval times, a little-known episode in the history of Islam in the Western world, but one that left a deep traumatic mark on the people of the region and where the conflict is still present in the province of Kashmir.

All standard reference books agree that the name “Hindu Kush” of the mountain range in eastern Afghanistan means “Hindu Slaughter” or “Hindu Killer”. Most likely, the mountain range was deliberately named as “Hindu Slaughter” by Muslim conquerors, as a lesson to the future generations of Indians. However, Indians in general and Hindus in particular are completely oblivious to this tragic genocide.

If the name Hindu Kush relates such a horrible genocide of Hindus, why are Hindus ignorant about it? And why doesn’t the Government of India teach them about Hindu Kush? The history and geography curricula in Indian schools barely even mention Hindu Kush. The Indian government, instead of giving details of this “dark chapter” in Indian history, is busy in the whitewash of Muslim atrocities and the Hindu holocaust.

In 1982, the National Council of Educational Research and Training issued a directive for the rewriting of school texts. Among other things it stipulated that “characterisation of the medieval period as a time of conflict between Hindus and ******* is forbidden”. Thus denial of history or negationism has become India’s official “educational” policy.

Hindu nationalism

Saffronisation is a political neologism (after the saffron robes of the Hindu clerics), used to refer to the policy of right-wing Hindu nationalism (or Hindutva) which seeks to make the Indian state into a “Hindu nation” and its Sikh, Buddhist and Jain minorities incorporated into Hinduism. These nationalist movements are also called Sanatana Dharma movements.

A related term, the Saffron Brigade, is used as a descriptor of people and organisations in India that promote Hindu nationalism such as the Sangh Parivar by their critics, who allege a militant Hindu agenda. The Sanatana Dharma movements or Hindu nationalists in general are suffering from the same persecution by the Indian cultural Marxists as their European cousins.

The thing is, Indian government (current government United Progressive Alliance coalition led by Indian National Congress) is (made up of) Socialist-Leftist Liberalists. The other side is National Democratic Alliance led by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a political arm to the RSS: these people are of Hindu right-wing nationalism comprising Hindu parties (including Sikh, Buddhist, and Jain sub-sects), strongly supported by Jewish and Zoroastrian minorities.

The UPA relies on appeasing Muslims and very sadly proselytising Christian missionaries who illegally convert low-caste Hindus with lies and fear, alongside Communists who want total destruction of the Hindu faith and culture.

The irony in India is that the Hindus who are living abroad (expatriate Hindus) are more concerned about Hindu culture than the ones in India, because from abroad, they can get an eagle’s view of what’s happening in India while Indian Hindu residents don’t see it being on the scene.

The only positive thing about the Hindu right wing is that they dominate the streets. They do not tolerate the current injustice and often riot and attack Muslims when things get out of control, usually after the Muslims disrespect and degrade Hinduism too much. This behaviour is nonetheless counterproductive. Because instead of attacking the Muslims they should target the category A and B traitors in India and consolidate military cells and actively seek the overthrow of the cultural Marxist government.

India will continue to wither and die unless the Indian nationalists consolidate properly and strike to win. It is essential that the European and Indian resistance movements learn from each other and cooperate as much as possible. Our goals are more or less identical.

The PCCTS, Knights Templar support the Sanatana Dharma movements and Indian nationalists in general.

Flip side: Indians as labourers, servants

Tombstone

A future overseer organisation should provide and subsidise a standard edition of the Justiciar Knight tombstone. A European tombstone carver, preferably specialised in traditional tombstone architecture, is likely to charge more than 5,000-10,000 Euro in order to create the stone.

As such, producers in low-cost countries should be contacted for the task of creating one or multiple stones in the future. Perhaps Armenia and even China or India should be considered as well. Creating unique accessories (such as commendations, medals, tombstones etc) in India or China will allow us to save up to 80% of the estimated cost. I realise that this might sound hypocritical considering the fact that cultural conservatives in general oppose Indian or Chinese membership in WTO and the fact that we generally prefer insourcing as many industries as possible. However, conserving our funds is a central part of our struggle.

Cheap labour


It would be logical to use cheap foreign labour, especially within the construction sector. These workers should be given 12-month “focus contracts” and must return to their country of origin after the term has ended. One of the primary arguments for modern mass immigration is to justify the demand for labour, jobs the indigenous Europeans are unwilling to take. Now, who will take these jobs when we have halted immigration completely and deported all the Muslims?

Six-to-12-month “focus contracts” will be offered to individuals from Bangladesh, Pakistan and India (these services may be reserved for Christians, Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists considering our hostile stance towards the global Islamic Ummah). These will be flown in in bulk every month and will leave at the end of the contract. During their stay they will work 12 hours a day for the duration of their contracts (6 or 12 months) and will then be flown back to their homelands. There should be at least a 6-month quarantine period between every 12-month contract to prevent the individuals from becoming too culturally attached.

These individuals will live in segregated communities in pre-defined areas of each major city and must be provided free medical services, free housing in restricted barrack towns and subsidised food/essentials and subsidised transportation costs. This will allow them to return with a larger portion of their salary. They will be compensated at a rate equivalent to 300% of what they would have earned in their country of origin.

This might sound cynical to especially females (this is not slavery as slavery is taking away people’s freedom) but it is in fact much more generous than what currently Arab countries are offering their guest workers from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and the Philippines. Furthermore, these arrangements are not very different from what the southern states in the US are currently offering Latin American guest workers.

The economical impacts of extensive usage of these “guest worker” arrangements will have significant impacts on the competitiveness of our civilisation... It will allow us to become the economical powerhouse of the world and the beacon of light for all humanity. It will allow us to contribute significantly to the furtherance of mankind.

Hip-hop youth: Pakistani friend, gangs and a broken nose

Since I was 12 years old, I was into the hip-hop movement. If you wanted girls and respect then it was all about the hip-hop community at that time. The more reckless you were, the more respect and admiration you gained.

I remember my friends at that time, Jon Trygve, Richard and Arsalan; we did everything together. In fact, it was my Muslim friend who sparked my interest for Christianity, Islam and politics in general. At the time, I couldn’t understand why he loathed Norway and my culture so much.

I remember during the first Gulf War, he used to cheer loudly whenever a scud missile was launched against the Americans. His total lack of respect for my culture (and Western culture in general) actually sparked my interest and passion for it. Thanks to him, I gradually developed a passion for my own cultural identity. This was apparently very annoying for him, as I was unwilling to convert to Islam. Instead, I suggested he convert to Christianity and embrace our norms and culture.

We used to hang out with GSV crew, or B-Gjengen as they are popularly called today, a Muslim Pakistani gang, quite violent even back then. “Gang alliances” were a part of our everyday life at that point and assured that you avoided threats and harassment. We had close ties with B-Gjengen (B-Gang) and A-Gjengen (A-Gang), both Muslim Pakistani gangs, through my best friend Arsalan who was also a Pakistani. I was one of the protected “potatoes”, having friends and allies in the Jihadi-racist gangs such as the A and B gangs and many other Muslim gangs.

One day there was an incident and my close friendship with them ended. They chose to continue the same path without me...

I’ve only experienced eight assaults, attempted robberies and multiple threats. I’ve never actually been severely ravaged, robbed or beaten by Muslims (a broken nose is the worst thing that occurred) but I know more than 20 people who have.

(At the age of) 16 years, an older and much stronger/bigger Pakistani hit me without provocation in front of Majorstuenhuset. Apparently, he wanted to subdue me in front of my “friend” Arsalan who apparently had told him to do it. This concluded, for my part, my friendship with him and I re-connected with my old friends after this incident.

People reading this might ask if I contributed in any way to the above conflicts. The answer is no... As all my friends can attest to, I wouldn’t be willing to hurt a fly and I have never used violence against others.

Role models

(The rhetorical questions are asked and answered by Breivik himself)

Name one living person you would like to meet.

The Pope or Vladimir Putin. Putin seems like a fair and resolute leader worthy of respect. I’m unsure at this point whether he has the potential to be our best friend or our worst enemy though. He’s very hard to psychoanalyse. Obviously, he has to openly condemn us at this point which is understandable.

[Russia reacts: “Breivik is the devil incarnate, absolutely mad. No matter what he wrote or said, this is the delirium of a madman” — Putin's spokesman Dmitri S Peskov, as per an NYT report quoting Kommersant newspaper]

Other people you’d want to meet?

The following people have to condemn us at this point which is fine. Anders Fogh Rasmussen, Geert Wilders, Radovan Karadzic, Lee Myung-bak and Taro Aso. But isn’t Radovan Karadzic a mass murderer and a racist?! As far as my studies show, he is neither. I condemn any atrocities committed against Croats and vice versa, but for his efforts to rid Serbia of Islam he will always be remembered as an honourable Crusader and a European war hero.

Model countries: Japan, South Korea and Taiwan are today the most peaceful societies due to their monocultural model... our role models for the conservative movement. They are peaceful and anti-imperialistic just like we have aspirations to be. Our aim should be to implement a cultural conservative political model similar to (theirs), which is the same model used in Europe in the 1950s.

Norway killer Breivik's common cause with Hindu nationalists - Express India
 
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AK-47 has become a By default weapon, does it mean the soviet countries are behind?

You certainly would have produced that as solid evidence of Pakistani involvement in the Mumbai attack if the terrorists were captured with Pakistani made weapons! In Karachi a mountain of israeli weapons have been confiscated. So, it's natural that somebody in Pakistan is going to point the finger at Mossad.
 
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Sir your organisations have killed thousands and thousands of Muslims in Gujrat and other places of India the shining India that's the reality check for you

and your muslims anchestral kings have done scores and scores of genocides with forcible conversions sir .......
If we go on blaming religions it will be endless mates...
I think religions should be out of context......
 
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Sir for your kind information Mullah Omar is in full control of Afghan Taliban but he has nothing to do with TTP

With all due respect but you sound as if he actually came and personally informed you of his control over the Afghan Taliban. Mullah Omar is just a figurehead, some one to draw inspiration from for the average Talib. Matters associating to terrorist operations are overseen by area commanders who are locals and enjoy close contacts with the TTP because of tribal linkages. That is why cross-border raidsby the TTP are becoming more and more common and what is interesting is that they originate from Nuristan and Kunar provinces which are Afghan Taliban strongholds. Still think that they have nothing to do with the TTP ?
 
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The RAW and Mossad are in full control of the TTP. Recently TTP members have been arrested in Karachi with israeli weapons. It's not too hard to figure out the rest.

That was a very poorly thought out statement. Rehman Malik said that Israeli-made AK-54s had been recovered, when Israel does not even make any such model.
 
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That was a very poorly thought out statement. Rehman Malik said that Israeli-made AK-54s had been recovered, when Israel does not even make any such model.

How do you expect a extinct species to know that ?? And I am not even talking about dodos ! :azn: You guessed it. I am talking about T-rex ! :rofl:
 
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WoW what reasons! If he wanted to fight against these than he should see how India is fighting against similar menaces. Take the good and leave the rests.

His stories should be taken with a pinch of salt. The whole manifest is intented to portray him as a victim instead of perpetrator.

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http://www.vg.no/nyheter/innenriks/oslobomben/lenke.php

Pakistan can do better!
 
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The Rise Of Hindutva Terrorism

The recent arrests in Rajasthan mark progress in resolving some of the most opaque and contentious terrorist attacks India has seen — and also focus attention on a little-understood threat

Praveen Swami
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Eight hundred years ago, the Sufi saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti described what he called the highest form of worship: "to redress the misery of those in distress, to fulfil the needs of the helpless and to feed the hungry."

Back in October, 2007, bombs ripped through the courtyard of what is without dispute South Asia’s most popular Muslim religious centre — the shrine that commemorates Chishti’s life at Ajmer Sharif, in Rajasthan. For months, Police believed the attacks had been carried out by Islamist groups, who oppose the shrine’s syncretic message. On April 30, 2010, however, Rajasthan Police investigators arrested the man they say purchased the mobile phone subscriber-identification modules (SIM) used to trigger the attack. Devendra Gupta, a long standing worker of the Hindu-nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), was held along with his political associates Vishnu Prasad and Chandrashekhar Patidar. All three men are now also thought to have participated in the bombing of the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh. Rasasthan Home Minister Shanti Kumar Dhariwal said the men were backed by an "organisation which tries to incite violence between Hindus and Muslims", adding that authorities were "investigating the links of the organisation with the RSS."

The arrests in Rajasthan mark progress in resolving some of the most opaque and contentious terrorist attacks India has seen in recent years — but have also focussed attention on the little-understood threat of Hindu-nationalist or Hindutva terrorism.

Evidence that Hindutva groups were seeking to acquire terrorist capabilities began to emerge late in 2002. In December that year, an improvised explosive device was found at Bhopal’s railway station, evidently intended to target Muslims arriving in the city to attend a Tablighi Jamaat gathering. Exactly a year later, a second bomb was found in the Lamba Khera area, on the outskirts of Bhopal, on the last day of a Talblighi Jamaat meeting. Both devices were made with commercial nitroglycerine-based explosive, packed inside a four-inch long section of grooved pipe — the kind used, for example, in tube-wells. The explosive was linked to a detonator controlled by both a quartz alarm clock and a mobile phone. Investigators would, in coming years, become familiar with the device: it would be used, with only minor modifications, at Mecca Masjid and at the Ajmer Sharif Shrine. Police in Madhya Pradesh soon developed information linking the attempted Bhopal bombings to local Hindutva activists Ramnarayan Kalsangram and Sunil Joshi. Both suspects were, Police sources said, questioned. No hard evidence linking them to the attempted bombings, however, emerged. Nevertheless, former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh announced that he had evidence of the involvement of members of the Bajrang Dal, an affiliate of the RSS, in acts of terrorism. For reasons that are unclear, though, this evidence was not used to prosecute members of the organisation or any other suspects. Nor were Kalsangram and Joshi placed under sustained surveillance, a failure — regrettably common in Indian policing — that was to cost many lives in coming years.

From 2006, more evidence began to become available that Hindutva terrorist groups were seeking to enhance their lethality. That summer, Bajrang Dal activists Naresh Kondwar and Himanshu Panse were killed in a bomb-making accident in Nanded, Maharashtra. Police later discovered that the two men had been responsible for bombing a mosque in the Parbhani District in April 2006. Bajrang Dal activists linked to the Nanded cell, the Police also found, had bombed mosques at Purna and Jalna in April, 2003, injuring 18 people.

Few in India’s intelligence services saw these activities as a serious threat. In New Delhi, where two low-grade bombs went off at the historic Jama Masjid at the same time, Police made almost no serious effort to investigate the case. However, the Maharashtra Police — who had better reason than most to rue the fact, after all, that the Indian jihadist movement flowered because inadequate attention had been paid to a handful of obscure Islamists staging parades in a Mumbai slum — made clear its disquiet. In a 2006 interview to the Mumbai-based magazine Communalism Combat, former Maharashtra anti-terrorism Police chief K.P. Raghuvanshi noted that the Nanded cell’s operations could have "frightening repercussions", adding further that "bombs were not being manufactured for a puja [prayer ceremony]".

Raghuvanshi’s concern was likely driven by information that Hindutva groups could gain access to more lethal explosives. In September 2006, the Police seized a 195-kilogram cocktail of military grade explosives from an Ahmednagar scrap dealer, Shankar Shelke. Shelke, investigators found, retrieved the material — more than enough to execute all terror strikes across India since 1993 — from a decommissioned Indian Army ordinance store which had sold it as scrap. From Shelke’s telephone records, the investigators established the existence of a huge underground market for high-grade explosives — in the main industrial users who found legally available ammonium nitrate-based slurry explosives a nuisance to store and use.

In May, 2007, a high-intensity bomb went off under a granite slab in an open-air area of the Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad, killing nine people and injuring at least 50; another five people were shot dead when Police fired on violent mobs who protested against the attack. Police then said the attack was likely carried out by the Harkat ul-Jihad-e-Islami (HuJI); State Home Minister K. Jana Reddy attributed it to "foreign elements". Police in Hyderabad have, rightly, been criticised for jumping to conclusions. It is worth noting, though, that — some media accounts notwithstanding — no arrests were made in the case, which was handed over to the Central Bureau of Investigations. More than a dozen Hyderabad Muslims were, indeed, held after the 2008 bombings at Gokul Chaat and Lumbini Park, now believed to have been carried out by a jihadist group, the Indian Mujahideen (IM). None of the men, however, were charged with involvement in either the 2007 or 2008 attacks; they were, instead, accused, and eventually acquitted, on unrelated charges of conspiring to execute acts of terror, based on their alleged possession of fake identification and pseudonymously-acquired mobile phones. Police in Hyderabad have, in the course of the Hindutva terrorism allegation, frequently been accused of communal bias. While the force no doubt suffers from prejudices endemic to Indian society as a whole, there is no empirical basis to suggest communalism coloured its investigation of the Mecca Masjid bombing.

Police in Rajasthan proved just as clueless when bombs went off just outside the famous shrine at Ajmer, killing two people. However, some critical pieces of evidence did emerge. The SIM cards for mobile phones used to activate the bombs at both Mecca Masjid and Ajmer, it turned out were among a set of seven purchased by the perpetrators from West Bengal and Jharkhand in April 2007. The bomb maker had linked the phone’s speaker to a detonator, and packed explosives inside grooved metal pipe — just as they had in the earlier attempts in Bhopal.

In September, 2008, when bombs went off at Malegaon in Maharashtra and Modasa in Gujarat, killing eight and injuring over eighty, Police in Maharashtra were well-poised to develop the leads they had been gathering since 2006. Within weeks, investigators had arrested several key figures in a Pune-based Hindutva cell they believed had carried out the Malegaon attacks — among them, Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur, a Madhya Pradesh-based Hindu nun with deep links to the Hindutva movement, Jammu-based cleric Sudhakar Dwivedi, and a serving Indian Army Lieutenant Colonel, Shrikant Prasad Purohit, linked under the umbrella of Abhinav Bharat.

Founded in the summer of 2006 (on June 12), Abhinav Bharat had been set up as an educational trust with Himani Savarkar — daughter of Gopal Godse, brother of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin — as its President. But, documents filed by Maharashtra prosecutors in the Pune court where Malegaon suspects are being tried, showed that members of the group were soon discussing terrorist activity. In June 2007, Purohit allegedly suggested that the time had come to target Muslims through terrorist attacks — a plea others in Abhinav Bharat rejected. But, evidence gathered by the Police suggests, many within the group were determined to press ahead. At a meeting in April 2008, key suspects including Thakur Dwivedi, also known as Amritananda Dev Tirtha, met Purohit to hammer out the Malegaon plot. Explosives were later procured by Purohit, and handed over to Ram Narayan Kalsangram, in early August 2008.

Abhinav Bharat’s long-term aims, though, went far beyond targeting Muslims: its members wanted to overthrow the Indian state and replace it with a totalitarian, theocratic order. A ‘draft constitution’ spoke of a single-party system, presided over by a leader who "shall be followed at all levels without questioning the authority." It called for the creation of an "academy of indoctrinization [sic]." The concluding comment was stark: "People whose ideas are detrimental to Hindu Rashtra should be killed." Purohit’s plans to bring about a Hindutva state were often fantastical — bordering, even, on the pathological. He claimed, prosecutors say, to have secured an appointment with Nepal’s former monarch, Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev in 2006 and 2007, to press for his support for the planned Hindutva revolution. Nepal, he went on, was willing to train Abhinav Bharat’s cadre, and supply it with assault rifles. Israel’s Government, he said, had agreed to grant members of the group military support and, if needed, political asylum. No evidence has ever emerged that Purohit had, in fact, succeeded in developing transnational patronage or linkages.

The son of a bank officer with no particular political leanings, Purohit seems to have first encountered Hindutva politics in his late teens when he attended a special coaching class for Short Service Commission officer-aspirants at the Bhonsala Military School in Nashik. Founded in 1937 by B.S. Moonje, the controversial school drew on fascist pedagogical practices the Hindutva ideologue encountered on a visit to Europe. Moonje, who had earlier served with the British Indian Army as a doctor during the visit, had met with Italian dictator Benito Mussolini and studied fascist institutions.

Purohit’s military career itself was undistinguished. In 2002, he participated in 15 Maratha Light Infantry’s counter-terrorism operations in Jammu and Kashmir, but won no special honours. Later, he was given an administrative job linked to the raising of 41 Rashtriya Rifles, a dedicated counter-terrorism formation that operates out of Kupwara, in northern Kashmir. His tenure in Jammu and Kashmir ended in January, 2005, while serving in the Awantipora-based 31-Counter Intelligence Unit of the Military Intelligence Directorate, an assignment not considered among the most prestigious.

Investigators suspect Purohit’s decision to set up Abhinav Bharat germinated soon after he moved to Maharashtra in 2005. Purohit was assigned charge of an Army Liaison Unit, a Military Intelligence cell responsible for developing and maintaining links between the Army and local communities. The job provided a perfect cover for developing contacts with his old school, and the circle of Pune-region Hindutva activists who were connected to it. School commandant Colonel S.S. Raikar, investigators say, played a key role in putting Purohit in touch with the activists who went on to form Abhinav Bharat. Raikar, who retired from the Indian Army as head of a Military Intelligence detachment in Manipur, is not charged with criminal wrong-doing. In the summer of 2006, though, Abhinav Bharat held the first of what was to be a series of meetings in rooms provided by the Bhonsala Military School. From the outset, it made no secret of its objectives. Abhinav Bharat drew its name from a terrorist group set up by Hindutva activists in 1904 to fight colonial Britain. Himani Savarkar, grandniece of the Hindutva movement’s founding patriarch Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and niece of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin Nathuram Godse, was appointed the organisation’s President.

Purohit is alleged to have told Abhinav Bharat supporters that his military background had equipped him, unlike the political leadership of existing Hindutva organisations, to prepare for what he saw as an inevitable Hindu-Muslim civilisational war. He would often invent stories of heroic covert exploits against jihadi terrorists to impress his recruits. Full-time cadres of the organisation were known by the honorific Chanakya, a reference to the scholar-advisor who is reputed to have helped build the foundations for the rule of the emperor Chandragupta Maurya.

Despite the formidable mass of evidence it gathered, the Maharashtra investigation ran into a wall — a wall from which the recent arrests in Rajasthan may have removed a few bricks. Thakur’s long-standing associate, Dewas-based RSS organiser and Hindutva activist Sunil Joshi, was murdered on December 31, 2008. His political associates claimed he was killed by Islamists; Police, however, believe that his murder was driven both by disputes over funds within the Abhinav Bharat network, and a romantic issue. Police have also been unable to locate Gujarat-based Jatin Chatterjee, an influential Hindu cleric who uses the clerical alias Swami Asimananad. Chatterjee is a key figure in the controversial Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, which operates a Hindu-proselytisation programme targeting adivasis (tribals) in southern Gujarat. Police sources say he is likely hiding out in Gujarat’s Dangs area, but claim the State Government has failed to cooperate with efforts to locate the suspect. Ram Narayan Kalsangram, the third key fugitive, is also thought to be hiding out in Gujarat. Lawyers for Thakur say she had sold a motorcycle used in the Malegaon bombings to Joshi who, without her knowledge, passed it on to Kalsangram.

What lessons ought India to be learning from the story of the Hindutva terror network? Key among them is the urgent need to address the country’s dysfunctional communal politics. Thakur and her Hindutva terror cell have deep — and, for some, discomfiting — roots in history. Influenced by the dramatic impact of terrorism in imperial Russia, the Hindu nationalist leader, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, became increasingly drawn to violence as a tool to achieve Indian independence. A year after the searing 1905 revolution, which compelled Czar Alexander II to grant basic civil rights, Tilak exhorted his followers: "The days of prayer have gone… Look to the examples of Ireland, Japan and Russia and follow their methods." Tilak’s message proved attractive to many young, upper caste Hindu neoconservatives — often the products of western-style education who had found in their re-imagining of Indian tradition a language with which to oppose British imperialism.

Figures like Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who went on to lead the Hindu Mahasabha, cast the struggle against Britain as a fight to defend the Hindu faith. In one manifesto, the original Abhinav Bharat’s followers promised to "shed upon the earth the life-blood of the enemies who destroy religion." Later, the radical right journal Yugantar argued that the murder of foreigners in India was "not a sin but a yagna [ritual sacrifice]"—sentiments that would be entirely familiar to Osama bin-Laden’s jihadi armies today.

Despite the arrests in Rajasthan, investigators probing Hindutva terror groups still have much work to do. First, a number of mysteries remain to be resolved—ranging from the New Delhi bombings, to the unresolved firebombing of the New Delhi-Lahore Samjhauta Express. Maharashtra prosecutors say a witness heard Purohit linking Joshi to the train’s firebombing. Purohit, the witness claimed, made the claim after a December 29, 2007, phone call, when he was informed of Joshi’s death. "After the phone call," a senior Maharashtra Police officer disclosed, "our witness says Lieutenant-Colonel Purohit credited Joshi with having executed the Samjhauta Express attack, and hailed him as a martyr." In 2009, however, the United States Treasury Department attributed the attack to top Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) operative Arif Kasmani who, it said, was funded by Karachi-based ganglord Dawood Ibrahim Kaksar.

The arrests over the past weeks notwithstanding, the threat remains real — and must be snuffed out. Last year, in June, Hindu Janajagruti Samiti operatives were held for the bombing of the Gadkari Rangayatan theatre in Thane (Maharashtra), to protest the staging of a satire on the Mahabharata, Amhi Pachpute. One of those arrested by the Police, Mangesh Nikam, was facing trial on charges of bombing the home of a Ratnagiri family that had converted to Christianity, and was out on bail. Members of the Goa-based Sanatan Sanstha, affiliated to Hindu Janajagruti, were held for staging a bombing in Panani. Earlier, Bajrang Dal-linked Rajiv Mishra and Bhupinder Singh were killed in a bomb-making accident in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh (UP). UP Police sources said there was little to show that the group had links with the terror cells in Maharashtra, but experience shows that even small cells, left untouched, will acquire ever-greater levels of lethality.

www.outlookindia.com | The Rise Of Hindutva Terrorism
 
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The Foreign Exchange of Hate
IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva


3. Placing the IDRF Inside Hindutva: An Institutional Analysis


The IDRF (India Development and Relief Fund) was set up as a tax-exempt, non-profit organization in 1989 under the provisions of section 501(c)(3) of the tax code. Its official, self-stated purpose is to raise money for organizations in India “assisting in rural development, tribal welfare, and urban poor.”[8] According to its tax filings, the IDRF raised $ 3.8 million in the year 2000, of which it disbursed $1.7 million in ‘relief and development work.’[9]

The IDRF has claimed time and again that it has no connections with the Sangh Parivar. In response to a recent magazine article highlighting some of the links[10], the IDRF issued a statement denying the connection[11], “It [the IDRF] is not affiliated to any group, 'ism', ideology political party.” During an exchange on the online portal Sulekha.com, the Vice-President of the IDRF wrote, ”There is no relation between VHP/RSS and IDRF. Fullpoint."[12]

However, a closer scrutiny of the projects that the IDRF funds, of the IDRF itself, of the affiliations of its office-bearers, and of the organizations that support it and raise funds for it, reveals that the IDRF is fully linked with the Sangh Parivar and the Hindutva movement in India. This segment of the report will outline:

a) the institutional links between the IDRF and the RSS and its affiliates in India;

b) the links between the IDRF and RSS in terms of the overlaps in personnel, and

c) the links between the IDRF and the US affiliates of the RSS.

The next part will specifically look at the financial links between the IDRF and the RSS projects in India.


3.1 Institutional Links: the IDRF as a U.S. branch of the Sangh

The institutional links between the Sangh and the IDRF are extremely well documented. There are two levels at which these links can be examined:

a.) through documents submitted by IDRF to various US Federal and State Government agencies.

b.) through documents published by IDRF as part of its public relations and advertising machinery.

3.1.1 The IDRF in US Government Documents:

The most important of the documents submitted by the IDRF to the Internal Revenue Service of the United States is its application for a tax exempt certificate. Form 1023, duly filled by the IDRF executives when it was created in 1989, identifies nine organizations as a representative sample of the types of organizations the IDRF has been set up to support in India. These nine organizations are:


Vikas Bharati (Bihar)

Swami Vivekananda Rural Development Society (Tamil Nadu)

Sewa Bharati (Delhi)

Jana Seva Vidya Kendra (Karnataka)

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram(Madhya Pradesh)

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (Gujarat)

Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (Nagar Haveli)

Girivasi Vanvasi Sewa Prakalp (Uttar Pradesh)

G. Deshpande Vanvasi Vastigrah (Maharashtra)

All nine are clearly marked Sangh organizations. For instance,

In Sangh literature, the origins and growth of Vikas Bharati is described as follows:
The Vikas Bharati stream, which originated in the fountainhead called Sangh, has been quietly flowing towards the ocean called society, gathering many additional streams on the way.[13] (emphasis added)


Similarly, the Swami Vivekananda Rural Development Society (SVRDS) is a sister organization of the VHP in Tamil Nadu[14]. While the stated goal of SVRDS is rural development and education of tribals, considerable documentation exists to show its emphasis on tribals learning practices that surround Hindu religious festivals.[15]


Of these various service organizations, Sewa Bharati is, in India, the most commonly RSS identified service organization [16]. Sewa International’s website [17] has extensive documentation of Sewa Bharati, and its religious/theological actions rather than service/developmental work. The following report on the work of Sewa Bharati in Samatadham Basti extracted from this site is illuminating:

After Sewa-karya [service] started, a temple has come into being. Daily pooja [prayer service] takes place in the temple with Arati. Because of this, the feeling of Hindutwa in our households has been awakened. All this is the contribution of Sewa Bharati.
For a more extensive documentation of the above nine organizations, see Appendix B. Of these nine organizations, Sewa Bharati is a crucial organization in terms of direct funding from the US. Hence it is covered especially in Appendix D.

The above three examples should suffice for now to point us towards an important conclusion: the nine organizations that the IDRF identifies as sample organizations that it will support in Form 1023, are all clearly marked Sangh operations. This illustrates the point that from its very moment of inception, the IDRF’s goal was clearly to support the Sangh Parivar in India. That the IDRF supports Sangh organizations is thus not a matter of accident but is instead definitional of its very design.

3.1.2 IDRF In Its Own Words:

A far more extensive set of linkages between the Sangh and the IDRF than identified through the nine organizations in Form 1023, emerge when we examine the organizations that the IDRF identifies as its “sister organizations.” the IDRF lists nine subheadings under ‘Sister Organizations’[18] — the ninth of which is called ‘IDRF’s affiliates in India’— a collection of 67 other organizations. Combined with the first eight sister organizations listed, it brings the total number of “sister organizations” to 75.

Of these 75 organizations, 60 are clearly identifiable as Sangh affiliates in India. The remaining fifteen organizations are not classified in this report as RSS affiliates, not because we have evidence that show that they are independent organizations, but because there is very little information available on them per se. It is thus possible that most, if not all fifteen, are RSS affiliates.

If the nine organizations listed on Form 1023 point to the commitment of the IDRF to supporting RSS operations in India, this list of 60 (75) is sufficient evidence to indicate that since its inception in 1989, the IDRF has systematically grown and developed into a core participant in the foreign fund drives organized by the RSS. The list includes some of the organizations that are flagships for the RSS operations. Some of these are described below:

Ekal Vidyalays (One Teacher Schools) is a VHP project aimed at the indoctrination of students in remote, tribal villages.[19]

Vikasan Foundation started by the Hindu Seva Pratishthan and Jana Seva Vidya Kendra is also a Sangh organization [20] whose stated goal is to promote Indian culture in India and abroad. However, like all Sangh organizations, it conflates the ‘Indian’ culture with its version of ‘Hindu/Vedic’ culture and collects money for funding gurukuls (Hindu religious schools, equivalent of the Islamic madrassas) in India and abroad.

Bharat Vikas Parishad is identified by the RSS as its branch organization that aims ‘to involve entrepreneurs and well-off sections of the society in National service and for protecting Bhartiya values.’[21]

Sewa International is IDRF affiliate in India overseeing IDRF’s Indian operation. In terms of international funding, it may be amongst the most significant of IDRF’s “sister” organizations. It is a Sangh Parivar organization set up primarily for the purpose of coordinating foreign contributions for different Sangh projects in India. Sevadisha, the publication of the Seva Vibhag (Service Wing) of the RSS lists Sewa International as its arm established specifically to find international support for organizations working under the Sangh ideology:

“Yet another development is the establishment of an international organization titled Sewa International which now has branches in many countries. Sewa International will look after the interests of seva [service] related issues not only in the respective countries where they have chapters but also take up global level care of sewa [service] work carried out under the Sangh ideology. [22]
We document here, in brief, these four flagship organizations of the Sangh to point to the centrality of the IDRF in Sangh operations. From its inception in 1989, the IDRF has grown not only in terms of the extensive list of the RSS organizations it supports but also in terms of its affiliation and support for critical Sangh operations. The IDRF thus is not a marginal organization within the Sangh framework but clearly an important, if not a core constituent.

A complete list of all seventy five “sister organizations” are in Appendix B (along with the nine organizations listed on IDRF’s Form 1023) with evidence of their status as Sangh affiliate organizations. Of the seventy five, the detailed descriptions of Sewa International is included as a separate appendix, Appendix C, because of the critical role that Sewa International plays within the domain of international funding for the RSS.

3.2 The IDRF’s Leadership: The RSS Ideologue

The institutional analysis above is further strengthened through a brief look at some of the IDRF personnel. Many of the people associated with the IDRF, including its founders, affiliates in India, and its officials, have extensive links with other Hindutva organizations in this country or the Sangh Parivar in India.

IDRF's Founders:


Bhishma Agnihotri, a well-known RSS ideologue and a HSS Sanghchalak (Supremo), is one of the founders the IDRF[23]. HSS is RSS’s equivalent organization in the US and UK.


Two of the IDRF’s other founders, Jatinder Kumar and Ram Gehani, are office bearers of FISI. Mr. Gehani is also associated with the OFBJP. FISI is the public relations arm of the HSS. OFBPJ[24] is the overseas arm of the BJP.


Vinod Prakash is one of the founders of the IDRF and also its President since its inception. The HSS Newsletter, Sangh Sandesh, for January 2001 announces the opening of a tribal boys hostel by Sewa Bharati, MP named after ‘Sarla Vinod Prakash,’[25] the wife of Vinod Prakash. Both Sarla and Vinod Prakash are listed as founders of the IDRF. Members of the Prakash family were present at the inauguration and shared the stage with Mr. Ashok Singhal, the international President of VHP, who has currently been in the news for voicing his "appreciation" of the anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat and the "cleansing" of several Gujarati villages of their Muslim residents.[26]


The IDRF's Other Office Bearers:

Of the 6 Zonal Vice Presidents listed on IDRF’s website, four are HSS volunteers, and one of them is on the National Governing Council of the VHP of America.[27] The General Secretary of the IDRF, Shyam Gokalgandhi, is also responsible for running the Balvihar of the HSS in the San Fransisco Bay Area.[28]


The IDRF's People in India:

Shyam Parande, the India Advisor of IDRF, is listed in an article from The Observer, as ‘the organizer of Sangh activities abroad.’ Vijay Mallampati, India Coordinator for IDRF, is also actively involved with the Sangh Parivar, and acted as the Mukhya Shikshak (Chief Instructor) at one of the HSS camps in the US.[29]

3.3 The IDRF and the Sangh in the United States

The preceding two sections establish the organizational and personnel based links between the IDRF and the Sangh in India. In this section, we turn the lens around and look at the IDRFs links to Hindutva’s US operations. Hindutva in the United States has grown systematically ever since the 1980s, experiencing exponential growth in the 90s corresponding with the boom in professional Hindu-Indian migration from India to the United States. This has meant that the growth has been in pockets with larger concentrations of the professional Hindu migrant – largely the West Coast, the North East and the Southern states of Florida and Texas.

Hindutva organizations in the US do extensive publicity and fundraising for the IDRF. Often the IDRF and the VHP-America are the only ‘service organizations’ recognized by these groups, completely neglecting respected non-sectarian development and relief organizations, such as Association for India’s Development (AID), Asha for Education, Pratham-USA, Child Relief and You (CRY), India Development Service (IDS)and Indians for Collective Action (ICA).

A multi media presentation commissioned by the HSS, commemorating 75 years of the Sangh identifies the IDRF as a Sangh organization in the US, and urges people wishing to support the Sangh in India to donate generously to IDRF.[30]


The FISI and the HSS hold fund-raising drives for IDRF[31], which are usually centered around topics such as ‘Islamic Terrorism.’ These events, centered on such themes, function both as fundraisers as well as ideological training sessions that justify their opposition to Indian Muslims by seeking to link all Muslims in India with the wrongdoings of any Muslim anywhere.


Hindu Unity, a militant Hindutva website and the voice of Bajrang Dal abroad —which openly advocates violence against minorities and maintains a ‘hit list’ of people opposed to its views—provides links to IDRF[32]. This is the only ‘development’ related organization listed on its page along with a number of Sangh Parivar organizations, or some even more militant Hindutva sites.


The IDRF also hosts web pages for the HSS [33], where the HSS is introduced as an organization “started in the USA and other parts of the world to continue what RSS is doing in India.


Several Hindu Student Council chapters (student wings of the VHP-America) raise money for the IDRF as part of their ‘seva’ activity. [34]
VHP-America, Hindu Universe, Nation of Hindutva, HinduWomen, Global Hindu Electronic Network, HSS-UK—all Hindutva sites—provide links to the IDRF and identify it as a ‘Hindu’ charity. [35]

The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Funding of Hindutva
 
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