Myanmar-Bangladesh relations

[kalu_miah]

We hope to make this a sticky thread with periodic discussions on important issues on the relations between the two nations. To start off, here is a wiki entry and 2 recent articles:

Bangladesh-Burma relations - Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The neighboring countries of Bangladesh and Burma (officially, Myanmar) currently have a ambiguous bilateral relationship. Tensions exist between the two countries due to border disputes and the presence of over 270,000 Burmese Muslim refugees in Bangladesh.[1] Bilateral ties with Myanmar are good, despite occasional border strains and an influx of more than 270,000 Muslim refugees (known as "Rohingya") from predominantly Buddhist Burma. As a result of bilateral discussions, and with the cooperation and assistance of the UNHCR, most of the Rohingya refugees have now returned to Burma[source?]. As of 2000, about 22,000 refugees remain in camps in southern Bangladesh.
At the 2008 ASEAN Regional forum summit in Singapore, Bangladesh and Myanmar have pledged to solve their Maritime boundary disputes as quickly as possible especially that a UN deadline in claiming maritime territories will expire in three years time.[2]
Both countries discussed the possibility of linking the two countries together in an attempt to boost their trade and commerce relations. The estimate to complete the 25 km highway is three years and at the cost of $20 million. Another aspect of this plan is to connect the highway to the Asian Superhighway which would connect the two countries to China.[3]

PM wants vibrant relations with Myanmar

PM wants vibrant relations with Myanmar

Prime Minister (PM) Sheikh Hasina Monday said her government is keen to build vibrant relations with neighbouring Myanmar in the backdrop of its changing political situation, reports BSS.

She said Dhaka greatly values the importance of strengthening relations with Yangon as the country is the first stepping-stone for Bangladesh to build bridge with South East Asia.

Sheikh Hasina said this when outgoing Ambassador of Myanmar in Bangladesh U Min Lwin paid a farewell call on her at Gonobhaban here.

After the farewell call, PM's Press Secretary Abul Kalam Azad said Sheikh Hasina congratulated the envoy for his valuable contribution during his stay in Dhaka in improving the bilateral relations between the two countries.

Expressing satisfaction on the settlement of long-standing demarcation of the maritime boundary issue, Sheikh Hasina said Bangladesh is willing to forge stronger relations with Myanmar for greater interest and welfare of the peoples of the two countries.

She referred to the excellent historic relation, bondage, cultural traditions and people-to-people interactions and common aspirations saying direct road and rail connectivity would give a tremendous boost to trade opportunities between the two countries, Azad said.

Looks like Hasina is giving lip service to official Bangladesh look east policy of building relations with ASEAN countries, but not showing much action on the ground.

All roads lead to Myanmar!

All roads lead to Myanmar!

Zaglul Ahmed Chowdhury

Rabindranath Tagore wrote in one of his classic poems: Paschim Aaj Khuliache dhar, shetha hothe shabe aane upahar .., (the West has opened its door and all are collecting presents from there …". Now, it appears that all are of late veering towards the south-east Asian nation of Myanmar which has long been known for iron-fist rule but is making remarkable changes in the recent times. The country that had been under the rule of the military junta for about five decades from since 1962 to 2010 and has only recently made a transition to a quasi-civilian government, is drawing increasing admiration from the international community. The present regime in Myanmar has taken several commendable steps in the last few months and all these are being seen as encouraging signs for democratic reforms. The democratic world is all praise for Myanmar authorities for taking initiatives in this direction and hopes that the country will eventually reach the much cherished goal of full pluralistic society. World leaders are visiting the country. They are inspiring the government to go ahead with the reforms and urging the opposition leader and icon of democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi, for carrying out her reforms agenda in concert with the authorities.

The business leaders are not lagging behind. They too are thronging 'Burma' (Myanmar is still known in many countries by this earlier name). More and more people are travelling to Yangoon, the former capital and main city, and also to the present capital Naypyidaw. Visa and other procedures are being simplified in Myanmar to encourage those who find the once-isolated country as a potential place for business. Not too long before, many people from our country went to such places like "Rangoon" (now Yangoon) and Mandalaya for trade, especially for timber and precious stones. "Burma Teak" and "Burmese Ruby" are very much familiar names to us. Since the nation came under strict military rule in 1962, that trend waned. Now, it is a different scenario as things have markedly changed.

Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh is the last of the important world leaders to visit Myanmar. He was accompanied by a large business delegation. He held talks with Myanmar President Thein Sein and opposition leader Suu Kyi. India signed twelve agreements for cooperation in various fields during Manmohan's visit.

Incidentally, India maintained good relations with the junta leaders of Myanmar much to the dismay of the democratic world. Clearly, New Delhi pursued such a policy because of business interest and to obviate the influence of China in Myanmar. Communist China has warm ties with that country and is not bothered about democracy since Beijing itself practises one-party rule. But the case of India is different. Indian government's support for the military regime in Myanmar came under strong criticism in its own land and Nobel laureate Dr. Amartya Sen wondered how the world's biggest democracy could support an autocratic government. Evidently, India was driven by strategic interests and its principled stand on democracy took a back seat.

In the changed circumstances, New Delhi is seeking to take full advantage of President Thein Sein's policy of openness in one hand and repair the ruptured ties with the opposition leader Suu Kyi, on the other. Understandably, Suu Kyi was unhappy about India's past policy of having cordial ties with Myanmar's military rulers. Suu Kyi, who studied in India as her mother was Burma's ambassador there, was somewhat aghast at the pro-junta policy of New Delhi. Now, India is repairing relations with her and also making efforts to seize business and other opportunities with all seriousness.

Earlier, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, British Foreign Secretary William Hague, Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and European Union foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton visited Myanmar for talks with both government and opposition leaders. United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon was also there to encourage steps towards desirable reforms. The World Bank and other global institutions are relaxing or lifting measures that were imposed on Myanmar because of repressive rule. The US has not fully withdrawn the restrictions as the lawmakers there want more time to watch the progress towards democracy and good governance.

Bangladesh businessmen are landing in Myanmar in search of trade. Dhaka is contemplating cooperation with Myanmar in gas and other fields. But the question is: How much serious are we or are we moving in a planned manner?

This writer had the opportunity of travelling to Myanmar way back in 1977 as a member of an official journalist delegation from Bangladesh led by celebrated poet and the then Dainik Bangla editor Shamsur Rahman.

A friend has just returned from Yangoon and he says the city is bristling with business and all kind of activities and presence of the foreigners are noteworthy. But he says Bangladesh appears to be lagging behind in exploiting the opportunities in Myanmar and doubts whether timely and pragmatic steps are being taken in that regard.

zaglulbss@yahoo.com

 

[kalu_miah]

Look East policy of Bangladesh:
Sino-Bangla relations and Bangladesh's Look East policy - Mombu the Culture Forum

Bangladesh and China are celebrating the 30th anniversary of the establishment of China-Bangladesh diplomatic relations. China has always been an important factor in Bangladesh's foreign relations. In present times, Bangladesh is adopting a Look East policy as an important characteristic of its foreign policy. A core segment of that policy is Sino-Bangla relations, considering China's present economic strength and political influence.

China may also be well aware of Bangladesh's geo-political importance and market potentialities. Exchange of high profile visits between Bangladesh and China shows both countries' seriousness to strengthen Sino-Bangla bilateral relations. Early stage China was against Bangladesh's liberation
war.

In fact, up to August 1975, there were no official relations between the two countries. However, the hidden cause lay in Bangladesh's relations with India and the former USSR, India-USSR relations, Pakistan-China relations, and the China-Pakistan-US axis. At the time of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's regime in Bangladesh, China exercised its veto power while Bangladesh was trying to get UN membership.

Though China did not agree to give formal recognition to Bangladesh during Mujib's regime, it stopped opposing Bangladesh's membership to the United Nations after a treaty signed between Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India on April 28, 1974.

After the overthrow of the Mujib government, China officially recognised Bangladesh on August 31, 1975. It officially established diplomatic relations with Bangladesh on October 4, 1975. Since then, the bilateral relations between the two countries have been growing very rapidly.

At the time, a tense relationship with India has caused Bangladesh to tilt towards China. Starting from Ziaur Rahman's regime, all governments of Bangladesh have contributed positively to strengthen Sino-Bangla relations.

PM's China visit of 2002

The present BNP-led four party coalition government of Bangladesh has adopted a Look East policy to explore and use the potentialities of eastern countries for Bangladesh. By virtue of that, Bangladesh has emphasized stronger Sino-Bangla relations. To open new dimensions of cooperation
between Bangladesh and China, the present prime minister of Bangladesh, Begum Khaleda Zia, visited China from December 23-27, 2002.

It was very significant for various reasons. The Bangladesh premier met with almost all the main government officials and party leaders of China during her visit. At the time, three treaties and an MoU were signed on military cooperation, economy, and technology between the two countries. China promised to give additional 110 million yuan (Chinese currency) with previously sanctioned 50 million yuan interest free loan for building the 6th Bangladesh-China friendship bridge on the Dholessori river. Of this, 60 million is grant and the rest is interest-free loan.

It is very encouraging that five bridges exist in Bangladesh as a symbol of Bangladesh-China friendship. In addition, China declared $24 million as grants for Bangladesh which it previously gave as interest-free loan to build an international conference centre at Dhaka. Now the centre is treated
as a gift of the Chinese government. A treaty has been signed to establish Bangladesh-China joint venture ceramic and tannery industries.

China will also provide support for Bangladesh's agriculture and tourism sectors. During Khaleda's visit to China, some initiatives were taken to reduce the trade deficit which is in favour of China. In 2002, Bangladesh's import trade with China was worth $64.2 million, while the export trade was
worth $19 million. Now the deficit is over $500 million. During Khaleda's visit, Bangladesh requested China to allow duty-free entry of 34 Bangladeshi items to China as a part of the Bangkok accord. Moreover, official talks were held between the two sides on sub-regional cooperation.

The proposed cooperation includes regions like Yunnan province of China, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, and the North-Eastern states of India. Asian Highway may be a regulator for this economic and commercial exchange. The initiative is termed as the "Kunming Initiative" because Kunming of Yunnan province is the centre point of the Chinese proposal. Kunming-Dhaka direct air flight is a part of the proposed initiative. A meeting was held on this initiative on February 6-7, 2002, and China, India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh were the participants.

China wants to make a common economic grid circling Myanmar, Thailand, and the Eastern states of India using its Yunnan province. Bangladesh expressed its support to "One China Policy" of China during Khaleda's visit. At that time an agreement on defense cooperation was signed between the two countries which was termed as "Umbrella Agreement" by foreign minister of Bangladesh M. Morshed Khan.

China is the supplier of most of the military equipment of Bangladesh. From the very beginning of its diplomatic relations with Bangladesh, China provides significant support for Bangladesh's military. Higher training for Bangladesh army and arms supply are among the support. But there were no agreements on defense cooperation.

The signed treaty is a strengthening effort compared to the previous MoUs signed for defense cooperation. This is not a defense and security agreement. But undoubtedly it is significant for a small state like Bangladesh. Wen Jiabao's Bangladesh visit of 2005Chinese premier Wen Jiabao was in Bangladesh on an official visit on April 7-8, 2005. After a summit with the Bangladesh side, led by the PM, and attended by other important ministers and officials, nine accords -- five agreements, two MoUs, a contract and an exchange of letter -- were signed.

The Chinese premier readily agreed to constructing the Di-Aluminium Phosphate (DAP) fertilizer factory in Chittagong entirely on concessional lending instead of on supplier's credit. Both sides agreed to make preferential duty arrangements to boost the import and export of commodities between the two countries. China recognised the imbalance in trade with Bangladesh, and pledged to take active steps to increase imports from Bangladesh.

The Chinese premier even said that his government would give subsidy to Chinese business people to increase the import of Bangladeshi goods under a package of measures. Under a signed accord, China will give $6 million to Bangladesh for capacity building of civil servants. Moreover, the Chinese side also agreed to increase scholarships for Bangladeshi students.

China will also help Bangladesh make peaceful use of nuclear energy. Foreign Minister M. Morshed Khan said Bangladesh will go for peaceful use of nuclear energy in power generation, medicine, and other development purposes under an agreement just signed with China. Both countries signed the
Bangladesh-China Cooperation Agreement on Peaceful Usage of Nuclear Energy.

To make Bangladesh's position clear to all, Hemayetuddin, the foreign secretary of Bangladesh, said: "There is nothing military or related to weapons in this agreement." China will also cooperate in the development of the tourism sector of Bangladesh and will make Bangladesh an approved tourist destination for Chinese citizens. Both the countries agreed to the opening of direct air link between Beijing and Dhaka via Kunming.

During Wen Jiabao's visit, Bangladesh again expressed its support for the One-China policy. Chinese potentialities and cooperation possibilities China's rise as an economic power and its potentialities make it a leader in the developing world. From 1979 to 1997, China's average annual growth rate was 9.8 percent, 6.5 percentage points higher than that of the rest of the world. After the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US, the world was suffering from an economic depression.

Even at that time China was able to maintain a considerable economic growth. Up to 2001, China's position was the sixth in the world, according to the average production. Among the developing countries, this position was second. If it grows in this way it will be the greatest economic power in
terms of purchasing capacity by 2020. Strong economic and commercial relations with such a potential superpower will eventually help Bangladesh strengthen its own economy. Moreover, the positive thing is that the Chinese side is also interested to develop close ties with Bangladesh.

China has a great market interest in Bangladesh. However, China's strategic interest in Bangladesh is magnified with market potentials. Other than commodity trade, China is also involved in infrastructural development of Bangladesh. It is providing support for manufacturing, mining, fertilizer factories, building roads and bridges, etc. China has expertise in sectors like telecommunication, information technology, textile and RMG, foodstuff, manufacturing, pharmaceuticals which may be useful for Bangladesh in terms of cost effectiveness through joint cooperation and investment. But Bangladesh should be careful for its own RMG sector.

Because in a quota-free world, China is one of the competitors of Bangladesh. But there is also a chance for cooperation. Now Bangladesh imports a good quantity of fabrics for its RMG sectors from India. As China has sufficient expertise in producing fabrics, Bangladesh should encourage Chinese investment in Bangladesh in this sector. Joint investment in this sector may also meet Bangladesh's needs. It will be profitable for both countries. For Bangladesh, this kind of cooperation may help to secure its market competency in the age of globalisation. Bangladesh is a potential country for tourism. Bangladesh's Cox's Bazar which is an attractive tourist spot and famous for the world's longest sea beach is very near to Yunnan province of China.

One can easily reach Dhaka from Kunming of Yunnan province of China within one and a half hours by air. Both the countries have agreed to start direct air link between Dhaka and Kunming in the shortest possible time. During the Chinese premiere Wen Jiabao's Bangladesh visit, a good move was made for Bangladesh's tourism sector, making Bangladesh a tourist destination for Chinese citizens. So after staring the Dhaka-Kunming direct air link a new dimension of tourism will open for both the countries.

Not only will the Chinese get an opportunity to visit tourist spots of Bangladesh like Cox's Bazar sea beach, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Potenga sea beach, etc., but also the Bangladeshis will get the privilege to visit the land of "eternal spring" and also see mountains and glaciers and ancient forests in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces of China. Moreover, if the two countries can build Kunming-Chittagong road link, it will definitely help to boost trade and tourism for both.

However, it may be fruitful for Bangladesh if it can make a Bangladesh-Myanmar-China tri-nation economic grid. Like Bangladesh, Myanmar also has a strong relation with China. And from past few years Bangladesh-Myanmar economic relation is increasing significantly. So a tri-nation economic cooperation is possible.

Conclusion

In the age of globalisation, economic diplomacy may be the key tool for almost every country's foreign policy. All countries are tilting towards bilateral and multilateral economic cooperation and economic pacts. Regional organisations are working as a useful tool for organising cooperation among the regional countries. Unfortunately, in South Asia, Saarc is not working properly due to some internal problems of its member states.

Saarc's failure may be a reason behind adopting Bangladesh's Look East policy. Another reason is to reduce dependency on India. As a neighbour, Bangladesh has had some bad experiences with India's hegemonic attitude on various bilateral issues like border problems, water sharing problems, etc.

Moreover, India does not seem serious about reducing its trade imbalance with Bangladesh. The bilateral trade deficit has now exceeded over $1 billion. China may be a good option for Bangladesh to reduce dependency on India, and it seems more serious than India about reducing our bilateral trade deficit.

Dr. Kazi Ihtesham teaches History at Jahangirnagar University and Mohammad
Mahabubur Rahman is a researcher in International Relations.

 

[Skallagrim]

BANGLADESH – MYANMAR RELATIONS- THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION
Ambassador Ashfaqur Rahman
Chairman,
Centre for Foreign Affairs Studies (CFAS) ​

37 years is a relatively long time to build up a viable economic relationship between two neighboring countries- Bangladesh & Myanmar.

Let us take stock of what we have institutionally done so far-

1. Before independence (in 1966), an agreement to demarcate land boundary was signed with Myanmar;

2. In 1980, border agreement for cooperation was signed;

3. In 1988, an agreement for demarcation of land section of the boundary north of Naaf river was signed;

4. An understanding to have foreign secretary level annual talks touching on economic links has been agreed to;

5. A joint trade commission was established to discuss trade matters;

6. Talks on delimitation of maritime boundary has now been agreed to.

But is these enough to address the entire gamut of economic relations between the two countries? What have we failed to achieve or to put it in simple terms- what else we could have done, which we could not do. We can list them also.

1. There is yet no investment agreement with Myanmar;

2. There is no shipping or air agreement;

3. There is no tourism agreements;

4. There are no road connectivity agreement;

5. There is no currency exchange agreement.

In a sweeping assessment of the state of our economic relationship, one can say that both Bangladesh and Myanmar have failed to achieve a satisfactory level of economic cooperation that can take off in future. In short, the possibilities are immense, but we have together failed to take advantage of our great potentials.

Let me first enumerate the strengths of Myanmar, so that one can understand the potentials of our economic dimensions of cooperation.

A. Myanmar is 5 times the size of Bangladesh (Its area is 676,577 Sq. km);

B. Myanmar’s coastline is 2832 km long. This is twice the size of Japan and 4.8 times the size of Bangladesh;

C. Myanmar’s population is less than 40% of Bangladesh. Density of population is 70/sq. compared to 861/sq. in Bangladesh;

D. Per capita share of land is 12.3 times greater than Bangladesh;

E. The Arakan mountain range separates Rakhine and Chin states bordering
Bangladesh from rest of Myanmar. These two states in Myanmar, the Rakhine and the Chin have-

a. Limestone (Millions of tons);
b. Timber;
c. Bamboo (700 sq km- enough to run many times that of Karnafuli Paper Mills);
d. Marine products;
e. Various minerals.


F. Myanmar has a liberal policy of leasing land for agro-based industries. It exempts land for tax f or 2-8 years, with provision for income tax waiver for 3 years. It encourages contract farming;

G. Myanmar has extensive natural gas deposits. Exploration with the help of Chinese and Korean Companies are on the way. Thailand and China are main buyers of the gas. New explorations both on shore and off shore are on going;

H. Hydropower is a major source of energy. The mountains are a great reserve and enough electricity can be generated for export by Myanmar.

So what are the obstacles if any for economic cooperation between our two countries?

Bangladesh shares 168 km of border with Myanmar. But political and security problems sometimes disturb our relationship. The first is of course the movement of Rohingyas across the border to Bangladesh. These persons who have crossed over in the past continue to temporarily live in refugee camps in bordering Cox’s Bazaar district of Bangladesh. The Myanmar authorities have shown great reluctance in accepting these persons (about 23000 officially) as their citizens. They think that they are foreigners. On the part of Rohingyas here, they are reported to be alarmed at the internal situation across the border and are not happy to be sent back as they think they would be persecuted. In the latest effort by Bangladesh, our honorable Foreign Minister during her recent visit to Myanmar again raised the matter. The Myanmar authorities have asked for an up to date list of these refugees so that they can scrutinize and see if they are their citizens. Such exercise has been done many times in the past. Due to this hesitation, Bangladesh is quite fed up and wants a quick resolution, so that relationship can move on to the next higher level. The Rohingyas are in a way drain on our national resources. Yet we cannot just push them back as it would be inhuman in the face of the uncertainties in Myanmar. Reports of fresh influx of Rohingyas are also anticipated due to difficult political situation in these states.

The other issue is the demarcation of maritime boundary. Both the governments are in disagreement and there has been military stand off in the past as both sides lay claim to maritime areas which are reported to have enormous gas and oil resources. Any prospect of single or joint exploration of carbon resources is not forthcoming.

The third issue which is not spoken of much, but is an underlying cause of discontent in Bangladesh is the state of governance in Myanmar. The pro-democracy movement there has been time and again obstructed much to the dismay of democratic forces in Bangladesh. Yet Myanmar being a close neighbor and the fact that on principle Bangladesh does not interfere in the internal affairs of any country we have ignored the issue. The general feeling is to allow events to take its own course and Myanmar to run this gauntlet and ultimately return to democracy.

Expanding economic relations under these clouds could are a difficult proposition. We think of Myanmar as a distant neighbor of Bangladesh. But there has to be fresh thinking and new added to our relationship. We have to have a strategic vision towards Myanmar.

Two models come easily to mind. One is of course the Singapore model and the other is the China model. Singapore in spite of it being a country closely aligned to the west has for long went alone in its relations with Myanmar and persuaded in its other ASEAN neighbors to join her in befriending the country. The basis of this strategy was to gain from a relationship which was essentially economic. Singapore invested heavily in Myanmar and traded with her. It even pushed other ASEAN members to allow Myanmar to join the regional organization. However, by economically engaging with Myanmar, it has been able to leverage her on political matters. Even this week, Mr. Go Chock Tong, Senior Minister of Singapore and Former Prime Minister is leading a delegation to Myanmar ostensibly to open a village rebuilt by Singapore after cyclone Nargis, but it would be to speak frankly with Myanmar on political matters.

The China case is also of great significance. China has all along maintained warm economic links with Myanmar- trading and investing heavily there, allowing the Burmese government in power to avoid western economic sanctions and have a free rein in combating internal insurgencies. However, China has been quite strict in seeing that none of these insurgencies or government actions spills over into her borders. China has benefited from lucrative mining and manufacturing contracts and continue to have close trade relations.

India too, which is the biggest democracy in the world has reversed its time honored policy of supporting democratic governments and keeping in mind its geo-political realities have close political and intelligence links with the Burmese government to gain in its fight against its own insurgents as well as provide maritime outlets to its land locked North Eastern states.

Bangladesh should therefore devise a strategy that allows Myanmar to cooperate economically with her. Myanmar should feel comfortable in dealing with Bangladesh and should not feel that the Rohingyas or any other issue is an impediment to this relationship. Our border with Myanmar should be a peaceful and economically productive one. We must create conditions where both side have a ‘win-win’ situation.
Today our bilateral trade is only USD 100 million with Bangladesh exporting only USD 3-4 million. This needs to be definitely enhanced with Bangladesh introducing new items like pharmaceuticals, jute, cosmetics, consumer ware especially white goods, leather products, computer and IT ware into Myanmar. In return we should consider importing food grains, agro products, timber, gas into Bangladesh. Our trade should increase to USD 500 million in two years, to be raised to USD 1 billion by 2013. For this increased trade we need to ask Myanmar to ease issue of visas and also to deregulate currency restrictions. We may allow Myanmar bank to operate in Chittagong while we operate our bank in Yangon. Some dynamic bank should start operating there. Coastal shipping especially cargo vessels should put on a regular basis between Chittagong and their ports to carry products easily.

An important area of economic cooperation would be investment in Myanmar and in Bangladesh. Investment agreements need to be signed. Myanmar has investment opportunities in-
a. Tourism;
b. Teak wood;
c. Cane;
d. Marine fishing;
e. Prawn farming;
f. Livestock breeding;
g. Construction;
h. Motels;
i. Ceramic pottery;
j. Manufacturing;
k. Rubies/sapphire/jade/pearls polishing etc.

Bangladesh government should create a bank credit line to facilitate easy investment. Outward investment by Bangladesh should be encouraged and appropriate legislation should be put in place. Two excellent areas of investment jointly with Myanmar are begging. The first is setting up a hydro-electric project, where electricity would be supplied to Bangladesh. We can construct the plant in Rakhine state and get 70% of the electricity and pay 30% to Myanmar as loyalty.

The other project is setting up a fertilizer plant under a joint venture. Bangladesh can provide land, expertise and Myanmar provides natural gas. Both can share the output.

An important economic dimension of our relationship is to develop connectivity between our two countries. At present besides air connection, there are no road links or passenger shipping links. Historically these links were there, but remain disconnected for decades. It is imperative that we re-establish road link soon. An understanding had been reached to build 25 km road (2 km in Bangladesh and 23 km in Myanmar) by Bangladesh. The Myanmar government has at last given permission for our survey team to visit Myanmar and do the needful. This must be taken up early in order to have the connecting road established. 25 km should be done in 2 years if our government is keen. From the Myanmar side at the end of 25 km there is another stretch of 100+ km that needs to be upgraded. We need to encourage donors especially Asian Development Bank to take up this project. We then can link up with Yangoon as well as with Kunming in China through Myanmar’s internal road links. The Asian Highway controversy is a different issue, as it would simply be senseless for any international traveler to take a roundabout way through North East India to link up with highway inside Myanmar.

Let us therefore in conclusion consider a new strategy for our economic relation with Myanmar. Let us re-calibrate and renew our ties based on a win-win situation. Let us upgrade, enhance and re-introduce trade, investment and connectivity between our two great countries.

________________________________________________________________________

The above one is a 2008 article. http://www.biiss.org/ashfaq.pdf

 

[kalu_miah]

Very nice article by honorable Ambassador. Since we have solved the maritime dispute, the Rohingya problem should not get in the way. While we keep talking with them about this, we can try to integrate these people in our own country temporarily, considering it as a good gesture to Myanmar. They should not go back now, if they feel their existence is threatened. Once the situation in Myanmar improves, they will automatically be allowed back, as Myanmar has huge land and other resources to develop and utilize all its citizens and even need foreign workers in the future.

I have several friends from Myanmar. All of them seem bright and intelligent, except for a Myanmarese of Chinese origin, who considers himself a Chinese rather than a Myanmarese. I think this country has a great future ahead.

Two steps will help increase our footprint in that country:

1. Open a direct air-link from Dhaka to Yangon, lets say once a week
2. Open a direct Chittagong to Yangon feeder vessel shipping service

We should use the above approach with other greater Mekong region countries and ASEAN-10 countries for greater economic integration and people-to-people contact.

 

[ahfatzia]

Personally I'm a strong supporter of Bangladesh and Myanmar friendships. I know you two can solve the minor issues you have and build strong economical and defense alliances. And perhaps we can all chip in to build a friendship expressway down to the Malacca.

 

[Z Bhai]

I really like to see Suki to be prime minister.

 

[kalu_miah]

Personally I'm a strong supporter of Bangladesh and Myanmar friendships. I know you two can solve the minor issues you have and build strong economical and defense alliances. And perhaps we can all chip in to build a friendship expressway down to the Malacca.

Thanks for your kind support ahfatzia, Singapore is a key player in ASEAN and we definitely could use help and support from Singapore, in our effort to integrate Bangladesh economy more closely with ASEAN (including Myanmar) via Myanmar land links (road/railway/pipelines/electrical grid/fiber optics). Majority Bangladeshi's are interested to see that Bangladesh eventually join the ASEAN group, to enhance our economic and security prospects.

Myanmar has asked for sharing Bangladesh submarine cable fiber-optic link, we are hoping that Bangladesh govt. will act quickly to give this critical support to Myanmar, in a timely manner. Unfortunately the current political party in power is very close to India and sometimes India calls the shots remotely. We are hoping that this party Awamy League will lose in 2013 election and BNP, a more patriotic/nationalist (and anti-India) party will come to power.

 

[kalu_miah]

The following post is from another thread. From now I would request to keep all Myanmar related discussions here in this thread, thanks:

We (along with China), should consider broader picture at play. This unrest started just after US expression of interest and after indian PM visit to Myanmar give plenty of clue that indians are spoiler. Indians are hell bent in creating animosity between Myanmar and Bangladesh. But Bangladesh good relation and connectivity with Myanmar benefit not only Bangladesh and Myanmar but also beneficial for China and US. This is a rare case of converged interest of all stakeholders but indians are out to stall that.



Please ignore alaungphaya comments, he is an indian commenting in disguise.

idune Bhai, our broader geopolitical picture and vision I believe is correct. After we have solved the maritime boundary issue with Myanmar, now the only remaining issue and roadblock is Rohingya. It is not a small issue, but it is not impossible to solve. And definitely it would be easier to solve than solving our problems with India. And we may have to wait for land connection to China and ASEAN, till we solve or make some progress on this issue with Myanmar. India will try to stop us, but lets see if we can beat India in this theater.

eastwatch does have a good point. Since this problem has surfaced, even with RAW instigation, it is a good opportunity to look at all possible options, analyze it using inputs from many in the forum and choose a wise course. Sometimes, it is not a bad policy to use stick when just carrot is not working, specially if we are in a position to do so. But before we decide to do that we need to study this theater and all its actors really well. If we look at the timeline of events since the independence of Burma in 1937 from British, they have been at a position of advantage, because the British has gifted them Arakan, whereas it should have been made an independent country or at least partitioned, so the Muslim Arakan would become a part of Chittagong. Since then the Buddhist Rakhine in partnership with their Burman bosses have a consistent policy of purging and ethnic cleansing of Muslims to reduce their number in former Arakan areas. This means a reduction of our and Muslim influence in the state of Myanmar, and this is not a good thing for us. In any event, I am going to start this discussion in Myanmar-Bangladesh relations thread. Hope all of us can limit all Myanmar related discussions there from now on, instead of going on in multiple threads.

As for RAWamy League turning away refugees, I think it is inhumane, they may get killed on the sea or when they are back in Myanmar. Like Luffy said, we should take care of them out of our humanity, regardless of the fact if they are Muslims or our ethnic kins. Of course those factors make this stance even more outrageous.

alaungphaya, may be a false flag Indian, but it may not hurt to give him the benefit of doubt without giving too much importance to it, keeping in mind that he may after all be a false flag. Regardless of what he says, it is true that Myanmar has an official policy of denying citizenship and doing ethnic cleansing of this group, so his racist views do match Myanmar's official position.

 

[kalu_miah]

There was a historic state called Arakan, which includes todays Rakhine state of Myanmar (some parts were given away in the north and south to other states of Myanmar to make Rakhine smaller), it is separated by Arakan Yoma mountain range from rest of Burma/Myanmar and lies to the west of the mountain to the coast of Bay of Bengal.

BANGLAPEDIA: Arakan
Arakan a state of Myanmar (Burma) situated on the northern and western parts of that country, which exerted considerable influence, both political and cultural, on the South and South-Eastern parts of Bangladesh from very early times. The Arakan Yoma, a long mountain range, separates the rest of Myanmar from Arakan, which is bounded by the bay of bengal and the estuary of the river naf on the Southwest.
The ancient name of Arakan is 'Rakhainepray'. The word Rakhaine is said to have derived from the Sanskrit Raksha and the Pali Yakkha, signifying a monster or a demon. Before the diffusion of buddhism, most Arakanese were worshippers of Nature.
Currently Arakan has four administrative units such as Sandoway, Sittway, Mayu and Kyaukpyu. Akyab (Sittwe) is the capital city and the principal port of Arakan. It is situated at the mouth of the Koladan. Before the British occupation of Arakan in 1826, it was a small fishing village. Other major towns and ports are Kyaktaw, Maungdow, Buthidaung and Sandoway.
As is the case with the Bangalis, rice is the staple food of the Arakanese. The population is estimated at about two millions, of whom Buddhists constitute the significant majority. The rest of the population consists of Muslims, Hindus, Christians and animists. The Muslim community, who are next to the Buddhists in number, consists of four groups: Tambukias, Turko-pathans, Kamanchis and rohingyas. The Tambukias trace their history back to the eighth century when their ancestors from Arabia were allowed to settle in southern Arakan by the contemporary king Maha Taing Chandra (788-810).
The next group consisting of the Turks and Pathans are mostly found in the outskirts of Mrohaung, the last capital of Arakan. The Arakanese king Min Soa Muwn alias Narameikhla (1403-33) recaptured his throne with the help of their forebears who were in the army of Bengal. Like the Tambukias, they were allowed to settle in Arakan by the grateful king. The ancestors of the kamanchis came in the train of shah shuja, the Governor of Bengal (1639-59), who took shelter in Arakan with his family and retinues after being overthrown by his brother aurangzeb. Their descendants are to be found mostly in Ramree Island. The Rohingyas are descendants of Muslims who hailed from chittagong. Now they are mainly concentrated in northern Arakan. Their migration in the past usually happened during the agricultural season when Arakan faced the problem of the shortage of agricultural labourers.
Because of her geographical proximity with the south-eastern parts of Bengal, Arakan developed both political and cultural relations with Bangalis. The political situation depended on the fluctuation of powers of the two countries. Taking advantage of the weakness of Sultan Barbak Shah of Bengal, Bosawpyu occupied chittagong district in 1459. For a century it remained in the hands of the Arakanese until they were expelled by the Mughals in 1666.
The impact of Muslim culture on the life of the peoples of Arakan had profound effects on the subsequent course of Arakanese history. Like the Pathan Sultans, the kings of Arakan patronised the cultivation of Bengali literature and many talented poets from different regions thronged to the Arakanese court. Many Muslim Bengali poets attended the Arakanese court. For example, Ashraf Khan held the post of war minister at the time of King Thadomentor (1645-52). Ashraf Khan was popularly known as 'Uzir Laskar'. He was a powerful minister and for his services the king awarded him one sword and some elephants.
After the fall of Chittagong in 1666, the kingdom of Arakan was reduced to a small territory. Politically too, it became unstable. Murder of several kings blackened its history. Between 1731-1784 thirteen kings ruled Arakan. The average rule of each king exceeded not more than two years. In 1784, in the time of Bodawpaya (1782-1819), Arakan was annexed to the Kingdom of Burma, which in turn was made a part of the British dominion in 1826. From 1942 to 1945 it was temporarily put under the occupation of Japan. Burma gained independence on 4 January 1948.
Immediately after Burma gained independence tension increased between the Arakanese Buddhists and the Muslim Rohingyas, resulting in the exodus of a large number of Rohingyas to cox's bazar. The Burmese government claimed that the Rohingyas were relatively recent migrants from the sub-continent. The Burmese constitution, therefore, did not include them among the indigenous groups qualifying for citizenship. In March 1978, due to widespread arrests and expulsions by the Burmese government, a large number of Rohingyas fled into Bangladesh.
Bangladesh received an influx of approximately 250,000 Rohingyas from Burma during 1991-1992. The exodus was triggered off by a complex combination of political, social and economic factors and serious violation of human rights. Thousands of Rohingyas again fled to Bangladesh in 1996 and 1997. Around 200,000 of them had eventually returned to Arakan. According to some estimates, about 20,000 still remain in Bangladesh. This has created many a problem such as public discontent, environmental disaster, and smuggling in border areas, resulting in a colder turn in Bangladesh-Myanmar relations. [Sadat Ullah Khan]

BANGLAPEDIA: Rohingya
Rohingya Arakanese Muslims. The Rohingyas have been an international refugee issue at Myanmar-Bangladesh border since 1978. The Muslims coming from outside in the medieval period began settling in Arakan constituting today the second largest religious group, next only to the Buddhist Maghs. The Muslims in the region may be divided into five distinct communities, namely Roayingya, Jamboyika, Kamanchi, Zerbadi and Dinnet. The Roayingyas are today generally known as Rohingyas. Opinions vary as to the ethnic origin of the Rohingyas. An assumption goes that they are the progeny of persons migrating from the Chittagong region and marrying Arakanese women.
A serious communal riot took place in 1942 when as high as one lakh Rohingyas were reported to have been killed. During World War II the Rohingyas formed a Mujahid force with the help of arms left behind by the retreating Japanese, but they did not succeed much against the Maghs. During U Nu regime, the Burma Territorial Force (BTF) composed of almost 90 percent Maghs, let loose a reign of terror on the Rohingyas accusing them of having questionable nationality. The resistance put up by the Rohingyas against the repression persuaded the Burmese government to grant them some rights and recognise their nationality. In the 1940s and especially after the independence of Burma in 1948, brewing tensions between the Arakanese Buddhist Maghs and the Muslim Rohingyas resulted in the exodus of a large number of Rohingyas to Chittagong.
The Rohingyas once again faced repression and mass eviction in 1962. General Ne Win overthrew the Prime Minister U Nu and declared Burma a socialist state to be ruled by the Burma Socialist Programme Party composed of the army officers. Arakan was made a Buddhist-ruled federal state. General Ne Win's sectarian policy made the conflict between the Buddhist Maghs and Muslim ethnic groups including the Rohingyas even more acute. His racial discrimination and strong Burmese chauvinist policy to suppress ethnic movements created for Bangladesh a serious human crisis. Several lakhs of Rohingyas took refuge in Bangladesh. General Ne Win launched in 1978 the Nagamin Dragon Operation to suppress the ethnic uprising. Thousands of Rohingyas were killed indiscriminately for their allegiance to the Arakan National Liberation Party. Bangladesh was not in a postion to provide them with food and shelter. The Bangladesh government sought intervention of the international community for a speedy resolution of the crisis. Pressures from UN and other international forums persuaded the Ne Win government to agree to take back the refugees. According to the agreement between the two countries, most of the Rohingya refugees were repatriated between 6 October and 24 December in 1979. However 15,000 refugees were left behind in Bangladesh.
Ne Win promulgated in 1982 a new nationality law under which all Rohingyas, who had entered the country after 1983, were declared as floating nationals without a right to acquire property, political privileges and the right of free movement in the country. This set in motion a regime of serious repression on the Rohingyas afresh. Ne Win's policy of repression once again created a huge influx of Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh.
In the general elections held in May 1990, candidates of the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi won 392 of the 485 seats in Myanmar parliament. The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan supported Suu Kyi's candidates and they won all the 23 seats of Arakan. Instead of transferring power to Suu Kyi, Myanmar's new military ruler General Sau Maung nullified the election results and interned Suu Kyi. General Sau Maung's army let loose a reign of terror in Arakan against the Rohingyas. By 26 June 1991, as many as 250,877 Rohingyas were driven from Arakan into Bangladesh. They took shelter in Cox's Bazar area of the Chittagong region. This again drew international attention making way for bilateral negotiations. The governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh signed an agreement on 28 April 1992 under which the former was to repatriate all the refugees within 6 months beginning on 6 May 1992. About 22,000 refugees were reported waiting at Kutupalong and Nayapara camps in Cox's Bazar district for repatriation.
The Myanmar government recognised 7,000 of the 22,000 refugees as their citizens. About 5,000 of them however refused to be repatriated apprehending repression on their return. In fact, the repatriation remained suspended for 16 months following violent clashes in 1997 between the anti-repatriation groups and the Bangladesh police. Repatriation resumed on 25 November 1998; the Myanmar authorities have been sending a list of 50 cleared refugees per month and a repatriation commission jointly set up by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and the Bangladesh government for action then scrutinises the list. At the beginning 28 national and international non-government organisations (NGOs) were involved in providing emergency food, water, shelter, sanitation and medical assistance to the Rohingya refugees. After the repatriation began some of the camps were closed down and 14 of the NGOs terminated their programmes by 1995.
It is generally believed that the internal political crisis in Myanmar has given rise to the Rohingya crisis again and again. Except the Rohingya issue there is practically no other political problem between the two countries. It is recognised that an early resolution of this vexing problem is essential to end the deteriorating law and order situation, environmental degradation, smuggling, public discontent on the border.[KM Mohiuddin]

 

[kalu_miah]

Internal conflict in Burma - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Internal conflict in Burma continued after independence in 1948, as successive central governments of Myanmar fought myriad ethnic and political rebellions. Some of the earliest insurgencies were by Burman-dominated "multi-colored" leftists and by the Karen National Union (KNU). The KNU fought to carve out an independent Karen state from large swaths of Lower Burma. Other ethnic rebellions broke out only in the early 1960s after the central government refused to consider a federal style government. By the early 1980s, politically oriented armed insurgencies had largely withered away, but ethnic-based insurgencies remained alive and well during the conflict.

These insurgencies were supported or used by foreign states, exacerbating the isolation, suspicion and concern among Burmans over both their minorities and foreign powers. Some British had supported the Karen; East Pakistan (and then Bangladesh) backed the Muslim Rohingyas on their border with Middle Eastern backing. The Indians were said to be involved with the Kachin and the Karen. The Chinese assisted the CPB (later the Wa), the Naga and Kachin rebels. The United States supported the Kuomintang, and the Thai a wide variety of rebel groups, essentially creating buffer states or zones.[4] Prior to the ceasefires, the largely Burman-dominated armed forces made futile annual dry season campaigns, only to see the rebels return after they left.

The Burman dominated central governments (civilian or military-alike) were able to reach a political agreement even though the stated goal of most, if not all, major ethnic insurgencies (including the KNU) is autonomy, not secession. Today, the government has signed uneasy ceasefire agreements with most insurgent groups but the army has not gained the trust of the local populace. The army has been widely accused of mistreating the local population with impunity, and is viewed as an occupying force in the ethnic regions.

More recently, the conflict was against the military regime that ruled the country from 1962 to 2011. The conflict was the oldest ongoing war in the world,[5] and received international attention as a result of the 8888 Uprising in 1988, the work of activist Aung San Suu Kyi, the anti-government protests in late 2007, and the devastation wrought by Cyclone Nargis, which left over 80,000 dead and 50,000 missing in mid-2008.

Background

Burma gained its independence from the United Kingdom in 1948. Immediately afterwards, communist rebels began an uprising against the new government. Uprisings and ethnic conflicts began breaking out in various provinces of Burma continuing into 1949. The Karen, led predominantly by the Christian Karen National Union (KNU) began fighting for an autonomous Karen state, Kawthoolei, in the eastern part of the country. The situation worsened when Buddhism was made the official religion, and questions regarding the rights of the Muslim Rohingya, Christian Karen, Chin, Kachin and other peoples under federalism were never really addressed; this was exacerbated by clauses in the constitution that granted nominal rights of secession to some groups.[6] Due to the split of the party in power, the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) became a transitional military government from 1958 to 1960.

The 1962 Burmese coup d'état brought Ne Win to power, and widespread human rights violations in frontier areas followed, intensifying the insurgency. Today organizations out of the ethnic groups of the Karen and Shan (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army) in the east of the country fight against the government. The increasing persecution of the Rohingya people in the western part of the country and racialization of Islam has led to the formation of small but active armed groups in the region, using refugee camps in Bangladesh as bases. Also in other regions, there are sporadic battles. Due to the conflicts, around 160,000 Burmese refugees live in Thailand and many more live in other countries in the region.

Recently, around 25 different ethnic groups have agreed ceasefires with the military government.[7]

1988 Uprising

Main article: 8888 Uprising
On 8 August 1988, student protests spread throughout the country. Hundreds of thousands of ochre-robed monks, young children, university students, housewives, and doctors demonstrated against the regime.[11][12] The uprising ended on 18 September, after a bloody military coup by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). Thousands of deaths have been attributed to the military during this uprising.[13][14][15] But authorities in Myanmar put the figure at around 350 people killed.[16][17]
During the crisis, Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a national icon. When the military junta arranged an election in 1990, her party, the National League for Democracy, won. However, the military junta refused to recognize the results and placed Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. The State Law and Order Restoration Council would be a cosmetic change from the Burma Socialist Programme Party.[11]
As a result of these uprisings the new government agreed to sign separate peace treaties with some insurgent groups.

2005-2012

In November 2005, the military junta began moving the government away from Yangon to a location near Kyatpyay just outside Pyinmana, to a newly designated capital city. This public action follows a longer term unofficial policy of moving critical military and government infrastructure away from Yangon to avoid a repetition of the events of 1988. On Armed Forces Day (27 March 2006), the capital was officially named Naypyidaw Myodaw (Royal City of the Seat of Kings), but is commonly called Naypyidaw. Over 7,000 people, almost all participating in anti-government uprisings, have been killed in the conflict.[citation needed]

Since 2006, an offensive of the Burmese army against the Karen National Union has been going on in Karen State, resulting in the displacement of tens of thousands. An estimated half a million people have been displaced within eastern Burma due to armed conflict and the forcible relocation of villages.[18]

There is an informal yet relatively widespread controversy about what would be the most accurate term to describe Burma's internal conflict. A common argument would be that a civil war would have started in 1948 as the result of the social, economic and political background of the country and thus current violence could not be considered an isolated phenomenon. This application of the term civil war to the ensuing conflict that began in Burma has been considered debatable by some, as another position held by several analysts would point out that the conflict's characteristics, scale and intensity have not reached those of a full blown civil war.[citation needed]

In August 2007, about 160,000 Burma refugees fled to the Thai boundary provinces of Chiang Mai and Ratchaburi. The refugee camps lie mostly near the border with Burma. Of the refugees, about 62% are Karen. Thailand has formed humanitarian organizations to help the refugees.[citation needed]

In 2011, the Burmese army undertook an offensive against rebel groups in Shan State, in a military operation called "Zwe Man Hein" (ဇွဲမန်ဟိန်&#4152.[19] Territory of the National Democratic Alliance Army and Shan State Army (North) was captured with most of the violent conflict taking place against the Shan State Army. The offensive was in response to a refusal of rebel groups to accept Burma's 'One Nation One Army' policy and integration to the border guards.[20][21][22][23][24][25]

Ceasefire agreements

Main article: Ceasefires in Burma

In January 2012, the Myanmar government announced a ceasefire agreement with Karen rebels. The ceasefire includes an agreement that mandates open communication between the government and Karen rebels, as well as allowing safe passage for Karen rebels in the country. The Myanmar government has given amnesty to over 6,000 KNU prisoners and reduced the sentences of 38,964 prisoners.[26] The peace talks in Hpa-an were led by Railway Minister Aung Min, who is also the leader of the State Peace Deal Commission, and by General Mutu Saipo of the KNU. Aung Min said that one of the agreement's key points was that the talks would continue. Within 45 days the talks are due to reconvene for more substantive discussions.[27]

A peace agreement between the KNU and Burmese government is one of the primary demands made by Western countries before economic sanctions can be lifted.[27] Min Ko Naing, the leader of the pro-democracy uprisings in 1988, said upon his release from Tayet prison: "We need peace across the country immediately. Then we can work toward building national reconciliation." Specifically, he called for peace in ethnic minority areas and the release of all of the political prisoners who remain incarcerated, including Ko Ko Gyi [now released (13 January 2012)], 1990 MPs, ethnic group leaders, monks and all prisoners of conscience. "In Tayet Prison alone — where I was incarcerated — there are still political prisoners", he said.[28]

 

[kalu_miah]

Ceasefires in Burma - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ceasefires in Burma have been heavily utilized by the Burmese government as a policy to contain ethnic rebel groups and create tentative truces. The first ceasefire was arranged by the State Law and Order Restoration Council in 1989, specifically spearheaded by Khin Nyunt, then the chief of Military Intelligence, with the Kokang-led Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army, which had recently split from the Communist Party of Burma due to internal conflicts.[1]

Background

Main article: Internal conflict in Burma

Since 1948, the government of Burma has been fighting dozens of ethnic minority rebel groups, particularly over grievances regarding autonomy and minority rights, in what is regarded as one of the longest ongoing civil wars in the world.[1] A year earlier, in 1947, several ethnic organization leaders had formally signed the Panglong Agreement, a compact that gave internal autonomy to minority-dominated Frontier Areas (the Kachin, Chin, and Shan), with Burman leaders. However, these promises were not fulfilled when the country formally gained independence in 1948, leading to the fighting that has continued to this day.

In the 1980s, rebel groups controlled most of the country's peripheries (primarily the Burmese states, not divisions). The two major organizations fighting against the Burma Socialist Programme Party-led government, were 2 umbrella groups, the pro-Chinese Communist Party of Burma (allied to local Kokang Chinese, Wa and Shan groups), based along the Chinese-Burmese border and the pro-West National Democratic Force (made up of ethnic Mon, Karen, Karenni and Shan opposition groups), based along the Thai-Burmese border.[1]

By the late 1980s, the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) had weakened considerably, because of waning Chinese financial support and internal strife. During the 1988 Uprising, the CPB failed to seize the opportunity to invoke political change. A month later, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), a council of military men, staged a coup d'etat.

Consequently, ethnic Wa and Kokang armed forces led a mutinee against CPB, forming the United Wa State Party (UWSP) and Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) respectively.[1]
SLORC used this opening to arrange ceasefires with the armed rebel groups that had just mutineed, under a policy designed by Khin Nyunt, who was then the Chief of Military Intelligence.[1]

Agreements

The signed ceasefire agreements have been nothing more than temporary military truces to suspend fighting and preserve the status quo, allowing the rebel groups to retain administrative control of their territories. Weaker or splinter rebel groups typically wield forfeit their territories to the government.[1] Most agreements simply stipulated that the groups would be allowed to retain their arms and territories until the promulgation of a new Constitution.

As part of the ceasefires, the government began the Border Area Development Programme in 1989, which became a ministry-level body in 1992, as Ministry for the Progress of Border Areas and National Races and has built road infrastructure, schools and hospitals in rebel-occupied territories.[2]

Border Guard Forces

In April 2009, a government entourage, led by Lieutenant-General Ye Myint, met with the Wa, Shan and Kokang rebel groups, and established a blueprint to absorb rebel groups' armies and transition them to the command of the Tatmadaw, a necessary qualification of the 2008 Constitution, to allow the ethnic groups to participate in the 2010 elections.[3] This blueprint would establish the Border Guard Forces (BGF), with each battalion made of 326 soldiers, including 18 officers and 3 commanders (one of whom would be from the Tatmadaw).[3] A specific BGF would only be deployed within its territory and be paid the same salaries as normal soldiers.[3] The deadline was initially set for June 2009 but extended 5 times.[4] 4 rebel groups, namely the New Democratic Army - Kachin (NDAK), Kachin Defense Army (4th Brigade of the KIA), Pa-O National Organization (PNO) and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army, accepted the transition's terms.[5]

In August 2009, in the Kokang incident, the Kokang-led militia, the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), which had signed a ceasefire agreement in 1989, was attacked by Tatmadaw troops, for rejecting the Border Guard Force proposal, leading to 30,000 refugees streaming to the Burmese-Chinese border.[6] Similar demands were placed on the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the National Democratic Alliance Army-Eastern Shan State (NDAA), leading to breakouts of fighting in 2009.[7]

List of ceasefires

Since 1989, the Burmese government has signed the following ceasefire agreements[8][9]

Organization Region Effective date Notes
Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA) Special Region 1, Shan State 21 March 1989, Kokang-led, split from the Communist Party of Burma

United Wa State Army (UWSA) Special Region 2, Shan State 9 May 1989, Also known as the Myanmar National Solidarity Party, split from the Communist Party of Burma

National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) Special Region 4, Shan State 30 June 1989

Shan State Army (SSA) Special Region 3, Shan State 2 September 1989

New Democratic Army (Kachin) (NDA-K) Special Region 1, Northeast Kachin State 15 December 1989

Kachin Defence Army (KDA) Special Region 5, Northern Shan State 13 January 1991 Former 4th Brigade of the Kachin Independence Organization

Pa-O National Organization (PNO) Special Region 6, Southern Shan State 11 April 1991

Palaung State Liberation Army (PSLA) Special Region 7, Northern Shan State 21 April 1991
Kayan National Guard (KNG) Special Region 1, Kayah State 27 February 1992

Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) Special Region 2, Kachin State 24 February 1994 Ceasefire broke down on 9 June 2011, when fighting resumed.[10]

Karenni State Nationalities Peoples' Liberation Front (KNPLF) Special Region 2, Kayah (Karenni) State 9 May 1994

Kayan New Land Party (KNLP) Special Region 3, Kayah (Karenni) State 26 July 1994

Shan State Nationalities Peoples' Liberation Organization (SSNPLO) Southern Shan State 9 October 1994

New Mon State Party (NMSP) Mon State 29 June 1995

Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) Karen State 1995

Mongko Region Defence Army (MRDA) Shan State 1995 Split from Myanmar National Democracy Alliance Army

Shan State National Army (SSNA) Shan State 1995

Karenni National Defence Army (KNDA) Karen State 1996 Split from KNPP

Karen Peace Force (KPF) Karen State 1997 Former 16th Battalion of the Karen National Union
Communist Party of Burma (Arakan Province)(CPB) Rakhine State 1997

Mon Mergui Army (MMA) Mon State 1997 Split from New Mon State Party

KNU Special Region Group Toungoo (KNU) Bago Division 1997

Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) Kayah State 2005 Ceasefire broke down within 3 months

Shan State Army – South (SSA-South) Shan State 2006

New Democratic Army-Kachin (NDAK) Kachin State 2007

Kayan National Liberation Army (KNLA) Karen State 2007 Former 7th Battalion of the Karen National Union

Democratic Karen Buddhist Amy (DKBA) 3rd Brigade Karen State 3 November 2011[11] Fighting resumed on 19 February 2012.[12]

Kaloh Htoo Baw armed group Karen State 5 November 2011[13] Former DKBA

Chin National Front

Karen National Union

Shan State Army-South - 19 November 2011[14] Informal ceasefire agreement.
Despite a ceasefire agreement in place, fighting is still occurring between the Tatmadaw and SSA-South rebel troops, as of March 2012.[15]

Chin National Front (CNF) Chin State 8 January 2012[16]

Karen National Union (KNU)[17] Karen State 7 February 2012[18]

Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS) Shan State 17 January 2012[19] Political arm of Shan State Army

Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) Shan State 28 January 2012[20] Political arm of the Shan State Amry

New Mon State Party (NMSP) Mon State 31 January 2012[21]

Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) Kayah State 6 March 2012[22]

 

[alaungphaya]

I'm sorry if I've offended some of you. That wasn't really my intention well, maybe a little But I am fairly representative of the Burmese position and I was speaking relatively frankly.

Bangladesh, for whatever reasons, firstly, is not a major target of Burmese policy. We have 5 neighbours and 3 of them are China, India and Thailand. All of whom we have long histories with and all of whom with larger economies. BD has been democratic and free for a long time but your GDP per capita is about the same as ours. There are many mutually beneficial business partnerships we can take advantage of but don't expect the Burmese government to 'look West' towards you.

Reading your viewpoints, I understand now that you are surrounded by India and the sea. That must make your relationship a pretty tough one. So I understand now why you are desperate to look for a way out with Myanmar. Well, appreciate that we are not 'brothers' and that there does exist a very real and coherent form of islamophobia and, not racism, but chauvanism towards the kalar (which includes Hindu Indians too to a smaller extent; kalar for us is anyone from the subcontinent). I do not think that Aung San Suu Kyi will not automatically embrace you either as she is very mindful of not bowing down to muslims.

I have noticed also that there is a lot of anti-Indian paranoia (I'm supposed to be an Indian agent ). There are a couple of reasons for that: this is a fairly closed chat room and people are very familiar with each other so you start practicing group think meaning your ability to reason diminishes. This means that you are more susceptible to 'confirmation bias' meaning you will see things that you want to see i.e. if someone is suspicious, you'll look for ways that he is an Indian and believe it when you see them. That is why I think you all think some malevolent Indian shadow force is controlling your country. India to you seems to be like Goldstein in Nineteen Eighty Four.

Finally a quick word about Indian involvement in Myanmar. They are gaining in influence but they are small time. They took a pro-democracy stance since 1962 (when the military took over) and hosted our government in exile (NCGUB). As such, their role became very diminished. After 1988 the Thais and particularly the Chinese started pumping billions into Myanmar beating every other country including India. India may have been half-heartedly helping rebellions but the ones they did; Kachin, Chin, Yakhine, are all small fries. The Chinese were funding the communists and the Shan. The Thais were helping the Karen. The changed their stance from pro-democracy to real-politik in the late 90's and have been playing catch-up ever since. They are well, well, well behind the Chinese in influence. Infact I welcome greater participation from India and USA as I don't want my country to become a Chinese satellite. However, the notion that India has a say on Burmese foreign policy towards Bangladesh and the Rohingyas is ridiculous. Even the Chinese have a hard time making the Myanmar government do what they want so I don't see how they are going to be receptive to the Indians. No. The Rohungya situation will always be what it is. They are a hangover problem of the days of empire and I don't ever see the Burmese government or people going soft on them.

phew

 

[kalu_miah]

US Campaign for Burma
US Campaign for Burma » USCB Staff Members
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US Campaign for Burma » Rohingya People of Burma
http://uscampaignforburma.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/06/ichr_rohingya_report_20101.pdf

For decades, the Rohingya people have been victims of systematic and widespread human rights violations at the hands of the military junta. In a recent report released by the Irish Center for Human Rights, an expert on international human rights law claimed that these mass atrocities perpetrated by the military government against the Rohingya minority in the country’s western region may constitute crimes against humanity. Overlooked for years, their plight and the root causes of their dire situation remain under-examined.

www.rohingya.org

I cannot access this website, others please see if you guys can access it.

Looking at the above material. It looks like East Pakistan and Bangladesh already have history of supporting Rohingya insurgency. Insurgency is Burma/Myanmar is very common among minority ethnic groups, only after fighting they have been able to establish their rights. These insurgencies were supported by China, India, Thailand and US in some instances. So for Bangladesh to neglect the case of Rohingya's was I should say downright criminal, but such is expected from a nation like ours, who is in a situation of "noon ante panta furai".

Considering this material and history, there is a strong case of supporting Rohingya insurgency. I will make the following initial recommendation:

- the insurgency should be less religiously oriented and more defensive and human-rights oriented. So "Arakan Mujahid" name should change to "Arakan Self Defense Forces"
- insurgency support should be covert, Bangladesh govt. will officially deny any support or involvement, as always, but Bangladesh Armed forces as well as DGFI should be intimately involved
- we need to activate the Rohingya diaspora community to get involved
- the goal would not be to liberate Arakan or part of Arakan, but rather negotiate rights of citizenship in Myanmar constitution, reparation for past atrocities and return to stolen land to land owners, but if they fail to budge, the last resort is for them to carve out a de facto enclave this side of Arakan Yoma mountain range
- sanctuary has to be provided for insurgents in Bangladesh land, so they can escape when needed and sneak back in at more convenient times
- Bangladesh as a country also should gear up for war against Myanmar, just in case if they decide to attack us, as they may think that they are stronger than Bangladesh, while they could do nothing against China or Thailand, as both are much stronger than Myanmar, while we are just marginally stronger

I'm sorry if I've offended some of you. That wasn't really my intention well, maybe a little But I am fairly representative of the Burmese position and I was speaking relatively frankly.

Bangladesh, for whatever reasons, firstly, is not a major target of Burmese policy. We have 5 neighbours and 3 of them are China, India and Thailand. All of whom we have long histories with and all of whom with larger economies. BD has been democratic and free for a long time but your GDP per capita is about the same as ours. There are many mutually beneficial business partnerships we can take advantage of but don't expect the Burmese government to 'look West' towards you.

Reading your viewpoints, I understand now that you are surrounded by India and the sea. That must make your relationship a pretty tough one. So I understand now why you are desperate to look for a way out with Myanmar. Well, appreciate that we are not 'brothers' and that there does exist a very real and coherent form of islamophobia and, not racism, but chauvanism towards the kalar (which includes Hindu Indians too to a smaller extent; kalar for us is anyone from the subcontinent). I do not think that Aung San Suu Kyi will not automatically embrace you either as she is very mindful of not bowing down to muslims.

I have noticed also that there is a lot of anti-Indian paranoia (I'm supposed to be an Indian agent ). There are a couple of reasons for that: this is a fairly closed chat room and people are very familiar with each other so you start practicing group think meaning your ability to reason diminishes. This means that you are more susceptible to 'confirmation bias' meaning you will see things that you want to see i.e. if someone is suspicious, you'll look for ways that he is an Indian and believe it when you see them. That is why I think you all think some malevolent Indian shadow force is controlling your country. India to you seems to be like Goldstein in Nineteen Eighty Four.

Finally a quick word about Indian involvement in Myanmar. They are gaining in influence but they are small time. They took a pro-democracy stance since 1962 (when the military took over) and hosted our government in exile (NCGUB). As such, their role became very diminished. After 1988 the Thais and particularly the Chinese started pumping billions into Myanmar beating every other country including India. India may have been half-heartedly helping rebellions but the ones they did; Kachin, Chin, Yakhine, are all small fries. The Chinese were funding the communists and the Shan. The Thais were helping the Karen. The changed their stance from pro-democracy to real-politik in the late 90's and have been playing catch-up ever since. They are well, well, well behind the Chinese in influence. Infact I welcome greater participation from India and USA as I don't want my country to become a Chinese satellite. However, the notion that India has a say on Burmese foreign policy towards Bangladesh and the Rohingyas is ridiculous. Even the Chinese have a hard time making the Myanmar government do what they want so I don't see how they are going to be receptive to the Indians. No. The Rohungya situation will always be what it is. They are a hangover problem of the days of empire and I don't ever see the Burmese government or people going soft on them.

phew

As I said in another post, it does not matter whether you are Indian troll or Myanmar racist troll, this will not effect our strategy or policy. Myanmar will change its policy at gun point, that is becoming increasingly clear. But Bangladesh and Rohingya's together will come up with a strategy and policy to address this about future of Arakan. So what you say matters little, but we will use any information we get from you, only after we can verify the authenticity of that information. So you are welcome to post at your hearts content.

 

[Zabaniyah]

I'm sorry if I've offended some of you. That wasn't really my intention well, maybe a little But I am fairly representative of the Burmese position and I was speaking relatively frankly.

Bangladesh, for whatever reasons, firstly, is not a major target of Burmese policy. We have 5 neighbours and 3 of them are China, India and Thailand. All of whom we have long histories with and all of whom with larger economies. BD has been democratic and free for a long time but your GDP per capita is about the same as ours. There are many mutually beneficial business partnerships we can take advantage of but don't expect the Burmese government to 'look West' towards you.

^^^Yawn.....boring.....

Reading your viewpoints, I understand now that you are surrounded by India and the sea. That must make your relationship a pretty tough one. So I understand now why you are desperate to look for a way out with Myanmar. Well, appreciate that we are not 'brothers' and that there does exist a very real and coherent form of islamophobia and, not racism, but chauvanism towards the kalar (which includes Hindu Indians too to a smaller extent; kalar for us is anyone from the subcontinent). I do not think that Aung San Suu Kyi will not automatically embrace you either as she is very mindful of not bowing down to muslims.

Why? Did Muslims kill her puppy or something?

I have noticed also that there is a lot of anti-Indian paranoia (I'm supposed to be an Indian agent ). There are a couple of reasons for that: this is a fairly closed chat room and people are very familiar with each other so you start practicing group think meaning your ability to reason diminishes. This means that you are more susceptible to 'confirmation bias' meaning you will see things that you want to see i.e. if someone is suspicious, you'll look for ways that he is an Indian and believe it when you see them. That is why I think you all think some malevolent Indian shadow force is controlling your country. India to you seems to be like Goldstein in Nineteen Eighty Four.

Some folks are. But that's their opinion.

Finally a quick word about Indian involvement in Myanmar. They are gaining in influence but they are small time. They took a pro-democracy stance since 1962 (when the military took over) and hosted our government in exile (NCGUB). As such, their role became very diminished. After 1988 the Thais and particularly the Chinese started pumping billions into Myanmar beating every other country including India. India may have been half-heartedly helping rebellions but the ones they did; Kachin, Chin, Yakhine, are all small fries. The Chinese were funding the communists and the Shan. The Thais were helping the Karen. The changed their stance from pro-democracy to real-politik in the late 90's and have been playing catch-up ever since. They are well, well, well behind the Chinese in influence. Infact I welcome greater participation from India and USA as I don't want my country to become a Chinese satellite. However, the notion that India has a say on Burmese foreign policy towards Bangladesh and the Rohingyas is ridiculous. Even the Chinese have a hard time making the Myanmar government do what they want so I don't see how they are going to be receptive to the Indians. No. The Rohungya situation will always be what it is. They are a hangover problem of the days of empire and I don't ever see the Burmese government or people going soft on them.

And as long as the Burmese people keep pushing them into my country, well guess what? There'll come a time when we won't go soft on you.

And please, try not to be naive enough to assume that the US will automatically embrace you just because of your anti-Muslim and anti-China sentiments.

India only looks after it's own interests, and that's it.

phew

Don't phew us yet. We are not done. Do they honestly think that we'd just sit by quietly while their conflicts spill over our side of the border?

 

[alaungphaya]

US Campaign for Burma

Considering this material and history, there is a strong case of supporting Rohingya insurgency. I will make the following initial recommendation:

- the insurgency should be less religiously oriented and more defensive and human-rights oriented. So "Arakan Mujahid" name should change to "Arakan Self Defense Forces"
- insurgency support should be covert, Bangladesh govt. will officially deny any support or involvement, as always, but Bangladesh Armed forces as well as DGFI should be intimately involved
- we need to activate the Rohingya diaspora community to get involved
- the goal would not be to liberate Arakan or part of Arakan, but rather negotiate rights of citizenship in Myanmar constitution, reparation for past atrocities and return to stolen land to land owners, but if they fail to budge, the last resort is for them to carve out a de facto enclave this side of Arakan Yoma mountain range
- sanctuary has to be provided for insurgents in Bangladesh land, so they can escape when needed and sneak back in at more convenient times
- Bangladesh as a country also should gear up for war against Myanmar, just in case if they decide to attack us, as they may think that they are stronger than Bangladesh, while they could do nothing against China or Thailand, as both are much stronger than Myanmar, while we are just marginally stronger

Again, I don't know whay you think you are stronger than us. You have a smaller military. Hardly any experience in warfare. A fragile and corrupt democratic government. The only reasons you come up with for your superiority is apocryphal like "Oh the Burmese army is bigger but they all fight with sandals." or "The Burmese will not have the same resolve we Bengalis have" etc. Your government know this.

Our last international war was a small spat with Thailand about 12 years ago. They kicked our *** with their air superiority. That got a lot of majors and some generals fired. In the 10 years since the Tatmadaw (Burmese army) has transformed itself from a light infantry based force into a modern 3 dimensional (land, air, sea) force, upgrading everything. They have spent unprecendented levels on arms in the past 10 years. They even built their own frigate! They have N. Korean scuds and are trying to build their own missiles. I just objectively do not see anything other than a heavy defeat for Bangladesh if you attack us. I will also add that you would unify the whole nation behind the army and ASEAN will shun you completely if you attack us.

US Campaign for Burma

As I said in another post, it does not matter whether you are Indian troll or Myanmar racist troll, this will not effect our strategy or policy. Myanmar will change its policy at gun point, that is becoming increasingly clear. But Bangladesh and Rohingya's together will come up with a strategy and policy to address this about future of Arakan. So what you say matters little, but we will use any information we get from you, only after we can verify the authenticity of that information. So you are welcome to post at your hearts content.

Why do you think you are in a position to threaten the Burmese? And how am I a racist?

^^^Yawn.....boring.....



Why? Did Muslims kill her puppy or something?



Some folks are. But that's their opinion.



And as long as the Burmese people keep pushing them into my country, well guess what? There'll come a time when we won't go soft on you.

And please, try not to be naive enough to assume that the US will automatically embrace you just because of your anti-Muslim and anti-China sentiments.

India only looks after it's own interests, and that's it.



Don't phew us yet. We are not done. Do they honestly think that we'd just sit by quietly while their conflicts spill over our side of the border?

- No. ASSK is a politician. She knows what the people want. She understands a lot of her followers are islamophobic so she will not do anything that will seem to be embracing our muslim neighbours.

- The US is already doing its hardest to embrace us because we are in a rather ridiculously advantageous geo-strategic position. I don't think they will upset that applecart over 1 million Rohingya. Unfortunate but true.

-Ofcourse India are in for self interest. So are we. Don't take the dharmic brotherhood too much to heart.