Follow along with the video below to see how to install our site as a web app on your home screen.
Note: This feature may not be available in some browsers.
I asked you proofs and all you do is ranting...
LTTE - we supported them and we sent our own army in order to defeat them.. In the process we paid price with the lives of our ex-PM and many soldiers.. we were even instrumental in eliminating ltte from the face of earth.
Mukti bahini _ it is no terrorist group but a retaliatory force of resistance raised in order to stop the genocide and rapes that Pak army committed on bangladeshis and there women.. If you have to blame anyone blames your army and bhutto. except for pak no one else considers MB to be terrorists not even your all weather friend..
BLA - any proof or your usual ranting ? the head of baluchistan movement lies in switzerland and he is roaming freely.. koi ukad na hain toh udar jake ukadna..
TTP - ttp is a break away faction of afghan taliban.. if you are ok with afghan taliban you should be ok with ttp too.. after all your own isi and army raised taliban in the first place.
MQM - scotland yard has already disapproved the accusations..
the only one who has his head burried in the sand is you... and exactly world is no fool.
lol, all that doval sail was to counter attack terrorists with terrorists and pak went paranoid by his statements.. unless you are supporting anti-India terrorists why should you be so worried abt his comments ??
New Recruit
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has yet to craft a coherent policy on Pakistan. He was outspoken in criticizing the government of his predecessor Manmohan Singh for being soft on Pakistan, but tempered his rhetoric after coming to power, inviting Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to his inauguration ceremony, before using a pretext to cancel talks. Recognizing that disengagement with Pakistan creates more problems for India, Modi allowed a resumption of talks at the secretary level in March 2015. Modi and Sharif themselves met on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit in Russia on July 10, 2015. Modi is opening talks at a time when the Sharif government is weak and the balance of power has decisively tilted in favor of the Pakistani military establishment.
Nawaz Sharif went to Modi’s inauguration ceremony despite resistance from Pakistan’s powerful army and refused to meet Hurriyat leaders. Instead of capitalizing on this gesture, Modi cancelled secretary-level talks with Islamabad on the grounds that the Pakistani ambassador to India had continued with the longstanding practice of meeting with Kashmiri separatists. This weakened Nawaz’s ability to improve relations with India. Increased tensions at the Line of Control and Kashmir, in which Modi responded to cease-fire violations in a way that went beyond tit-for-tat worsened the situation.
Islamabad, however, was confident that apart from these ceasefire violations, New Delhi will not risk actual conflict, because of the risk it will turn nuclear. But the Indian army’s raid in Myanmar against militants has Islamabad worried that India might pursue the same option against Pakistan. The latter’s tactical nuclear weapons are meant to counter India’s “Cold Start” strategy of an offensive strike within Pakistan in order to punish terrorist elements. India, for its part, has made clear that it would deploy strategic nuclear weapons in response to Pakistan’s use of short-range nukes. There is no clarity on how to prevent an escalation in the event of conflict and Modi is taking a risk in raising public expectations of an aggressive response to Pakistan.
Some argue that Modi should rely on robust anti-Pakistan rhetoric to retain his domestic support in case he fails to fulfill his election promises of economic growth and good governance. For its part, Islamabad is highly aware of the Modi’s administration’s penchant for provocative statements. Statements by senior Indian officials on sub-conventional warfare strengthen Islamabad’s long-held view that India has not accepted Pakistan’s independence and is working hard to destabilize it by supporting belligerent groups. Indian National Security Advisor Ajit Doval warned in February 2014 that, “you can do one Mumbai and you may lose Baluchistan.” Similarly, Indian defense Minister, Manohar Parrikar, stated that, “we should neutralize terrorists through terrorists only.” Modi’s remarks in Dhaka that Pakistan “promotes terrorism” were seen as further confirmation of his hawkish policy.
Nuclear Weapons
In addition, a BBC report on links between India’s Research and Analysis Wing and the Karachi-based political party MQM (Muttahida Quami Movement) provided Islamabad with evidence that India is encouraging subversion itself, to balance Pakistan’s involvement in Kashmir. This reopens old wounds from India’s role in the creation of Bangladesh, and confirms Islamabad’s fear that New Delhi is willing to do anything to break up Pakistan. Pakistan accuses India of supporting anti-Pakistan terrorist groups, including the Pakistani Taliban and Baloch separatists. Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif, warned that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons if its survival were at stake. Lieutenant General Khalid Kidwai, still an advisor to Pakistan’s National Command Authority and former Director General of Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division, has described four conditions for nuclear use: a) space threshold (India attacks Pakistan and conquers a large part of its territory); b) military threshold (India deploys a large part of its land or air forces); c) economic strangling; and d) domestic destabilization. India’s support of anti-Pakistan elements would seem to meet that last condition.
India, on the other hand, blames Pakistan for terrorist activities in Kashmir and within India, ranging from the Twin Peak Crisis (2001-2002) to the Mumbai attacks in 2008 and the attack on the Indian embassy and consulate in Afghanistan. New Delhi protested the release of Zaki-ur- Rehman Lakhvi, the mastermind behind the Mumbai attack, from prison, with Pakistani authorities claiming India had provided insufficient evidence to prosecute him in Pakistani courts. India tried to raise the matter of Lakhvi’s release at the United Nations Sanctions Committee, under resolution 1267, but China used its veto to block. China’s veto shows that Beijing is willing to shield Islamabad from international scrutiny despite New Delhi’s sensitivities.
China and Pakistan are also expanding their influence in Afghanistan. After taking office, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani chose Saudi Arabia, China, and Pakistan for his first overseas visits. Ghani cancelled an arms deal with New Delhi before visiting India in April 2015. The Afghan president is also reaching out to Afghan Taliban for talks facilitated by Islamabad and Beijing. After U.S. forces withdraw, New Delhi’s influence in Afghanistan is likely to weaken.
Beijing is meanwhile investing $46 billion in Pakistan-China Economic Corridor (CPEC) to link its underdeveloped western frontier with the Persian Gulf and Middle East through Pakistan. The CPEC would provide infrastructure within Pakistan in support of Beijing’s plan of storing Middle Eastern oil in refineries at Gwadar and sending it to China via road or pipeline. Gwadar port is already operational, and has strategic significance for both Beijing and Islamabad. In September 2014, Chinese President Xi Jinping invited India to join the economic corridor, but Modi baulked because of fears of a growing Chinese foothold in the Indian Ocean. India is developing the Iranian port of Chabahar as a competitor to Gwadar, but construction will take some time.
Indian attempts to isolate or ignore Pakistan will not yield the desired results and are counter- productive given Islamabad’s position as the second largest country in South Asia and its strong links with China. Militarily India cannot afford to be confrontational with Pakistan, because of the latter’s nuclear weapons. Politically and economically New Delhi cannot isolate Pakistan, which enjoys strong ties with China. New Delhi has no option but to engage Islamabad constructively by opening dialogue. It is in India’s interest to reduce Pakistan’s sense of insecurity by initiating negotiations and using confidence building measures to reduce Islamabad’s reliance on nuclear weapons. India’s dream of great power status will be hard to achieve without a solution to the “Pakistan problem.”
Modi may want to talk tough for domestic political reasons, but it is self-defeating in a number a ways. First, it constrains India’s options in a future conflict, as he would be under tremendous option to respond aggressively, a highly dangerous move given the presence of nuclear weapons. Second, it is unnecessarily provocative and gives strength to anti-India elements in Pakistan. Third, it raises international concerns that are not only damaging to the Indian economy but also pairs India with Pakistan, something that New Delhi has long abhorred.
For India, the only way to de-hyphenate itself from Pakistan is to improve relations with Islamabad through bold initiatives. Modi, who has always advocated a more muscular approach to national security, cannot ignore Pakistan, but must also recognize that a hardline approach will create problems for New Delhi. His huge victory gave Modi the political space to reach out to Pakistan in ways his predecessor could not. South Asia expert Stephen P. Cohen, once said, “India cannot make peace. Pakistan cannot make war.” It is time for Modi to engage Pakistan directly and initiate a peace process.
Modi’s Worrying Pakistan Policy | The Diplomat
All india adarsh liberal Vice president Siddharth Varadarajan runs The Wire what else do you expect
But here's the real deal about Doval doctrine :
Pakistan's provocations show that the Modi-Doval dual strategy is working - Firstpost
Obviously as an Indian you will be blinded by the patriotism to point out the mistakes of your fellow countrymenWhere did he insult Pakistan ? He was talking about Pakistanis
New Recruit
Obviously as an Indian you will be blinded by the patriotism to point out the mistakes of your fellow countrymen
No, again i see the patriotism kicking in.Obviously you won't get it because you are wearing a biased lens and feel insulted everywhere.
New Recruit
No, again i see the patriotism kicking in.
Why dont you do yourself a favour, its been barely been a since you joined in.
Just look around threads and you will learn a thing or two
I will definitely learn. Thanks for advice. Hope you learn a thing or two since you are quite old now.[/QUOTE
Actually i have, hence the advised you for that very reason
No need at all for to spell an indian terrorist name correctly!I don't think any Pakistani here in this forum has spelt Ajit Doval's name correctly even for once
lol.. joke of the day...
lol sri lanka asked for it when they tried to play against India in 1965 war with pakistan.. you don't expect us to be silent when they try to put there nose where it doesn't belong.You are saying something that everyone else is also saying, you supported cross-border terrorism in Sri Lanka.
Again you supported cross-border terrorism in the then East Pakistan, so now we have two.
Seriously, stop embarrassing yourself! Slowly but surely you'll accept your support for other terrorist organizations as well, giving them titles such as "Freedom fighters", "militant", "oppressed people" etc is not going to change anything.
Rich words coming from a pakistani whose country started proxy wars in sub-continent.. you were responsible for sponsoring ani India militants, taliban, destroying afghanistan and when India inspite of all your wrong doings extends a friendly hand your coward army returns the favor in the form of kargil and 26/11..THE FACT is that Indian support for proxy warfare and cross-border terrorism in the region is more than half a century old and is the biggest obstacle for the peace in the region.