Salahuddin
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Response of some Pakistanis to the excerpts from The Musharraf Factor shows that Pakistani nation is still not reading the writing on the wall. It will, however, soon face the music it deserves for losing a golden opportunity of self-rule in an independent, sovereign state. People get the kind of leadership they deserve. At the same time, people with good intentions get equally punished through the effects of unthinking compliance when they refuse to act or fail to make a difference. Iraq and Afghanistan are two clear examples before us.
Iraqis failed to muster enough courage to stand against a weaker Baathist and secularist regime, to establish an exemplary society and a model of governance. They are now paying a far greater price then they would have, had they stood up to Saddam Husainââ¬â¢s externally supported tyranny.
Similarly, Afghans lost their opportunity. Instead of collectively working for the common good of their people after having an unprecedented situation of peace, law and order in the country under the Taliban, many Afghans joined campaigns that ended with yet another foreign occupation of their countryââ¬âthis time with the full approval of the United Nations. The result is before our eyes. Afghans, who were delivered from one occupation at a great cost, are now reeling under another indefinite and far worse occupation.
Some analysts have expressed concern that Pakistan is next in line. Others predict Pakistanââ¬â¢s failure on the basis of their respective parameters of success and failure of states. From the discussion in the preceding chapters, we can clearly see that Musharraf is the main factor among many others that has made Pakistanââ¬â¢s demise inevitable.
The ââ¬Åwith us or against usââ¬Â threat from Bush and subsequent Islamabad policies provide evidence that Musharraf is clearly under pressure. Nevertheless, the list of decisions leading to his willing surrenders is so long that Musharraf can hardly pretend that he is not acting under pressure from within and outside. So far, he is a victim of his delusions, obsession with staying in power and a compulsive attitude of putting everything at stake to achieve his objectives.
This was the case with Mikhail Gorbachev also. Even his adversaries concede that he took the much vaunted initiatives under immense internal and external pressure. However, he had this to say in his famous Nobel Lecture on June 05, 1991:
Now about my position. As to the fundamental choice, I have long ago made a final and irrevocable decision. Nothing and no one, no pressure, either from the right or from the left, will make me abandon the positions of perestroika and new thinking. I do not intend to change my views or convictions. My choice is a final one.
Similarly, advisors to Musharraf ensure that he takes all the blame, thus paving the way for the fall of Pakistan.
In the face of the countryââ¬â¢s inevitable demise, Pakistanis are still in total denial despite the fact that they cannot provide a single ray of hope that could make them believe that, unlike the great empires of the past, the vulnerable Pakistan is immortal and will survive indefinitely.
The long-term involvement of the military in Pakistani politics and the role it has played for Washington all along is a factor of prime importance in understanding the latest changes as discussed in chapter 5. Musharraf, nevertheless, keeps on gambling on anything he can think of at the moment. His particular theme is ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â, which embodies secularism and undermines Pakistanââ¬â¢s raison dââ¬â¢Ãªtre.
In Diplomacy, Henry Kissinger shrewdly explains the impossible dilemma that Khrushchev eventually perceived, and Gorbachev did not: Gorbachevââ¬â¢s gamble on liberalization was bound to fail to the degree that the Communist Party also lost its monolithic character. The same phenomenon applies to Pakistanââ¬â¢s losing its monolithic character at the hands of Musharraf. The galvanizing force that brought Pakistan into being was Islam; not culture, nor ethnicity, not even language or geography. Nothing supports its creation and survival.
The loss of faith in Islam has led to the loss one half of Pakistan in 1971, and continues to weaken the rest of the nation with every passing day. There is no other justification at all for separating this piece of land in South Asia, calling it Pakistan, or keeping people of different cultures and ethnic backgrounds together for a long time. If a secular state was the objective, a single independent state of India made more sense than two separate entities, which drained their resources on arms building and bloody wars.
At war with their countryââ¬â¢s identity, Pakistanis hardly realize it is going through a phase similar to that of the Soviet Union before its demise. After losing its identity and character, the communist party became demoralized. Similarly, masses have become totally demoralized in Pakistan. Just as liberalization proved incompatible with communist ruleââ¬âthe communists could not turn themselves into democrats without ceasing to be communists, an equation Gorbachev never understoodââ¬âthe kind of ââ¬Åmoderationââ¬Â Musharraf proposes is totally incompatible with Islam.
As we discussed previously, Musharaffââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â has nothing to do with Islam. Musharraf simply wants effective subservience to the continued remote control colonialism of the US. Muslims cannot turn themselves into the kinds of ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â demanded by the inventors of these rancid notions without ceasing to be Muslims, an equation Musharraf fails to understand in his pursuit for staying in power at any cost.
The whole idea of the secularization of Pakistan to make it functional is based on the assumption that Pakistan, and other Muslim countries, can survive without being Islamic or democratic in the true sense and that they can endure a compromise on the principles on which Muslims must put the foundation of their collective life. At the same time, a serious attempt to live by Islam could not occur without risking the labels of extremism and terrorism.
Despite Turkeyââ¬â¢s 80-years experiment with secularization, it has yet to succeed. Countries like Turkey and Egypt, for example, have long histories as nations to survive. Whereas, Pakistan didnââ¬â¢t exist as a nation before 1947, nor any other known factor except Islam is there to make it a nation. As such Musharrafââ¬â¢s regime took to de-legitimizing Pakistanââ¬â¢s entire foundation. He is being rewarded and applauded like a Gorbachev reincarnate for transforming Islam.
Writing about Gorbachev, Times magazine noted: ââ¬ÅBy gently pushing open the gates of reform, he unleashed a democratic flood that deluged the Soviet universe and washed away the cold war.ââ¬Â[1] Such inspiring comments are used by the Western media to push their perceived enemies into thinking they would transform their societies into worldly heavens if they toe Washingtonââ¬â¢s line. But that is not what actually happens when push comes to shove. According to Jamie Glazovââ¬â¢s analysis: ââ¬ÅWithin the blink of an eye, the Soviet Union disintegrated. Ten years later, we know that the process of true democratization in post-communist Russia ultimately failed. Boris Yeltsin and now Vladimir Putin, after all, represent a return to the Russian autocratic past. With no tradition of democracy, or even a conception of individuality, Russians, once again, desire order over freedom.ââ¬Â[2]
Musharraf attempted simultaneously to contain and transform the country in the image of its enemies, to destroy and reconstruct, right on the spot as per the plans of those for whom existence of Pakistan has been a thorn in the flesh since its inception. Musharraf is doing what Gorbachev did in his six years in power. The changes in what used to be the Soviet Union have been so great that it is easy to forget what the un-reformed Soviet system was like and how modest were the expectations of significant innovation when Gorbachev succeeded Konstantin Chernenko as top Soviet leader in March 1985. Neither Soviet citizens nor foreign observers or advisors to Gorbachev imagined that the USSR was about to be transformed out of existence. So is the case with Musharraf and Pakistan.
While no one predicted the Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s demise, the greatest skeptics regarding the prospects for change were the first to be overtaken by events. Some, who in more recent years have castigated Gorbachev for his ââ¬Åhalf-measures,ââ¬Â have conveniently forgotten that the actual changes promoted or sanctioned by him exceeded their wildest dreams, making nonsense of predictions that he had neither the will nor the power to alter anything of consequence in the Soviet system. Here, we must keep in mind that the changes under Gorbachev far exceeded their wildest dreams because Gorbachev alone was not responsible. The Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s demise was also impending, like Pakistanââ¬â¢s, for quite some time. The changes and transformation by one man became the last straw on the back of the proverbial camel. In Pakistanââ¬â¢s case, as we discussed in previous chapters, the 162 million Pakistanis have already paved the way with their unintentional surrender to the forces that will wash away Pakistan as an entity. Musharrafââ¬â¢s gimmicks are going to just hasten its demise.
In his book, The Gorbachev Factor, Archie Brown correctly points out:
ââ¬ÅWhen it became fashionable to react against the enthusiastic support for Gorbachev which was widespread in the late 1980s, the same observers who misread Gorbachevââ¬â¢s intentions at the outset became the first to scorn an excessive concentration on the part played by Gorbachev while simultaneously, and with scant regard for logic, holding him personally responsible for all the major policy failures. And failures in the Gorbachev era there certainly wereââ¬âespecially of economic policy and in the relationships between the Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s constituent republics and the centre.ââ¬Â[3]
The phenomenon that took place in the USSR well before Gorbachevââ¬â¢s taking power perfectly fits the situation in Pakistan before Musharrafââ¬â¢s coup. The remarkable thing about change in the Soviet Union during the Gorbachev years was that it occurred peacefully. As we shall see below, unlike the Soviet Union, the transformation in South Asia is more likely to be violent. According to Archie Brown: ââ¬ÅGiven the failure of all who had openly attacked the system from within the country to make any positive impact on policy outcomes prior to the late 1980s, it is doubtful if change of such magnitude could have taken place with so little violenceââ¬âespecially in Russiaââ¬âin any way other than through the elevation of a serious reformer to the highest political office within the country.ââ¬Â
In the case of Pakistan, the public in general and politicians and military in particular have constantly been either attacking or exploiting Islam, yet no one had the intention to seriously live by Islam and make Pakistan an Islamic State. Musharraf imposed himself on the nation as an intermediary and justified his dictatorship on the basis of being a serious reformer. Yet the political parties and his foreign backers fell into his series of traps. The former acted blindly and the latter just pretending to be blind. Consequently, the Western backers purposely elevated him to the position of a serious reformer. They know that Musharraf has no real vision other than a desire to stay in power. But his promoters, in fact, do have a vision. The publicââ¬â¢s complacency and helplessness simply exacerbated the situation.
The prospect of a military dictator becoming a ââ¬Åpresidentââ¬Â acceptable to all is similar to a reformer (Gorbachev) becoming General Secretary of the Communist partyââ¬âthe very idea that such a thing was possible in principleââ¬âhad been ruled out in advance by many Western observers and by such prominent exiles from the Soviet Union as the writers Alexander Solzhenitsyn and Alexander Zinoviev. Similarly, Bush refused to acknowledge Musharraf by name in his initial interviews after his first inaugurations. When a reporter insisted that the General must have a name, Bush said: ââ¬ÅWell, we call him a General.ââ¬Â[4]
Yet, just like Gorbachev who had great power concentrated in his hands as part of the Communist Party leaders collectively and as the General Secretary individually, the forces for anti-Islam-transformation in Pakistan realized that a person with many hats, absolute power and opportunist disposition in Pakistan should remain in power to follow their agenda. Without the promotion of a genuine reformer and highly skilled politician to the top Communist Party post in 1985, fundamental changes in the Soviet Union would certainly have been delayed and could well have been bloodier as well as slower than the relatively speedy political evolution that occurred while Gorbachev was at the helm. The same plan is being implemented in Pakistan to make its demise less bloody on the one hand and use the outcome for global struggle against Islam on the other. To the disadvantage of Musharrafââ¬â¢s promoters, replication of the same plan is not possible under different situations, particularly when instead of an ââ¬Åismââ¬Â a religious faith and a way of life are being targeted: This is the case not only in Pakistan, but on a global level.
Analysts agree that in the case of the Soviet Union, from the moment Gorbachev ââ¬Åwas liberated after the August coup, his every political statement, his every initiative, seemed to have preservation of the central structure as its main objective. That freedom from the central bureaucracy was what the republics meant by the independence they were demanding seemed to elude him.ââ¬Â[5] In the Muslim world, the US adventures, coupled with relying on ââ¬Åreformationââ¬Â by a few opportunists is likely to bring about the liberation of Muslim massesââ¬âthe consequence which the enemies of Islam are actually trying to avoid.
In the past, Western planners wanted to dismantle the Soviet Union and various factors played a role in facilitating this demise. Gorbachev presented the reformation in the name of improving the Soviet economy. The reality, in Archie Brownââ¬â¢s words, is:
No one, though, really needed to be an economist to see that the Soviet economy was going from bad to worse. The man and woman on the street anywhere between Minsk and Khabarovsk could have said the same. And since this was neither Stalinââ¬â¢s nor Brezhnevââ¬â¢s time but an era of Soviet history of unprecedented freedom, they frequently did[6]
Western politicians and planners, however, did not base their judgments entirely on the state of the Soviet economy, but accorded a great deal of weight to changes in the language of politics, to new departures in Soviet foreign policy, and to political institutional change, where they did not see any alternative that challenged the supremacy of the West. They mistakenly, and very unfortunately, see this threat now in Islam with Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear capability at its centre. With their understanding of politics, Western planners were constantly amazed to see Gorbachev pull off what seemed to them virtually impossible feats. Today they see these feats in Musharrafââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åchance meetingsââ¬Â with Ariel Sharon and his dining with the American Jewish Congress.
The foreign advisors to Musharraf are more aware than many of the academic observers and the self-proclaimed ââ¬Åmoderateââ¬Â Muslims of the framework of constraints within which Musharraf is operating and of the balancing act which is at times demanded of him prior to his putting sovereignty, independence and the very identity of his nation at stake.
The process of undermining Pakistan is gradual. Many ideas that are openly discussed in the Pakistani mass media under Musharraf, and in a number of cases translated into public policy, had first been aired in communist and secularist circles in Pakistan before the fall of the Soviet Union. The only difference is that of the use of rancid notions invented in the wake of the end of communism. This terminology now solely focuses on creating divisions among Muslims and demonizing Islam. Moreover, the Soviet Union could not promote its comrades and godless ideology abroad as vigorously as the neo-cons and the millions of Christian Zionists in America are doing in an organized and systematic manner.
That, however, does not mean that this is a simple case of continuity. In fact, the changes of the Musharraf era are more than a continuation of a process the secularists and communists had begun. There was a total lack of positive response to the demands and theories of such elements between 1968 and 1991. A few secularists had dared to speak up. However, many more had decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and stayed quiet until Musharraf had made Pakistan safe for such adventures. Some of them, such as the famous poet, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, didnââ¬â¢t even openly challenge the ideology of Pakistan. They were just sending out messages in the name of labor and the working class. Yet they were considered as a threat to national security and were thrown behind bars for years. The measures used against those who made their political dissent unambiguous and public ranged from compulsory exile to incarceration.
Under Musharraf, the world in Pakistan has turned full circle. Former secularists and communists are thriving in the garb of ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â. Nevertheless, the secular movement retrospectively commands little respect. To see them as the prime agents of pro-US changes in Pakistan is highly misleading and a product largely of wishful thinking. They are playing a role in changing the political consciousness of a part of the intelligentsia after initially donning the garb of liberals and now decorating it with the badges of ââ¬Åmoderate Muslims.ââ¬Â And that is why the blame for the demise of Pakistan will not go to Musharraf alone. He remains the factor that galvanized the movement that is making the nationââ¬â¢s demise inevitable.
On the external front, Musharrafââ¬â¢s approach has changed the perceptions and demands of the sustainers-cum-enemies of Pakistan completely. Pakistan has already lost the trust of its neighbors because of the unreliable and unpredictable roles that it plays for the US. Instead of providing them a sense of safety and security, Pakistan became a source of anxiety for its neighbors. It can play a role in attacking Iran for its sustainers in Washington, just as it did in the case of paving the way for the occupation of Afghanistan. Similarly, Musharrafââ¬â¢s Pakistan is no longer one of Chinaââ¬â¢s staunchest friends as it used to be over the years. Iran would not be too deeply concerned about the fate of Pakistanââ¬â¢s large Shiââ¬Ëa minority as the experience in Iraq shows, and India would reap most of the fruits in the absence of a check on expansion of its regional hegemony and without any prospect of violence and disorder on its Western borders.
After bringing Afghanistan to its present state and abandoning even moral support for both Kashmiris and Palestinians, Pakistan is no more needed as a Muslim nuclear power in the region. Totally controlled by Washington, its nuclear program and capability has become completely irrelevant. Instead, it is now the other way round. The rest of the world would not feel concerned about the disposition of a failing Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear weapons and fissile material, which it already knows is in ââ¬Åsafe hands.ââ¬Â The US and Europeansââ¬â¢ hue and cry about Iranââ¬â¢s and North Koreaââ¬â¢s nuclear programs and a total silence about now occupied Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear program is a telling sign of the assurance that the weapons are in ââ¬Åsafe hands.ââ¬Â
In the beginning of the book, we set a simple formula to see if there is any possibility that a positive development can take root in the Musharraf era and lead Pakistan towards safe waters. Our assessment in the subsequent chapters demonstrated that the Musharraf factor has led to an environment in which any positive development, which can put Pakistan on the right track, has become totally impossible.
Achieving the objective for which it was created is impossible (chapter 2). The full restoration of democratic government and the efficient rebuilding of the Pakistani state in the future is also clearly impossible (chapter 3). There are no signs of the emergence of a revolutionary or radical political movement. Pakistan will remain under the occupation of its own military forces: a kind of sweet occupation. Masses will remain helpless until they are completely pushed against the wall like the Iraqis and Afghans. Musharraf will continue to dance to the Zionist and neoconsââ¬â¢ tune until he has absolutely nothing left to gamble with. A major push will come to turn Pakistan into another Afghanistan or Iraq when the high value target is completely softened.
Pakistanââ¬â¢s disappearance from the world map is actually induced by certain features of the armyââ¬âits conceptual ability to plan incremental change. It is mistakenly considered a plus for reforming the countryââ¬â¢s ailing institutions. Analysts believed that Pakistanââ¬â¢s army is strong enough to prevent state failure but not imaginative enough to impose the changes that might transform Pakistan either in the image for which it was created or the image which the US wants it to adopt. Musharraf calls his mantra of ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â as a two pronged strategy. Unfortunately, rather than transforming, the strategy and change, which opportunist civilian and military cronies surrounding general Musharraf have chosen, will gradually sink Pakistan into oblivion. This issue was thoroughly covered in Chapter 1.
As for nationhood, despite the dominant position of the armed forces, including a veto over any attempt to change the consensus view of Pakistanââ¬â¢s identity, the army hardly seems willing to create an identity compatible with the vision of Pakistan, as well as with the objectives that led to its creation.
Pakistanââ¬â¢s most unusual feature is not its potential as a failed state, as we observed from the earlier discussion, but the intricate interaction between the physical/political/legal entity known as the state of Pakistan and the idea behind Pakistan and the Pakistani nation. Few if any other nation states are more complex than Pakistan in this respect, with the Pakistani state often operating at cross-purposes with the original purpose of its creation.
Regardless of all other factors, the US and UK have publicly launched a war on the very basic ideology at the foundation of Pakistan as a nation. It is akin to separating Jewish identity from Israel. Imagine the transformation in the Middle East if Israel were to stop identifying itself as a Jewish State. In that case, would it be able to justify its existence and occupation of the lands, particularly Jerusalem? The problem in the case of any Muslim entity, however, is that it can either be Islamic or non-Islamic (secular). As discussed in the Chapter 2 in detail, it is not possible to have a mix of secularism and Islam and label it as Muslim. Like Israel, the state of Pakistan was thought to be more than a physical/legal entity that provided welfare, order and justice to its citizens. Pakistan was to be an extraordinary stateââ¬âa homeland for Indian Muslims and an ideological and political leader of the Muslim world. Providing a homeland to protect Muslims from the bigotry and intolerance of Indiaââ¬â¢s Hindu population was important, but the real motive behind Pakistan movement was to demonstrate to the world a model of an Islamic State based on the principles of freedom, fraternity and equality of Islam. The Pakistan movement also looked to the wider Muslim world, and its leaders were concerned about the fate of other Muslim communities living under duress, stretching from Palestine to the Philippines.[7]
This is exactly what is now considered as ââ¬Åpolitical Islamââ¬Â of the ââ¬ÅIslamists.ââ¬Â This is what the 9/11 Commission has referred to as the ââ¬ÅIslamic ideologyââ¬Â and declared a war on it. Accordingly, Pakistan has to be dismantled because its raison dââ¬â¢Ãªtre has no place in the modern world in which a crusade on Islam is now officially and publicly recognized. We observe this from the official report of the 9/11 Commission, statements from Bush, Rumsfeld and British Home Secretary Charles Clark within the span of just one week.[8] Islamic ideology is the threat and a war on it has been declared. In his speech on October 06, 2005, Bush equated all resistance against the US occupation of Iraq, which was made possible through a series of many lies and distortion of facts, to fighting on the part of ââ¬Återroristsââ¬Â for the creation of ââ¬Åan Islamic Empire.ââ¬Â[9] Now think about the following words and comments by the founding fathers of Pakistan. Imagine any nation under occupation or any Muslim leader now saying the following words. They would perfectly fit the well-defined category on which a war has officially been declared. Also note Pakistanââ¬â¢s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnahââ¬â¢s reference to the Qurââ¬â¢an, Mujahids, Islam and giving protection to neighbors in the following words at a rally on October 30, 1947:
If we take our inspiration and guidance from the Holy Qurââ¬â¢an, the final victory, I once again say, will be oursââ¬Â¦ Do not be overwhelmed by the enormity of the taskââ¬Â¦ You only have to develop the spirit of the Mujahids. You are a nation whose history is replete with people of wonderful character and heroism. Live up to your traditions and add to another chapter of glory. All I require of you now is that everyoneââ¬Â¦ must vow to himself and be prepared to sacrifice his allââ¬Â¦ in building up Pakistan as a bulwark of Islam and as one of the greatest nations whose ideal is peace within and peace withoutââ¬Â¦ Islam enjoins on every Mussulman to give protection to his neighbors and to minorities regardless of caste and creed.[10]
The same is true today. However, just a vow to make Pakistan, or any country for that matter, into a ââ¬Åbulwark of Islam,ââ¬Â taking ââ¬Åinspiration and guidance from the Holy Qurââ¬â¢an,ââ¬Â are now sufficient today to instantly declare anyone an ââ¬ÅIslamistââ¬Â preaching ââ¬ÅIslamismââ¬Â at which the US has declared a war. If Jinnah were living today and had uttered these same words he would most certainly have been labeled a terrorist, demonized in the media, hunted down by the US and prosecuted. The US expects from the opportunist dictators and ââ¬Åmoderate Muslimsââ¬Â to care about poverty alleviation and forget about their brothers and sisters under foreign occupation. Musharraf has clearly mentioned this in his televised speech on January 12, 2002. Other ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â in the pages of New York Times tell fellow Muslims: ââ¬ÅMuslims must realize that the interests of our sons and daughters, who are American, must come before the interests of our brothers and sisters, whether they are Palestinian, Kashmiri or Iraqiââ¬Â[11]ââ¬âan approach which is not only in total contradiction to the message of the Qurââ¬â¢an, but to the basic human values and ethics as well.
At the time of the creation of Pakistan, when the Muslim League adopted the Pakistan resolution on March 23, 1940 calling for the establishment of a sovereign and independent Islamic country, Lord Zetland, Secretary of State for colonial India, wrote of his apprehensions regarding this proposition to Lord Linlithgow, the British viceroy in New Delhi, saying:
[T]he call of Islam is one which transcends the bounds of country. It may have lost some force as a result of the abolition of Caliphate by Mustafa Kamal Pasha, but it still has a very considerable appeal as witness for example Jinnahââ¬â¢s insistence on our giving undertaking that Indian troops should never be employed against any Muslim state, and the solicitude which he has constantly expressed for the Arabs of Palestine.[12]
These apprehensions were ignored for other reasons in 1947. However, the creation of Pakistan on these grounds would have been impossible in the 21st century. So, its survival is at stake today when for the most powerful man in Pakistan, words of its founders and the motive behind the Pakistan movement are no more than a mere joke that can be completely ignored and cast aside.
Both the history and the future of Pakistan are rooted in a complex relationship between Pakistan the ââ¬ÅIslamicââ¬Â stateââ¬âa physically bounded territory with an Islamic legal and international personality that would be guided by Islamic scriptures and traditionsââ¬âand Pakistan the nationââ¬âmission-bound to serve as a beacon for oppressed or backward communities elsewhere in the world. Pakistan has bitterly failed at both the state and the national level. The rot that started at the top has trickled to the roots and the nation as a whole is as oblivious of its responsibilities as are its leaders.
On the other hand, the forces that undermine Pakistan are nevertheless alive and well focused. Details about how Pakistan has become the high value target were outlined in Chapter 8. Suffice it to present here the following signs that show a large number of forces are bent upon dissolving Pakistan into oblivion.
1. Israelis are topping tourist lists in Kashmir where businesses are changing the language of their outletsââ¬â¢ signboards from English to Hebrew.[13] We must note that after Israeli agentsââ¬â¢ involvement in New Zealand and Canadian passport scams, the visitors in Kashmir could neither be ordinary Israelis nor would they be visiting Kashmir only for vacation purposes.
2. The Pentagon recently stressed that it must recruit and train Pakistani military officers to increase Washingtonââ¬â¢s influence over the countryââ¬â¢s armed forces. Paul Wolfowitz told the House Armed Services Committee on August 10, 2004 that failure to train Pakistani officers could mean ââ¬Åpushing them into the one alternative, which is the Islamic extremistsââ¬Â¦Itââ¬â¢s not as though if we leave them alone, nobody else will go out to recruit them.ââ¬Â[14]
3. According to the argument of the US-led ââ¬Åinternational communityââ¬Â: Iran must bring its nuclear program to an end and Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear arsenal must be in safe hands, but Israelââ¬â¢s weapons of mass destruction must remain a ââ¬Åmust-have.ââ¬Â[15]
4. In total contradiction to the founding vision, the approach of Musharrafââ¬â¢s regime is to leave Kashmirisââ¬â¢ fate in Indian hands and push Afghan refugees back into occupied Afghanistan. Some 200,000 Afghan refugees have been living in the remote border areas of Pakistan. As the Pakistani operations in the tribal area have risen in strength, countless refugee homes are destroyed and thousands of Afghans are pushed back into Afghanistan.[16] According to the New York Times: ââ¬ÅRefugees have been given as little as two hoursââ¬â¢ notice to leave before their houses were bulldozed, according to officials with the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Some have returned to Afghanistan with no belongings, homeless once again.ââ¬Â[17]
5. Almost all Pakistanis in the NGO-sector and many politicians to the level of former Prime Minter Zafrullah Khan Jamali have come to believe that the source of Pakistanââ¬â¢s creation, the Two Nations Theory, is no longer valid.[18]
6. After facilitating the occupation of Afghanistan, Musharraf and his inner circle used the SAARC summit as a forum for direct and secret meetings with Indiaââ¬â¢s top brass. This was in order to consolidate a US inspired secret agreement to smooth the path for Pakistan in accepting Kashmir as an integral part of India against existing UN resolutions. Musharraf announced the deal after a closed meeting with Vajpayee on January 6, 2003 when he said: ââ¬ÅHistory has been made...The string that was broken at Agra has been repaired in Islamabadââ¬Â. After a phone conversation the next morning with Vajpayee, Musharraf confirmed that: ââ¬ÅThe deal was sealedââ¬Â. A cautious, secretive and incremental process has been adopted in order for India and Pakistan to work jointly in eliminating the threats to the understanding. Officials from Pakistan and India were very nervous with regards to a leak.
7. Despite Pakistanââ¬â¢s surrender on every front, India signed a $1 billion purchase of Phalcon Airborne Early Warning Systems deal with Israel in October 2003. The US, Canada and others have recently extended assistance in nuclear research to India.
8. Despite Musharrafââ¬â¢s sacrificing Pakistani soldiers for the US, the US kept on accusing it of a secret nuclear pact with Saudi Arabia, [19] selling nuclear technology and for being insincere to the US.[20] A CATO study called Pakistanââ¬â¢s cooperation ââ¬Ågrudging and spotty.ââ¬Â[21] These factors amount to keeping options of the US and its alliesââ¬â¢ open in preparation for the impending U-turn on Pakistan in case there is an attempt to make it an Islamic State according to the mission and vision of the founding masses and the very objective of its creation.
9. As the nation that was supposed to be mission-bound to serve as a beacon for oppressed or backward communities elsewhere in the world is lost in Bollywood or cricket and corruption, the government is devoted to revising the school curriculum for teaching them submissiveness to occupation and aggression.
The above summary may not reflect the extent to which Pakistanis as a whole have undermined Pakistan. What is undeniable and known is that ideologically Pakistan has long been dead. If there are any traces of its still lingering on invisibly, the US war on it will deal with it appropriately. Its leftover physical existence neither makes a difference, nor is likely to survive without its soul for too long.
A combination of factors discussed above will therefore ensure that total pacification and ultimate softening of Pakistan remains a priority while it keeps on acquiring the characteristics of a place in which the ghosts of all legendary dictators would feel at home. Thatââ¬â¢s how the collapse of the present structure and form will take place simultaneously with the emergence of a new order.
The status quo until now has faced no serious challenge in Pakistan, despite the fact that the regime is still fragile, dithering and jittery. The day the simmering rage turns into real resistance in the wake of the masses being pushed against the wall like the case in Iraq or Afghanistan, no one knows if the regime will exercise repression on the scale which we witness by occupation forces in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. The alternative is that the military itself will split into factions. What is known is that the regime is neither sure of itself, nor is the US a credible master to rely on, at least, in terms of its own survival as a super power, as well as in terms of its long record of betraying its ââ¬Åfriends.ââ¬Â Taiwan is the latest example of the US making a U-turn when there is more money to be made from China. Musharraf and his ââ¬Åmoderateââ¬Â allies are treading a very thorny path by taking themselves out of the fold of Islam when looked in the light of the definitions and requirements put forward by the American promoters of the new version of Islam (refer to chapter 2).
Any major incident or event can explode into a 9/11 in South Asia and become a turning point. More awareness and exposure of the agenda behind Musharaffââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â increases the possibility of a South Asian 9/11, the day after which life will not be the same. Rather than stability, an increased support for the collaborating ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â will bring more turmoil as a result of the increased polarization in the society.
Faced with some unexpected challenges at home and abroad, the regime in Islamabad will initially try to go for the option of repression. With the failure of repressive measures, the regime might then attempt to lurch toward some ââ¬Ådemocraticââ¬Â maneuvers. But in the turbulence added from external events and interference, ââ¬Ådemocraticââ¬Â antics would not stand much of chance of maintaining the status quo.
If Pakistanââ¬â¢s Gorbachev is alive, he will be a pathetic figure in this whole saga. He has nothing to offer that would place the Pakistan nation on the right track, except playing the role of a mercenary-in-chief of the final crusade. He will find himself standing as an arrogant disciple of something far worse than secularism at a time when evangelicals and Zionists (including the Bush administration) are busy shaping the world according to their apocalyptic religious perspective. Some analysts still argue that Bush does use religious language sometimes, but that is rhetoric because the same events would be happening if the oil fields were controlled by Christians or Jews or a secular state, who were not interested in selling oil to the USA.
In fact, Bushââ¬â¢s October 6, 2005 speech proves that the sitting administration wants to destroy Islam and turn it into a Christianity-like religion consisting of a few hallow rituals and strip Muslims of their values concerning morality, economy, social conduct and political ideology. Moreover, we know that Saddam Hussain was a lame duck. He was prepared to surrender anything to come back to the former days of glory. For the US, oil, particularly Iraqi, was not a problem at all.
Note
Iraqis failed to muster enough courage to stand against a weaker Baathist and secularist regime, to establish an exemplary society and a model of governance. They are now paying a far greater price then they would have, had they stood up to Saddam Husainââ¬â¢s externally supported tyranny.
Similarly, Afghans lost their opportunity. Instead of collectively working for the common good of their people after having an unprecedented situation of peace, law and order in the country under the Taliban, many Afghans joined campaigns that ended with yet another foreign occupation of their countryââ¬âthis time with the full approval of the United Nations. The result is before our eyes. Afghans, who were delivered from one occupation at a great cost, are now reeling under another indefinite and far worse occupation.
Some analysts have expressed concern that Pakistan is next in line. Others predict Pakistanââ¬â¢s failure on the basis of their respective parameters of success and failure of states. From the discussion in the preceding chapters, we can clearly see that Musharraf is the main factor among many others that has made Pakistanââ¬â¢s demise inevitable.
The ââ¬Åwith us or against usââ¬Â threat from Bush and subsequent Islamabad policies provide evidence that Musharraf is clearly under pressure. Nevertheless, the list of decisions leading to his willing surrenders is so long that Musharraf can hardly pretend that he is not acting under pressure from within and outside. So far, he is a victim of his delusions, obsession with staying in power and a compulsive attitude of putting everything at stake to achieve his objectives.
This was the case with Mikhail Gorbachev also. Even his adversaries concede that he took the much vaunted initiatives under immense internal and external pressure. However, he had this to say in his famous Nobel Lecture on June 05, 1991:
Now about my position. As to the fundamental choice, I have long ago made a final and irrevocable decision. Nothing and no one, no pressure, either from the right or from the left, will make me abandon the positions of perestroika and new thinking. I do not intend to change my views or convictions. My choice is a final one.
Similarly, advisors to Musharraf ensure that he takes all the blame, thus paving the way for the fall of Pakistan.
In the face of the countryââ¬â¢s inevitable demise, Pakistanis are still in total denial despite the fact that they cannot provide a single ray of hope that could make them believe that, unlike the great empires of the past, the vulnerable Pakistan is immortal and will survive indefinitely.
The long-term involvement of the military in Pakistani politics and the role it has played for Washington all along is a factor of prime importance in understanding the latest changes as discussed in chapter 5. Musharraf, nevertheless, keeps on gambling on anything he can think of at the moment. His particular theme is ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â, which embodies secularism and undermines Pakistanââ¬â¢s raison dââ¬â¢Ãªtre.
In Diplomacy, Henry Kissinger shrewdly explains the impossible dilemma that Khrushchev eventually perceived, and Gorbachev did not: Gorbachevââ¬â¢s gamble on liberalization was bound to fail to the degree that the Communist Party also lost its monolithic character. The same phenomenon applies to Pakistanââ¬â¢s losing its monolithic character at the hands of Musharraf. The galvanizing force that brought Pakistan into being was Islam; not culture, nor ethnicity, not even language or geography. Nothing supports its creation and survival.
The loss of faith in Islam has led to the loss one half of Pakistan in 1971, and continues to weaken the rest of the nation with every passing day. There is no other justification at all for separating this piece of land in South Asia, calling it Pakistan, or keeping people of different cultures and ethnic backgrounds together for a long time. If a secular state was the objective, a single independent state of India made more sense than two separate entities, which drained their resources on arms building and bloody wars.
At war with their countryââ¬â¢s identity, Pakistanis hardly realize it is going through a phase similar to that of the Soviet Union before its demise. After losing its identity and character, the communist party became demoralized. Similarly, masses have become totally demoralized in Pakistan. Just as liberalization proved incompatible with communist ruleââ¬âthe communists could not turn themselves into democrats without ceasing to be communists, an equation Gorbachev never understoodââ¬âthe kind of ââ¬Åmoderationââ¬Â Musharraf proposes is totally incompatible with Islam.
As we discussed previously, Musharaffââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â has nothing to do with Islam. Musharraf simply wants effective subservience to the continued remote control colonialism of the US. Muslims cannot turn themselves into the kinds of ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â demanded by the inventors of these rancid notions without ceasing to be Muslims, an equation Musharraf fails to understand in his pursuit for staying in power at any cost.
The whole idea of the secularization of Pakistan to make it functional is based on the assumption that Pakistan, and other Muslim countries, can survive without being Islamic or democratic in the true sense and that they can endure a compromise on the principles on which Muslims must put the foundation of their collective life. At the same time, a serious attempt to live by Islam could not occur without risking the labels of extremism and terrorism.
Despite Turkeyââ¬â¢s 80-years experiment with secularization, it has yet to succeed. Countries like Turkey and Egypt, for example, have long histories as nations to survive. Whereas, Pakistan didnââ¬â¢t exist as a nation before 1947, nor any other known factor except Islam is there to make it a nation. As such Musharrafââ¬â¢s regime took to de-legitimizing Pakistanââ¬â¢s entire foundation. He is being rewarded and applauded like a Gorbachev reincarnate for transforming Islam.
Writing about Gorbachev, Times magazine noted: ââ¬ÅBy gently pushing open the gates of reform, he unleashed a democratic flood that deluged the Soviet universe and washed away the cold war.ââ¬Â[1] Such inspiring comments are used by the Western media to push their perceived enemies into thinking they would transform their societies into worldly heavens if they toe Washingtonââ¬â¢s line. But that is not what actually happens when push comes to shove. According to Jamie Glazovââ¬â¢s analysis: ââ¬ÅWithin the blink of an eye, the Soviet Union disintegrated. Ten years later, we know that the process of true democratization in post-communist Russia ultimately failed. Boris Yeltsin and now Vladimir Putin, after all, represent a return to the Russian autocratic past. With no tradition of democracy, or even a conception of individuality, Russians, once again, desire order over freedom.ââ¬Â[2]
Musharraf attempted simultaneously to contain and transform the country in the image of its enemies, to destroy and reconstruct, right on the spot as per the plans of those for whom existence of Pakistan has been a thorn in the flesh since its inception. Musharraf is doing what Gorbachev did in his six years in power. The changes in what used to be the Soviet Union have been so great that it is easy to forget what the un-reformed Soviet system was like and how modest were the expectations of significant innovation when Gorbachev succeeded Konstantin Chernenko as top Soviet leader in March 1985. Neither Soviet citizens nor foreign observers or advisors to Gorbachev imagined that the USSR was about to be transformed out of existence. So is the case with Musharraf and Pakistan.
While no one predicted the Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s demise, the greatest skeptics regarding the prospects for change were the first to be overtaken by events. Some, who in more recent years have castigated Gorbachev for his ââ¬Åhalf-measures,ââ¬Â have conveniently forgotten that the actual changes promoted or sanctioned by him exceeded their wildest dreams, making nonsense of predictions that he had neither the will nor the power to alter anything of consequence in the Soviet system. Here, we must keep in mind that the changes under Gorbachev far exceeded their wildest dreams because Gorbachev alone was not responsible. The Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s demise was also impending, like Pakistanââ¬â¢s, for quite some time. The changes and transformation by one man became the last straw on the back of the proverbial camel. In Pakistanââ¬â¢s case, as we discussed in previous chapters, the 162 million Pakistanis have already paved the way with their unintentional surrender to the forces that will wash away Pakistan as an entity. Musharrafââ¬â¢s gimmicks are going to just hasten its demise.
In his book, The Gorbachev Factor, Archie Brown correctly points out:
ââ¬ÅWhen it became fashionable to react against the enthusiastic support for Gorbachev which was widespread in the late 1980s, the same observers who misread Gorbachevââ¬â¢s intentions at the outset became the first to scorn an excessive concentration on the part played by Gorbachev while simultaneously, and with scant regard for logic, holding him personally responsible for all the major policy failures. And failures in the Gorbachev era there certainly wereââ¬âespecially of economic policy and in the relationships between the Soviet Unionââ¬â¢s constituent republics and the centre.ââ¬Â[3]
The phenomenon that took place in the USSR well before Gorbachevââ¬â¢s taking power perfectly fits the situation in Pakistan before Musharrafââ¬â¢s coup. The remarkable thing about change in the Soviet Union during the Gorbachev years was that it occurred peacefully. As we shall see below, unlike the Soviet Union, the transformation in South Asia is more likely to be violent. According to Archie Brown: ââ¬ÅGiven the failure of all who had openly attacked the system from within the country to make any positive impact on policy outcomes prior to the late 1980s, it is doubtful if change of such magnitude could have taken place with so little violenceââ¬âespecially in Russiaââ¬âin any way other than through the elevation of a serious reformer to the highest political office within the country.ââ¬Â
In the case of Pakistan, the public in general and politicians and military in particular have constantly been either attacking or exploiting Islam, yet no one had the intention to seriously live by Islam and make Pakistan an Islamic State. Musharraf imposed himself on the nation as an intermediary and justified his dictatorship on the basis of being a serious reformer. Yet the political parties and his foreign backers fell into his series of traps. The former acted blindly and the latter just pretending to be blind. Consequently, the Western backers purposely elevated him to the position of a serious reformer. They know that Musharraf has no real vision other than a desire to stay in power. But his promoters, in fact, do have a vision. The publicââ¬â¢s complacency and helplessness simply exacerbated the situation.
The prospect of a military dictator becoming a ââ¬Åpresidentââ¬Â acceptable to all is similar to a reformer (Gorbachev) becoming General Secretary of the Communist partyââ¬âthe very idea that such a thing was possible in principleââ¬âhad been ruled out in advance by many Western observers and by such prominent exiles from the Soviet Union as the writers Alexander Solzhenitsyn and Alexander Zinoviev. Similarly, Bush refused to acknowledge Musharraf by name in his initial interviews after his first inaugurations. When a reporter insisted that the General must have a name, Bush said: ââ¬ÅWell, we call him a General.ââ¬Â[4]
Yet, just like Gorbachev who had great power concentrated in his hands as part of the Communist Party leaders collectively and as the General Secretary individually, the forces for anti-Islam-transformation in Pakistan realized that a person with many hats, absolute power and opportunist disposition in Pakistan should remain in power to follow their agenda. Without the promotion of a genuine reformer and highly skilled politician to the top Communist Party post in 1985, fundamental changes in the Soviet Union would certainly have been delayed and could well have been bloodier as well as slower than the relatively speedy political evolution that occurred while Gorbachev was at the helm. The same plan is being implemented in Pakistan to make its demise less bloody on the one hand and use the outcome for global struggle against Islam on the other. To the disadvantage of Musharrafââ¬â¢s promoters, replication of the same plan is not possible under different situations, particularly when instead of an ââ¬Åismââ¬Â a religious faith and a way of life are being targeted: This is the case not only in Pakistan, but on a global level.
Analysts agree that in the case of the Soviet Union, from the moment Gorbachev ââ¬Åwas liberated after the August coup, his every political statement, his every initiative, seemed to have preservation of the central structure as its main objective. That freedom from the central bureaucracy was what the republics meant by the independence they were demanding seemed to elude him.ââ¬Â[5] In the Muslim world, the US adventures, coupled with relying on ââ¬Åreformationââ¬Â by a few opportunists is likely to bring about the liberation of Muslim massesââ¬âthe consequence which the enemies of Islam are actually trying to avoid.
In the past, Western planners wanted to dismantle the Soviet Union and various factors played a role in facilitating this demise. Gorbachev presented the reformation in the name of improving the Soviet economy. The reality, in Archie Brownââ¬â¢s words, is:
No one, though, really needed to be an economist to see that the Soviet economy was going from bad to worse. The man and woman on the street anywhere between Minsk and Khabarovsk could have said the same. And since this was neither Stalinââ¬â¢s nor Brezhnevââ¬â¢s time but an era of Soviet history of unprecedented freedom, they frequently did[6]
Western politicians and planners, however, did not base their judgments entirely on the state of the Soviet economy, but accorded a great deal of weight to changes in the language of politics, to new departures in Soviet foreign policy, and to political institutional change, where they did not see any alternative that challenged the supremacy of the West. They mistakenly, and very unfortunately, see this threat now in Islam with Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear capability at its centre. With their understanding of politics, Western planners were constantly amazed to see Gorbachev pull off what seemed to them virtually impossible feats. Today they see these feats in Musharrafââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åchance meetingsââ¬Â with Ariel Sharon and his dining with the American Jewish Congress.
The foreign advisors to Musharraf are more aware than many of the academic observers and the self-proclaimed ââ¬Åmoderateââ¬Â Muslims of the framework of constraints within which Musharraf is operating and of the balancing act which is at times demanded of him prior to his putting sovereignty, independence and the very identity of his nation at stake.
The process of undermining Pakistan is gradual. Many ideas that are openly discussed in the Pakistani mass media under Musharraf, and in a number of cases translated into public policy, had first been aired in communist and secularist circles in Pakistan before the fall of the Soviet Union. The only difference is that of the use of rancid notions invented in the wake of the end of communism. This terminology now solely focuses on creating divisions among Muslims and demonizing Islam. Moreover, the Soviet Union could not promote its comrades and godless ideology abroad as vigorously as the neo-cons and the millions of Christian Zionists in America are doing in an organized and systematic manner.
That, however, does not mean that this is a simple case of continuity. In fact, the changes of the Musharraf era are more than a continuation of a process the secularists and communists had begun. There was a total lack of positive response to the demands and theories of such elements between 1968 and 1991. A few secularists had dared to speak up. However, many more had decided that discretion was the better part of valour, and stayed quiet until Musharraf had made Pakistan safe for such adventures. Some of them, such as the famous poet, Faiz Ahmad Faiz, didnââ¬â¢t even openly challenge the ideology of Pakistan. They were just sending out messages in the name of labor and the working class. Yet they were considered as a threat to national security and were thrown behind bars for years. The measures used against those who made their political dissent unambiguous and public ranged from compulsory exile to incarceration.
Under Musharraf, the world in Pakistan has turned full circle. Former secularists and communists are thriving in the garb of ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â. Nevertheless, the secular movement retrospectively commands little respect. To see them as the prime agents of pro-US changes in Pakistan is highly misleading and a product largely of wishful thinking. They are playing a role in changing the political consciousness of a part of the intelligentsia after initially donning the garb of liberals and now decorating it with the badges of ââ¬Åmoderate Muslims.ââ¬Â And that is why the blame for the demise of Pakistan will not go to Musharraf alone. He remains the factor that galvanized the movement that is making the nationââ¬â¢s demise inevitable.
On the external front, Musharrafââ¬â¢s approach has changed the perceptions and demands of the sustainers-cum-enemies of Pakistan completely. Pakistan has already lost the trust of its neighbors because of the unreliable and unpredictable roles that it plays for the US. Instead of providing them a sense of safety and security, Pakistan became a source of anxiety for its neighbors. It can play a role in attacking Iran for its sustainers in Washington, just as it did in the case of paving the way for the occupation of Afghanistan. Similarly, Musharrafââ¬â¢s Pakistan is no longer one of Chinaââ¬â¢s staunchest friends as it used to be over the years. Iran would not be too deeply concerned about the fate of Pakistanââ¬â¢s large Shiââ¬Ëa minority as the experience in Iraq shows, and India would reap most of the fruits in the absence of a check on expansion of its regional hegemony and without any prospect of violence and disorder on its Western borders.
After bringing Afghanistan to its present state and abandoning even moral support for both Kashmiris and Palestinians, Pakistan is no more needed as a Muslim nuclear power in the region. Totally controlled by Washington, its nuclear program and capability has become completely irrelevant. Instead, it is now the other way round. The rest of the world would not feel concerned about the disposition of a failing Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear weapons and fissile material, which it already knows is in ââ¬Åsafe hands.ââ¬Â The US and Europeansââ¬â¢ hue and cry about Iranââ¬â¢s and North Koreaââ¬â¢s nuclear programs and a total silence about now occupied Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear program is a telling sign of the assurance that the weapons are in ââ¬Åsafe hands.ââ¬Â
In the beginning of the book, we set a simple formula to see if there is any possibility that a positive development can take root in the Musharraf era and lead Pakistan towards safe waters. Our assessment in the subsequent chapters demonstrated that the Musharraf factor has led to an environment in which any positive development, which can put Pakistan on the right track, has become totally impossible.
Achieving the objective for which it was created is impossible (chapter 2). The full restoration of democratic government and the efficient rebuilding of the Pakistani state in the future is also clearly impossible (chapter 3). There are no signs of the emergence of a revolutionary or radical political movement. Pakistan will remain under the occupation of its own military forces: a kind of sweet occupation. Masses will remain helpless until they are completely pushed against the wall like the Iraqis and Afghans. Musharraf will continue to dance to the Zionist and neoconsââ¬â¢ tune until he has absolutely nothing left to gamble with. A major push will come to turn Pakistan into another Afghanistan or Iraq when the high value target is completely softened.
Pakistanââ¬â¢s disappearance from the world map is actually induced by certain features of the armyââ¬âits conceptual ability to plan incremental change. It is mistakenly considered a plus for reforming the countryââ¬â¢s ailing institutions. Analysts believed that Pakistanââ¬â¢s army is strong enough to prevent state failure but not imaginative enough to impose the changes that might transform Pakistan either in the image for which it was created or the image which the US wants it to adopt. Musharraf calls his mantra of ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â as a two pronged strategy. Unfortunately, rather than transforming, the strategy and change, which opportunist civilian and military cronies surrounding general Musharraf have chosen, will gradually sink Pakistan into oblivion. This issue was thoroughly covered in Chapter 1.
As for nationhood, despite the dominant position of the armed forces, including a veto over any attempt to change the consensus view of Pakistanââ¬â¢s identity, the army hardly seems willing to create an identity compatible with the vision of Pakistan, as well as with the objectives that led to its creation.
Pakistanââ¬â¢s most unusual feature is not its potential as a failed state, as we observed from the earlier discussion, but the intricate interaction between the physical/political/legal entity known as the state of Pakistan and the idea behind Pakistan and the Pakistani nation. Few if any other nation states are more complex than Pakistan in this respect, with the Pakistani state often operating at cross-purposes with the original purpose of its creation.
Regardless of all other factors, the US and UK have publicly launched a war on the very basic ideology at the foundation of Pakistan as a nation. It is akin to separating Jewish identity from Israel. Imagine the transformation in the Middle East if Israel were to stop identifying itself as a Jewish State. In that case, would it be able to justify its existence and occupation of the lands, particularly Jerusalem? The problem in the case of any Muslim entity, however, is that it can either be Islamic or non-Islamic (secular). As discussed in the Chapter 2 in detail, it is not possible to have a mix of secularism and Islam and label it as Muslim. Like Israel, the state of Pakistan was thought to be more than a physical/legal entity that provided welfare, order and justice to its citizens. Pakistan was to be an extraordinary stateââ¬âa homeland for Indian Muslims and an ideological and political leader of the Muslim world. Providing a homeland to protect Muslims from the bigotry and intolerance of Indiaââ¬â¢s Hindu population was important, but the real motive behind Pakistan movement was to demonstrate to the world a model of an Islamic State based on the principles of freedom, fraternity and equality of Islam. The Pakistan movement also looked to the wider Muslim world, and its leaders were concerned about the fate of other Muslim communities living under duress, stretching from Palestine to the Philippines.[7]
This is exactly what is now considered as ââ¬Åpolitical Islamââ¬Â of the ââ¬ÅIslamists.ââ¬Â This is what the 9/11 Commission has referred to as the ââ¬ÅIslamic ideologyââ¬Â and declared a war on it. Accordingly, Pakistan has to be dismantled because its raison dââ¬â¢Ãªtre has no place in the modern world in which a crusade on Islam is now officially and publicly recognized. We observe this from the official report of the 9/11 Commission, statements from Bush, Rumsfeld and British Home Secretary Charles Clark within the span of just one week.[8] Islamic ideology is the threat and a war on it has been declared. In his speech on October 06, 2005, Bush equated all resistance against the US occupation of Iraq, which was made possible through a series of many lies and distortion of facts, to fighting on the part of ââ¬Återroristsââ¬Â for the creation of ââ¬Åan Islamic Empire.ââ¬Â[9] Now think about the following words and comments by the founding fathers of Pakistan. Imagine any nation under occupation or any Muslim leader now saying the following words. They would perfectly fit the well-defined category on which a war has officially been declared. Also note Pakistanââ¬â¢s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnahââ¬â¢s reference to the Qurââ¬â¢an, Mujahids, Islam and giving protection to neighbors in the following words at a rally on October 30, 1947:
If we take our inspiration and guidance from the Holy Qurââ¬â¢an, the final victory, I once again say, will be oursââ¬Â¦ Do not be overwhelmed by the enormity of the taskââ¬Â¦ You only have to develop the spirit of the Mujahids. You are a nation whose history is replete with people of wonderful character and heroism. Live up to your traditions and add to another chapter of glory. All I require of you now is that everyoneââ¬Â¦ must vow to himself and be prepared to sacrifice his allââ¬Â¦ in building up Pakistan as a bulwark of Islam and as one of the greatest nations whose ideal is peace within and peace withoutââ¬Â¦ Islam enjoins on every Mussulman to give protection to his neighbors and to minorities regardless of caste and creed.[10]
The same is true today. However, just a vow to make Pakistan, or any country for that matter, into a ââ¬Åbulwark of Islam,ââ¬Â taking ââ¬Åinspiration and guidance from the Holy Qurââ¬â¢an,ââ¬Â are now sufficient today to instantly declare anyone an ââ¬ÅIslamistââ¬Â preaching ââ¬ÅIslamismââ¬Â at which the US has declared a war. If Jinnah were living today and had uttered these same words he would most certainly have been labeled a terrorist, demonized in the media, hunted down by the US and prosecuted. The US expects from the opportunist dictators and ââ¬Åmoderate Muslimsââ¬Â to care about poverty alleviation and forget about their brothers and sisters under foreign occupation. Musharraf has clearly mentioned this in his televised speech on January 12, 2002. Other ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â in the pages of New York Times tell fellow Muslims: ââ¬ÅMuslims must realize that the interests of our sons and daughters, who are American, must come before the interests of our brothers and sisters, whether they are Palestinian, Kashmiri or Iraqiââ¬Â[11]ââ¬âan approach which is not only in total contradiction to the message of the Qurââ¬â¢an, but to the basic human values and ethics as well.
At the time of the creation of Pakistan, when the Muslim League adopted the Pakistan resolution on March 23, 1940 calling for the establishment of a sovereign and independent Islamic country, Lord Zetland, Secretary of State for colonial India, wrote of his apprehensions regarding this proposition to Lord Linlithgow, the British viceroy in New Delhi, saying:
[T]he call of Islam is one which transcends the bounds of country. It may have lost some force as a result of the abolition of Caliphate by Mustafa Kamal Pasha, but it still has a very considerable appeal as witness for example Jinnahââ¬â¢s insistence on our giving undertaking that Indian troops should never be employed against any Muslim state, and the solicitude which he has constantly expressed for the Arabs of Palestine.[12]
These apprehensions were ignored for other reasons in 1947. However, the creation of Pakistan on these grounds would have been impossible in the 21st century. So, its survival is at stake today when for the most powerful man in Pakistan, words of its founders and the motive behind the Pakistan movement are no more than a mere joke that can be completely ignored and cast aside.
Both the history and the future of Pakistan are rooted in a complex relationship between Pakistan the ââ¬ÅIslamicââ¬Â stateââ¬âa physically bounded territory with an Islamic legal and international personality that would be guided by Islamic scriptures and traditionsââ¬âand Pakistan the nationââ¬âmission-bound to serve as a beacon for oppressed or backward communities elsewhere in the world. Pakistan has bitterly failed at both the state and the national level. The rot that started at the top has trickled to the roots and the nation as a whole is as oblivious of its responsibilities as are its leaders.
On the other hand, the forces that undermine Pakistan are nevertheless alive and well focused. Details about how Pakistan has become the high value target were outlined in Chapter 8. Suffice it to present here the following signs that show a large number of forces are bent upon dissolving Pakistan into oblivion.
1. Israelis are topping tourist lists in Kashmir where businesses are changing the language of their outletsââ¬â¢ signboards from English to Hebrew.[13] We must note that after Israeli agentsââ¬â¢ involvement in New Zealand and Canadian passport scams, the visitors in Kashmir could neither be ordinary Israelis nor would they be visiting Kashmir only for vacation purposes.
2. The Pentagon recently stressed that it must recruit and train Pakistani military officers to increase Washingtonââ¬â¢s influence over the countryââ¬â¢s armed forces. Paul Wolfowitz told the House Armed Services Committee on August 10, 2004 that failure to train Pakistani officers could mean ââ¬Åpushing them into the one alternative, which is the Islamic extremistsââ¬Â¦Itââ¬â¢s not as though if we leave them alone, nobody else will go out to recruit them.ââ¬Â[14]
3. According to the argument of the US-led ââ¬Åinternational communityââ¬Â: Iran must bring its nuclear program to an end and Pakistanââ¬â¢s nuclear arsenal must be in safe hands, but Israelââ¬â¢s weapons of mass destruction must remain a ââ¬Åmust-have.ââ¬Â[15]
4. In total contradiction to the founding vision, the approach of Musharrafââ¬â¢s regime is to leave Kashmirisââ¬â¢ fate in Indian hands and push Afghan refugees back into occupied Afghanistan. Some 200,000 Afghan refugees have been living in the remote border areas of Pakistan. As the Pakistani operations in the tribal area have risen in strength, countless refugee homes are destroyed and thousands of Afghans are pushed back into Afghanistan.[16] According to the New York Times: ââ¬ÅRefugees have been given as little as two hoursââ¬â¢ notice to leave before their houses were bulldozed, according to officials with the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Some have returned to Afghanistan with no belongings, homeless once again.ââ¬Â[17]
5. Almost all Pakistanis in the NGO-sector and many politicians to the level of former Prime Minter Zafrullah Khan Jamali have come to believe that the source of Pakistanââ¬â¢s creation, the Two Nations Theory, is no longer valid.[18]
6. After facilitating the occupation of Afghanistan, Musharraf and his inner circle used the SAARC summit as a forum for direct and secret meetings with Indiaââ¬â¢s top brass. This was in order to consolidate a US inspired secret agreement to smooth the path for Pakistan in accepting Kashmir as an integral part of India against existing UN resolutions. Musharraf announced the deal after a closed meeting with Vajpayee on January 6, 2003 when he said: ââ¬ÅHistory has been made...The string that was broken at Agra has been repaired in Islamabadââ¬Â. After a phone conversation the next morning with Vajpayee, Musharraf confirmed that: ââ¬ÅThe deal was sealedââ¬Â. A cautious, secretive and incremental process has been adopted in order for India and Pakistan to work jointly in eliminating the threats to the understanding. Officials from Pakistan and India were very nervous with regards to a leak.
7. Despite Pakistanââ¬â¢s surrender on every front, India signed a $1 billion purchase of Phalcon Airborne Early Warning Systems deal with Israel in October 2003. The US, Canada and others have recently extended assistance in nuclear research to India.
8. Despite Musharrafââ¬â¢s sacrificing Pakistani soldiers for the US, the US kept on accusing it of a secret nuclear pact with Saudi Arabia, [19] selling nuclear technology and for being insincere to the US.[20] A CATO study called Pakistanââ¬â¢s cooperation ââ¬Ågrudging and spotty.ââ¬Â[21] These factors amount to keeping options of the US and its alliesââ¬â¢ open in preparation for the impending U-turn on Pakistan in case there is an attempt to make it an Islamic State according to the mission and vision of the founding masses and the very objective of its creation.
9. As the nation that was supposed to be mission-bound to serve as a beacon for oppressed or backward communities elsewhere in the world is lost in Bollywood or cricket and corruption, the government is devoted to revising the school curriculum for teaching them submissiveness to occupation and aggression.
The above summary may not reflect the extent to which Pakistanis as a whole have undermined Pakistan. What is undeniable and known is that ideologically Pakistan has long been dead. If there are any traces of its still lingering on invisibly, the US war on it will deal with it appropriately. Its leftover physical existence neither makes a difference, nor is likely to survive without its soul for too long.
A combination of factors discussed above will therefore ensure that total pacification and ultimate softening of Pakistan remains a priority while it keeps on acquiring the characteristics of a place in which the ghosts of all legendary dictators would feel at home. Thatââ¬â¢s how the collapse of the present structure and form will take place simultaneously with the emergence of a new order.
The status quo until now has faced no serious challenge in Pakistan, despite the fact that the regime is still fragile, dithering and jittery. The day the simmering rage turns into real resistance in the wake of the masses being pushed against the wall like the case in Iraq or Afghanistan, no one knows if the regime will exercise repression on the scale which we witness by occupation forces in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. The alternative is that the military itself will split into factions. What is known is that the regime is neither sure of itself, nor is the US a credible master to rely on, at least, in terms of its own survival as a super power, as well as in terms of its long record of betraying its ââ¬Åfriends.ââ¬Â Taiwan is the latest example of the US making a U-turn when there is more money to be made from China. Musharraf and his ââ¬Åmoderateââ¬Â allies are treading a very thorny path by taking themselves out of the fold of Islam when looked in the light of the definitions and requirements put forward by the American promoters of the new version of Islam (refer to chapter 2).
Any major incident or event can explode into a 9/11 in South Asia and become a turning point. More awareness and exposure of the agenda behind Musharaffââ¬â¢s ââ¬Åenlightened moderationââ¬Â increases the possibility of a South Asian 9/11, the day after which life will not be the same. Rather than stability, an increased support for the collaborating ââ¬Åmoderatesââ¬Â will bring more turmoil as a result of the increased polarization in the society.
Faced with some unexpected challenges at home and abroad, the regime in Islamabad will initially try to go for the option of repression. With the failure of repressive measures, the regime might then attempt to lurch toward some ââ¬Ådemocraticââ¬Â maneuvers. But in the turbulence added from external events and interference, ââ¬Ådemocraticââ¬Â antics would not stand much of chance of maintaining the status quo.
If Pakistanââ¬â¢s Gorbachev is alive, he will be a pathetic figure in this whole saga. He has nothing to offer that would place the Pakistan nation on the right track, except playing the role of a mercenary-in-chief of the final crusade. He will find himself standing as an arrogant disciple of something far worse than secularism at a time when evangelicals and Zionists (including the Bush administration) are busy shaping the world according to their apocalyptic religious perspective. Some analysts still argue that Bush does use religious language sometimes, but that is rhetoric because the same events would be happening if the oil fields were controlled by Christians or Jews or a secular state, who were not interested in selling oil to the USA.
In fact, Bushââ¬â¢s October 6, 2005 speech proves that the sitting administration wants to destroy Islam and turn it into a Christianity-like religion consisting of a few hallow rituals and strip Muslims of their values concerning morality, economy, social conduct and political ideology. Moreover, we know that Saddam Hussain was a lame duck. He was prepared to surrender anything to come back to the former days of glory. For the US, oil, particularly Iraqi, was not a problem at all.
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