Kashmir | News & Discussions.

[Icarus]

Weren't pakistani's telling Indians not to comments about the Killings in balochistan by pak army and PAF.

Huh ? Care to name a few of these poor guys ? See the problem is you guys watch Kabul Express and every one believes he is now the ultimate authority on proxy wars and covert ops involving Pakistan.
Now, let me get to the point, army can not enter a province with the intention to engage hostile forces unless and until article 246(Sparklingway could correct me if i'm wrong, it's his field) is evoked in parliament, which with respect to Balochistan has not been evoked therefore there are no active military ops in Balochistan. This means that the only force operating is F.C Balochistan, which is supposed to be there at all times, not just during conflict, and since they do not have the power to request air strikes means that PAF is also not active in Balochistan..................

---------- Post added at 04:41 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:40 PM ----------

Laughing smilies don't cut it kid..........................If you don't know this, then I guess you went to one of those state sponsored brainwash schools people think we go to, or that you haven't finished your GCEs yet.....................

 

[owcc]

Huh ? Care to name a few of these poor guys ? See the problem is you guys watch Kabul Express and every one believes he is now the ultimate authority on proxy wars and covert ops involving Pakistan.
Now, let me get to the point, army can not enter a province with the intention to engage hostile forces unless and until article 246(Sparklingway could correct me if i'm wrong, it's his field) is evoked in parliament, which with respect to Balochistan has not been evoked therefore there are no active military ops in Balochistan. This means that the only force operating is F.C Balochistan, which is supposed to be there at all times, not just during conflict, and since they do not have the power to request air strikes means that PAF is also not active in Balochistan..................

good to know yu guys watch bollywood congrats


---------- Post added at 04:41 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:40 PM ----------



Laughing smilies don't cut it kid..........................

good to know yu guys watch bollywood congrats

 

[Dr.Evil]

Huh ? Care to name a few of these poor guys ? See the problem is you guys watch Kabul Express and every one believes he is now the ultimate authority on proxy wars and covert ops involving Pakistan.
Now, let me get to the point, army can not enter a province with the intention to engage hostile forces unless and until article 246(Sparklingway could correct me if i'm wrong, it's his field) is evoked in parliament, which with respect to Balochistan has not been evoked therefore there are no active military ops in Balochistan. This means that the only force operating is F.C Balochistan, which is supposed to be there at all times, not just during conflict, and since they do not have the power to request air strikes means that PAF is also not active in Balochistan..................

You just did not answer my question, but just beating around.

 

[Icarus]

good to know yu guys watch bollywood congrats

Well, our movies are mostly crap nowadays, so Indian movies are the next best thing.......

 

[Icarus]

You just did not answer my question, but just beating around.

I was correcting your misconception.....as for your question, well, I'm just an ordinary member, that question is better suited to mods and webbie................

 

[EjazR]

Curfew lifted in Kashmir, prohibitory orders in some parts - India - The Times of India

SRINAGAR: After nearly a week, curfew was on Sunday lifted in the entire Kashmir valley in view of the situation remaining generally peaceful but prohibitory orders have been imposed in Baramulla, Anantnag and Pulwama districts besides some parts of Srinagar, officials said.

The situation was generally peaceful barring a few incidents where small groups of people came out and shouted slogans and threw stones at the security forces, they said.

"Curfew has been lifted from the valley. However, there are prohibitory orders in some parts of the city as well as in some other districts," Inspector General Kashmir Region, Farooq Ahmad told PTI.

The authorities relaxed curfew in Sopore in North Kashmir from 7 AM to 11 AM and later extended the relaxation period indefinitely as there was no untoward incident. Shops opened there despite a strike call given by hardline Hurriyat Conference led by Syed Ali Shah Geelani.

Some youths came out in Maisuma and Nowhatta areas of Srinagar city but they were chased away by the police.

Orders banning assembly of people have been enforced in Pulwama, Anantnag and Baramulla districts. Besides, downtown areas of Srinagar, Maisuma, Batamaloo and Nowhatta too are under such restrictions.

Local newspapers failed to hit the stands for the fourth day this morning despite authorities lifting restrictions on movement of mediapersons. Some media associations have alleged that adequate number of curfew passes had not been issued. Media persons had also staged a demonstration yesterday.

Authorities continued to clamp down on the stone-pelters and picked up another 12 people including Farooq Ahmed of Narbal who was alleged to be the main instigator of violence in Sopore.

In the morning, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and his father Farooq Abdullah offered prayers at the graveyard of Begum Akbar Jahan, wife of Sheikh Abdullah, on her death anniversary. They were accompanied by a few hundred people at the graveyard on the banks of Dal Lake in Hazratbal.

The Chief Minister also held a meeting with MLAs and MLCs of the coalition government.

Curfew was clamped in Srinagar on Tuesday and army was called out to assist the civil administration in maintaining law and order after escalation in violence in the valley.

Omar has convened an all-party meeting in Srinagar tomorrow to discuss the present situation. The invitation was extended to all 12 recognised political parties and groups.

Peoples Democratic Party and Jammu and Kashmir Panthers Party have so far said they will stay away from the meeting dubbing it as a "purposeless exercise".

 

[Kashmiri Nationalist]

Source

The Dogra rule, followed by Indian occupation in 1947, is a bleak chapter in the history of Jammu and Kashmir. The Dogra rule, which continued from 1846-1947, is considered as the gloomiest period. Indian armed forces occupied a major part of Jammu and Kashmir on October 27, 1947 that is continuing to date.
The Indian troops pursued the policy of suppression in a systematic manner to reduce the overwhelming Muslim majority in occupied Jammu and Kashmir. To achieve this objective Indian troops started the process of mass massacre. There are plenty of events and evidences to support this gory fact.

1931
July 13:The people of Kashmir had been raising their voice against the Dogra usurpation of their land and as a result they faced brutal consequences. On July 13, 1931, a large number of Kashmiris gathered in front of the Srinagar central jail, at a time when the trial of a youth Abdul Qadeer accused of involvement in a case of agitation, was in progress inside the jail. The objective was to demonstrate solidarity with the young man. As the time for obligatory prayer approached a young Kashmiri stood for Azan (Call for the prayer) and the Dogra police opened fire on him, and he got martyred. Thereby, another youth took the place of the martyred young man and started the Azan. He too was shot dead. In this way 22 Kashmiris embraced martyrdom in their efforts to complete the Azan.

1947
August 26: In June 1947, people of Poonch had launched a no-tax campaign against the heavy taxation of Maharaja. To curb the agitation, Maharaja Hari Singh, the last Dogra ruler of the state, ordered the use of brute military force. On August 26 the protesters were confronted by the Dogra-armed forces. The Dogra troops opened bran-gun fire on the huge crowd of 5,000 civilians, martyring and wounding hundreds of them.

October-November: Maharaja Hari Singh fled from Srinagar to Jammu on October 26th 1947, as the liberation activists were poised in Srinagar's suburbs to capture the city. On reaching Jammu, he issued orders to his troops and police besides the Hindu extremist groups, to kill Muslims found anywhere. The Muslims were asked to assemble in parade ground in Jammu so that they would be driven to Pakistan in lorries. While on their way, on October 20, 1947, eight thousand Muslims were massacred at Malatank Jammu. On October 22, 1947 at least 14000 Muslims were massacred at Saniya Jammu and 15,000 Muslims were gunned down near the bridge at Akhnoor.

On November 5 and 6, 1947, more than 100 lories, loaded with women, children and old men were taken into the wilderness of Kuthua forests. Hindu extremists and armed gangs were let loose on these innocent people and an unparallel butchery was perpetrated, killing thousands of them. Women were raped, molested and their valuables looted. All these bloodsheds were taking place in full view of the Indian army, which had by that time occupied a major part of the state. In another act of butchery, a large gathering of 25000 Muslims, in Miran Sahib and Ranbir Singhpora, were machine-gunned.

During migration to Pakistan in 1947, nearly 300,000 people were massacred in cold
British daily "the London Times" wrote on October 10, 1947 in a report from its special correspondent in India that the Maharaja, under his own supervision, got assassinated 237,000 Muslims, using military forces in Jammu area. The editor of "Statesman" Ian Stephen, in his book "Horned Moon" wrote that till the end of autumn 1947, more than 200,000 Muslims were assassinated.

Right from 1947, the fury of mass killings is going on unabated. Kashmiris suffered massacres in 1965 and 1971. Since 1989, India increased its acts of brutalities and people were killed in mass groups. Some of the savage events are as under.

1990
January 8:Firing at various places in Srinagar city, 17 people were killed. Enquiry ordered by then Governor Jagmohan. No outcome appeared.
January 15: In Handwara town, the Indian army and paramilitary forces shot dead 17 unarmed civilians including one woman when troops opened unprovoked fire on peaceful protesters.

January 21: 55 innocent civilians were killed in the localities of Basantbagh and Gawkadal in Srinagar city by CRPF troops when more than 20,000 people took to the streets, defying curfew.

January 22: The Indian army and paramilitary forces resorted to unprovoked firing at Alamghari Bazar Srinagar and killed many unarmed civilians. The people had come out unarmed to protest against the military killings at Gaw Kadal in Srinagar.
January 25: 26 civilians were shot dead in Handwara town of Kupwara district. The township was set afire by BSF after the latter was panicked by a bang. Some of the slain persons including women were roasted alive.

March 1: In order to halt massive demonstrations by the people, who were to submit a memorandum to United Nations Military Observers Group on India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), Indian army opened fire at Tengpora bypass and Zakoora crossing in Srinagar, killing 21 and 26 demonstrators, respectively.

May 21: Seventy persons were put to death by CRPF troops near Islamia College Srinagar. The unarmed civilian mourners were carrying the dead body of late Mirwaiz Molvi Muhammad Farooq, prominent liberation leader and father of APHC chairman, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq. More than three hundred people were injured. Five women, one of them pregnant, were killed. Even minors were not spared. The forces did not spare even the coffin-bearers. The dead body of late Mirwaiz was also shot at.

August 6: The troops besieged Mashali Mohalla in Srinagar, raided the houses of local inhabitants and killed innocent civilians. In this incident more than two-dozen people were brutalized, of whom nine died on the spot.

August 10: BSF cordoned off the whole area of Pazipora, Kupwara. The male inmates were ordered to gather in a park for identification parade. The locals objected to let ladies stay at their homes without being accompanied by any male members. Later the forces, in absence of male members, entered the houses and raped and molested a number of ladies. By hue and cry of the ladies, the male members tried to rush to their respective homes in order to rescue the ladies from the clutches of the armed forces. But the troops fired on the unarmed civilians of the locality and killed 25 of them on the spot.

September 11: A civil passenger bus, carrying about fifty persons, was intercepted by the BSF troops. Passengers were fired upon. 22 died on the spot. The bus was set on fire due to which eight persons got burnt alive.

October 01: The BSF personnel in Handwara town of Kupwara district started indiscriminate firing on the unarmed civilians, who were busy in marketing activities, killing 20 of them on the spot.

1991
January 19: The personnel of 42-CRPF opened indiscriminate fire, killing 11 civilians in Magarmalbagh, Srinagar. Most of the victims were waiting for bus and being a busy place, most of the passers-by received bullet shots and died on the spot.
January 30: In Achabal Islamabad, the Indian armed forces opened indiscriminate fire, killing seven innocent persons.

March 11: At Rakhi Haigam, Sopore, in Baramullah district, Indian armed forces started indiscriminate firing, killing six civilians, including Manzoor Ahmad Dar aged only 12 years.

March 16: The Indian troops cordoned the area in Pishwari Trehgam in Kupwara district. At that time about 12 persons were offering prayers in a mosque within the cordoned area. The forces directed the worshipers to come out of the Mosque but they could not come out as they were engaged in the prayers. The forces entered into the Mosque and started firing. The Imam (Leader of the prayers) did not break the prayers. He was shot in his head. Other persons were dragged in the compound of the Mosque and six more persons were shot dead.

May 05: At Khayam, Khanyar in Sriangar, the troops fired indiscriminately on the pedestrians due to which, five persons including a girl, Aisha, aged three years were killed.

May 8: In Pir Dastgeer, Khanyar locality of down town Srinagar, troops of CRPF, BSF's 2nd and 60th Bn opened fire on thousands of people who were assembled to bury some martyred Kashmiris. 18 civilians were killed. In this incident, one infant aged two years, and his father were also killed.

June 11: The CRPF troops opened indiscriminate fire, having been frightened by the sound of a tire burst, leaving 32 civilians killed in the densely populated area of Chotabazar, Srinagar. The killed included, shopkeepers, passers-by, old persons, women and children.

September 03: At Safanagri and Nelora in Pulwama district, the armed forces fired on unarmed civilians and more than 23 got killed.

1992
April 2: In Aloosa village of Bandipore tehsil of Baramullah district, the villagers were kept confined to the village limits for the whole day by the Indian troops, while those out for fishing were fired upon. At least five boatmen were killed in the firing. Many bodies were recovered from the Wular Lake as they had been made to sink by tying heavy stones to their limbs.

April 13: During early hours of the day, BSF troops charged into the area, comprising Mohalla Hajama, Talian, Syed Sultanpora, Mahrajpora, and Chinkipora, started indiscriminate firing which resulted in killing of 13 civilians including one woman.

July 2: There was a tyre burst of a moving vehicle, which created a panic in the crowded market of Lal Chowk Srinagar. In response the CRPF troops, posted at Hari Singh High Street, fired indiscriminately, killing six civilians.

July 6: The BSF men subjected Ishbar locality in the outskirts of Srinagar to indiscriminate firing and at least 7 civilians were killed.

July 13: Army personnel entered the village of Nasrullahpora, adjacent to Budgam, and started indiscriminate firing, killing ten innocent people.

August 15: In Taj Mohalla of Tral in Pulwama district, BSF troops killed 6 civilians in cold blood. One of them was burnt alive.
October 2: 10 civilians were killed in Handwara town of Kupwara district by BSF troops.

December 12: Indian troops killed 7 civilians in Kishtwar area of Doda district.

1993
January 6: 94 BSF-Bn personnel ran amuck, killing 57 civilians, mostly roasted alive, when they set ablaze 37 residential and 35 commercial structures at Sopore in Baramullah district.

April 10: 47 innocent Kashmiris were burnt alive when BSF set afire, most of the Lal Chowk, Srinagar, destroying 59 houses, 190 shops, 53 godowns and 2 office complexes.

July 01: In Baba Reshi area of Baramullah district, the troops started indiscriminate firing and killed 9 civilians who had come to the shrine.

July 30: In Hangubutch, Pulwama district 12 civilians were killed and 100 injured. A magisterial probe was announced but never completed.

August 01: Sub inspector Ajmer Singh of BSF, 60Bn along with three of his subordinates, killed a couple Abdul Rashid Dar and Hajra after barging into their residence in Daribal Srinagar. Their critically injured son Hilal succumbed to wounds in hospital. After thousands of people took to the streets in anti-India demonstration, the police and army resorted to firing, killing 10 of them.

August 14: Indian secret agents dragged out passengers from a bus on Sarthal link road in Kishtawar, Doda and sprayed them with bullets, killing 14 civilians.
October 22: Troops of BSF 7Bn opened fire on a procession in Bijbehara town of Islamabad district, killing 50 and injuring 100 civilians.

November 20: At Aadipora, in Sopore area of Baramullah district, the BSF personnel opened fire and killed five persons including a woman.

November 24: In Sangrama in Baramullah district, the BSF troops fired indiscriminately and killed seven unarmed civilians.

December 22: At Bulbul Nowgam in Shangas area of Islamabad district, the Indian troops fired indiscriminately, killing six civilians.

1994
January 24: Indian troops killed 18 Kashmiris in Kupwara.

May 10: In Bandipora BSF troops, during crack-down, arrested 9 persons in presence of the locals, took them to a military camp in Bandipora where they were killed and their dead bodies were handed over to their relatives.

1995
February 10: BSF opened fire in narrow business street, in Gad Kocha, Srinagar, killing 6 shopkeepers and injuring 38 others.

1996
January 5: Indian armed agents massacred 15 Kashmiris, 10 of them belonging to one family, in Barshala village of Doda district.
June 8: In Kamlari village of Doda district, Indian armed agents killed eight civilians.

1997
March 20: Seven civilians were killed in Sangrampura (Budgam).

April 7: A group of Indian secret agents swooped on Sanghrampora village, in Beerwa outskirts in Budgam district, and shot dead seven Kashmiris.

April 18: 27 civilians were killed in Prankote in Udhampur district in Jammu region.
September 19: In mortar shelling by BSF, 11 villagers were killed in remote village of Arin in Baramullah district.

1998
January 26: Indian agents swooped Wandhama village of Ganderbal tehsil in Srinagar district and massacred 26 Kashmiris.

June 19: 25 civilians were killed in Chapnari area Of Doda district in Jammu region.
June 28: In Madwa, Doda 9 villagers were massacred by 26-Rashtriya Rifles, on the Eid (Muslim festival) day.

July 28: 16 civilians were killed in two villages of Doda District in Jammu region.
August 3: Twenty civilians were killed in Sailain village of Surankote, Poonch. The dead included seven children.

August 8: 35 labourers were killed in Kalaban on Jammu-Himachal Pradesh border.

1999
February 20: Four civilians were killed at Muraputta-Rajouri, nine at Barlyara-Udhampur and seven at Bllala-Rajouri in Jammu.

February 20: In Baljaralan hamlet of Udhampur district, Indian armed agents killed 10 civilians. Apparently, the same group reappeared in Mora Pota in Budhal belt, and killed 4 members of a family.

June 29: Indian troops and their agents dragged out 17 civilians, including 5 women and 7 children, in twin hamlets of Morha Bichai and Sahotri in Poonch and killed them.
June 30: Fifteen labourers were killed in Anantnag district of south Kashmir.

2000
February 28: Five civilians were killed near qazigund in Anantnag district of Kashmir.

March 17: Indian secret agencies killed 7 truck drivers near a BSF camp at Qazigund in Islamabad district.

March 20: 35 civilians were massacred at Chatisinghpora in Anantnag.

March 24: Five innocent civilians, missing since March 24, 2000, were killed in custody and subsequently roasted by army at Brakpora in Islamabad district.

March 30: 7 protestors were killed by SOG troops near Pathirbal in Islamabad district, who were demanding dead bodies of Brakpora massacre.

May 14: Five teenagers, arrested from Sopore, were killed by Indian troops in Tangdar area of Kupwara district.

August 1: 35 Amarnath Yatris (pilgrims) were killed by Indian secret agencies and CRPF troops at Pahalgam in Islamabad district.

August 1: 31 civilians were massacred at Pahalgam in Anantnag.

August 1: 27 labourers were gunned down in Qazigund and Achabal in Anantnag.

August 2: Seven people of one family were killed in frontier district of Kupwara in North Kashmir.

August 2: 11 civilians were killed in Doda district of Jammu.

2001
February 03: Indian secret agencies killed 7 Sikhs at Mahjoornagar in Srinagar.

February 10: At Kotchatwal in Bhudal area of Rajouri district, 12 civilians including 6 kids and 4 women were killed by Indian troops and their secret agencies.

March 17: Eight people were massacred near Atholi in Doda.

March 21: At Mandi in Poonch district, the Indian troops used helicopters and gun ships and killed 10 Kashmiris.

March 31: At Doru, Islamabad, 7 Kashmiri drivers were killed by Indian troops.

July 21: 13 civilians were killed at Sheshnag in Anantnag.

July 22: 12 people were massacred in Cheerji and Tagood in Doda district of Jammu.

August 4: 15 villagers were killed in Ludder-Sharotid Har area of Doda.

August 6: Indian agents killed 7 civilians in Sajjar village of Atholi, in Kistwar tehsil of Doda district.

December 8: 10 unarmed civilians, including women and children, were killed in the indiscriminate military firing in Baramullah.

2002
January 6: 6 civilians were killed at Luddu and Ramsu,Doda.

January 20: 11 civilians were killed at Behra, Poonch.

January 21: Indian troops killed 14 persons including 8 children of 3 families, at Salwa village in Maindher area of Poonch in Rajouri district.

February 16: 8 civilians were killed at Nirala. Rajouri.

May 14: 36 civilians were killed at Kaluchak, Jammu.

July 13: 28 civilians were massacred at Kasimpura in Jammu.

August 5: Nine pilgrims were killed in Nuwan Pehalgam in Islamabad district.

2003
March 24: 24 civilians were massacred including 11 women and 2 children at Nadimerg village of Pulwama.

October 22: Seven members of a family were shot dead when armed Indian agents opened indiscriminate firing at a wedding ceremony in Domail area of Doda district.

2004
April 5: Seven civilians were killed at Pahalgam in Islamabad.

2006
May 01: 35 civilians were killed at Basantgarh in Udhampur and Kulhaang in Doda district. »

 

[Ganga]

July 13:The people of Kashmir had been raising their voice against the Dogra usurpation of their land and as a result they faced brutal consequences. On July 13, 1931, a large number of Kashmiris gathered in front of the Srinagar central jail, at a time when the trial of a youth Abdul Qadeer accused of involvement in a case of agitation, was in progress inside the jail. The objective was to demonstrate solidarity with the young man. As the time for obligatory prayer approached a young Kashmiri stood for Azan (Call for the prayer) and the Dogra police opened fire on him, and he got martyred. Thereby, another youth took the place of the martyred young man and started the Azan. He too was shot dead. In this way 22 Kashmiris embraced martyrdom in their efforts to complete the Azan.

1947
August 26: In June 1947, people of Poonch had launched a no-tax campaign against the heavy taxation of Maharaja. To curb the agitation, Maharaja Hari Singh, the last Dogra ruler of the state, ordered the use of brute military force. On August 26 the protesters were confronted by the Dogra-armed forces. The Dogra troops opened bran-gun fire on the huge crowd of 5,000 civilians, martyring and wounding hundreds of them.

October-November: Maharaja Hari Singh fled from Srinagar to Jammu on October 26th 1947, as the liberation activists were poised in Srinagar's suburbs to capture the city. On reaching Jammu, he issued orders to his troops and police besides the Hindu extremist groups, to kill Muslims found anywhere. The Muslims were asked to assemble in parade ground in Jammu so that they would be driven to Pakistan in lorries. While on their way, on October 20, 1947, eight thousand Muslims were massacred at Malatank Jammu. On October 22, 1947 at least 14000 Muslims were massacred at Saniya Jammu and 15,000 Muslims were gunned down near the bridge at Akhnoor.

On November 5 and 6, 1947, more than 100 lories, loaded with women, children and old men were taken into the wilderness of Kuthua forests. Hindu extremists and armed gangs were let loose on these innocent people and an unparallel butchery was perpetrated, killing thousands of them. Women were raped, molested and their valuables looted. All these bloodsheds were taking place in full view of the Indian army, which had by that time occupied a major part of the state. In another act of butchery, a large gathering of 25000 Muslims, in Miran Sahib and Ranbir Singhpora, were machine-gunned.

During migration to Pakistan in 1947, nearly 300,000 people were massacred in cold
British daily "the London Times" wrote on October 10, 1947 in a report from its special correspondent in India that the Maharaja, under his own supervision, got assassinated 237,000 Muslims, using military forces in Jammu area. The editor of "Statesman" Ian Stephen, in his book "Horned Moon" wrote that till the end of autumn 1947, more than 200,000 Muslims were assassinated.

Where is the evidence ?Any one can write anything but what matters is the evidence which can back it up.Besides why are you not writing abt the raiders also termed "Ghazi" who were send into Kashmir in 1947 from NWFP.They looted , killed and also raped several thousand women in Kashmir.

 

[Murshad]

Hope a day will come when their miseries come to end

 

[Kashmiri Nationalist]

Where is the evidence ?Any one can write anything but what matters is the evidence which can back it up.Besides why are you not writing abt the raiders also termed "Ghazi" who were send into Kashmir in 1947 from NWFP.They looted , killed and also raped several thousand women in Kashmir.

Please read my post and not the title then make posts direceted at me. I did not write that list, I got it from the source as linked at the top of the 1st post.

 

[Ganga]

My dear Lord Mountbatten,

I have to inform Your Excellency that a grave emergency has arisen in my State and request the immediate assistance of your Government. As Your Excellency is aware,the State of Jammu and Kashmir has not acceded to either the Dominion of India or Pakistan. Geographically my State is contiguous wit h both of them. Besides, my State has a common boundary with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and with China. In their external relations the Dominion of India and Pakistan cannot ignore this fact. I wanted to take time to decide to which Dominion I should accede or whether it is not in the best interests of both the Dominions and of my State to stand independent, of course with friendly and cordial relations with both. I accordingly approached the Dominions of India and Pakistan to enter into standstill agreement with my State. The Pakistan Government accepted this arrangement. The Dominion of India desired further discussion with representatives of my Government. I could not arrange this in view of the developments indicated below. ln fact the Pakistan Goernment under the standstill agreement is operating the post and telegraph system inside the State. Though we have got a standstill agreement with the Pakistan Government, lhe Govemment permitted a steady and increasing strangulation of supplies like food, salt and petrol to my State.

Afridis, soldiers in plain clothes, and desperadoes with modern weapons have been allowed to infiltrate into the State, at first in the Poonch area, then from Sialkot and finally in a mass in the area adjoining-Hazara district on the Ramkote side. The result has been that the limited number of troops at the disposal of the State had to be dispersed and thus had to face the enemy at several points simultaneously, so that it has become difficult to stop the wanton destruction of life ad property and the looting of the Mahura power house, which supplies electric current to the whole of Srinagar and which has been burnt. The number of women who have been kidnpped and raped makes my heart bleed. The wild forces thus let loose on the State are marching on with the aim of capturing Srinagar, the summer capital of my government, as a first step to overrunning the whole State.The mass infiltration of tribesman drawn from distant areas of the North-West Frontier Province, coming regularly in motortrucks, using the Manwehra-Mazaffarabad road and fully armed with up-to-date weapons, cannot possibly be done without the knowledge of the Provincial Govemment of the North-West Frontier Province and the Government of Pakistan. Inspite of repeated appeals made by my Government no attempt has been made to check these raiders or to stop them from coming into my State. In fact, both radio and the Press of Pakistan have reported these occurences. The Pakistan radio even put out the story that a provisional government has been set up in Kashmir. The people of my State, both Muslims and non-Muslims, generally have taken no part at all.

With the conditbns obtaining at present in my State and the great emergency of the situation as it exists, I have no option but to ask for help from the Indian Dominion. Naturally they cannot send the help asked for by me without my State acceding to the Dominion of India. I have accordingly decided to do so, and I attach the instrument of accession for acceptance by your Government. The other alternative is to leave my state and people to free booters. On this basis no civilised government can exist or be maintained.

This alternative I will never allow to happen so long as I am the ruler of the State and I have life to defend my country. I may also inform your Excellency's Government that it is my intention at once to set up an interim government and to ask Sheikh Abdullah to carry the responsibilities in this emergency with my Prime Minister.

If my State is to be saved, immediate assistance must be available at Srinagar. Mr. V.P. Menon is fully aware of the gravity of the situation and will explain it to you, if further explanation is needed.

In haste and with kindest regards,

Yours sincerely,

Hari Singh
October 26, 1947
Kashmir: Legal Documents

 

[EjazR]

India calls off Kashmir curfew - CENTRAL/S. ASIA - Al Jazeera English

A curfew imposed on most of Indian-controlled Kashmir has been lifted, despite clashes between demonstrators and security forces in the summer capital of Srinagar.

Separatists called a general strike on Sunday to protest against Indian rule of the predominantly Muslim region and civilian deaths during confrontations with authorities.

Thousands of security forces patrolled some residential areas in the capital, asking people to stay indoors, witnesses said.

Shops and businesses remained shut and some restrictions were imposed in some areas of the city. The region's nearly 60 newspapers were unable to publish for a third day.

"There are prohibitory orders in some parts of the city [Srinagar] as well as in some other districts, but curfew has been lifted from the valley," Muzaffar Ahmad, a police official, told the Reuters news agency.

"The situation generally remained peaceful across Kashmir valley, barring a few incidents of stone pelting."

The Indian government originally introduced the curfew on Wednesday.

'We want freedom'

During a 24-hour suspension of the curfew on Saturday, called to allow residents to celebrate the annual Miraj-un-Nabi festival, which commemorates the Prophet Muhammad's night journey to the heavens, clashes broke out in three areas of Srinagar.

Indian forces used tear gas and batons to disperse rock-throwing protesters.

Elsewhere in the city, thousands of demonstrators shouting "We want freedom" and "Blood for blood," followed Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, a separatist leader, through the streets.

"Our civil disobedience and peaceful marches will continue until India withdraws its military and paramilitary soldiers from populated areas," Farooq, the chairman of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference, said, according to The Associated Press news agency.

Residents said security forces have killed 15 people during recent rallies, and the government sent in the army to quell the protests last week.

The Indian army had not been used for crowd control since major street demonstrations two decades ago.

Divided region

The tension in the Himalayan region - divided between Indian and Pakistani control - was reminiscent of the late 1980s, when protests against Indian rule sparked an armed conflict that eventually killed more than 68,000 people, mostly civilians.

Recent strikes and the curfew have badly affected tourism in India's Kashmir.

Many tourists have left the valley and the ones who remain face shortages of food and other basic amenities.

At present, tourist hubs like the Dal Lake are completely deserted.

"In the days to come, no tourist will come to Srinagar," Muhammad Asif, a travel agent, said.

"The kind of unrest we have here, there will be no tourism left in Srinagar. Not only this year, even in the coming years nobody will come here if such a situation persists.

India and Pakistan have fought two wars over Kashmir.

India regularly accuses Pakistan of sending separatist fighters over the heavily militarised frontier to stir up trouble and has blamed the current protests on Pakistan-based groups bent on destabilising India, a charge Islamabad denies.

 

[GUNNER]

Reply from Lord Mountbatten to Maharaja Hari Singh


My dear Maharaja Sahib,


Your Highness' letter dated 26 October 1947 has been delivered to me by Mr. V.P. Menon. In the circumstances mentioned by Your Highness, my Government have decided to accept the accession of Kashmir State to the Dominion of India. In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people.

Meanwhile, in response to Your Highness' appeal for military aid, action has been taken today to send troops of the Indian Army to Kashmir, to help your own forces to defend your territory and to protect the lives, property, and honour of your people. My Government and I note with satisfaction that Your Highness has decided to invite Sheikh Abdullah to form an interim Government to work with your Prime Minister.

Mountbatten of Burma
October 27, 1947

 

[schneider]

Reply from Lord Mountbatten to Maharaja Hari Singh


My dear Maharaja Sahib,


Your Highness' letter dated 26 October 1947 has been delivered to me by Mr. V.P. Menon. In the circumstances mentioned by Your Highness, my Government have decided to accept the accession of Kashmir State to the Dominion of India. In consistence with their policy that in the case of any State where the issue of accession has been the subject of dispute, the question of accession should be decided in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State, it is my Government's wish that, as soon as law and order have been restored in Kashmir and its soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's accession should be settled by a reference to the people.

Meanwhile, in response to Your Highness' appeal for military aid, action has been taken today to send troops of the Indian Army to Kashmir, to help your own forces to defend your territory and to protect the lives, property, and honour of your people. My Government and I note with satisfaction that Your Highness has decided to invite Sheikh Abdullah to form an interim Government to work with your Prime Minister.

Mountbatten of Burma
October 27, 1947

I doubt the Authenticity of This Document

but even if its fake/original, the problem is, Invader has settled itself there, that was the reason for the uprising of terrorism in 1980's when millions of Original inhabitants and non muslims were displaced. So unless until they leave Kashmir, original inhabitant and non muslims return to Kashmir, plebiscite cannot be given.
Finish!!!!

 

[Bang Galore]

Speech Of the Hon'ble Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah in the Constituent Assembly.
Legal Document No 122

Sheikh Abdullah

Sheikh Abdullah addressing a gathering.


(Extract)


We must remember that our struggle for power has now reached its successful climax in convening of this Constituent Assembly. It is for you to translate the vision of New Kashmir into a reality, and I would remind you of its opening words, which will inspire our labors:

"We the people of Jammu & Kashmir, Ladakh and the Frontier regions, including Poonch and Chenani Illaqas commonly known as Jammu and Kashmir State in order to perfect our union in the fullest equality and self-determination to raise ourselves and our children forever from the abyss of oppression and poverty, degradation and superstition, from medieval darkness and ignorance, into the sunlit valleys of plenty, ruled by freedom, science and honest toil, in worthy participation of the historic resurgence of the peoples of East, and the working masses of the world, and in determination to make this our country a dazzling gem on the snowy bosom of Asia, to propose and propound the following constitution of our State.'
This was passed at the 1944 session of the National Conference in Srinagar. Today, in 1951, embodying aspirations, men and women from the four corners of the state in this Constituent Assembly have become the repository of its sovereign authority. This Assembly, invested with the authority of a constituent body, will be the fountain-head of basic laws laying the foundation of a just social order and safeguarding the democratic rights of all the citizens of the State.
You are the sovereign authority in this State of Jammu and Kashmir; what you decide has the irrevocable force of law. The basic democratic principle of sovereignty of the nation embodied ably in the American and French Constitutions, is once again given shape in our midst. I shall quote the famous words of Article 3 of the French Constitution of 1791:

"The source of all sovereignty resides fundamentally in the nation...Sovereignty is one and indivisible, inalienable and imprescriptable. It belongs to the nation."
We should be clear about the responsibilities that this power invests us with. In front of us lie decisions of the highest national importance which we shall be called upon to take. Upon the correctness of our decisions depends not only the happiness of our land and people now, but the fate as well of generations to come.
What then are the main functions that this Assembly will be called upon to perform?

One great task before this Assembly will be to devise a Constitution for the future governance of the country. Constitution-making is a difficult and detailed matter. I shall only refer to some of the broad aspects of the Constitution, which should be the product of the labors of this Assembly.

Another issue of vital import to the nation involves the future of the Royal Dynasty. Our decision will have to be taken both with urgency and wisdom, for on that decision rests the future form and character of the State.

The Third major issue awaiting your deliberations arises out of the Land Reforms which the Government carried out with vigor and determination. Our "Land to the tiller" policy brought light into the dark homes of the peasantry; but, side by side, it has given rise to the problem of the landowners demand for compensation. The nation being the ultimate custodian of all wealth and resources, the representatives of the nation are truly the best jury for giving a just and final verdict on such claims. So in your hands lies the power of this decision.

Finally, this Assembly will after full consideration of the three alternatives that I shall state later, declare its reasoned conclusion regarding accession. This will help us to canalize our energies resolutely and with greater zeal in directions in which we have already started moving for the social and economic advancement of our country.

To take our first task, that of Constitution-making, we shall naturally be guided by the highest principles of the democratic constitutions of the world. We shall base our work on the principles of equality, liberty and social justice which are an integral feature of all progressive constitutions. The rule of law as understood in the democratic countries of the world should be the cornerstone of our political structure. Equality before the law and the independence of the judiciary from the influence of the Executive are vital to us. The freedom of the individual in the matter of speech, movement and association should be guaranteed: freedom of the press and of opinion should also be features of our Constitution. I need not refer in great detail to all those rights and obligations, already embodied in New Kashmir,which are Integral parts of democracy which has been defined as 'an apparatus of social organization wherein people govern through their chosen representatives and are themselves guaranteed political and civil liberties".

You are no doubt aware of the scope of our present constitutional ties with India. We are proud to have our bonds with India, the goodwill of those people and government is available to us in unstinted and abundant measure. The Constitution of India has provided for a federal union and in the distribution of sovereign powers has treated us differently from other constituent units. With the exception of the items grouped under Defense Foreign Affairs and Communications in the instrument of Accession , we have complete freedom to frame our Constitution in the manner we like. In order to live and prosper as good partners in a common endeavor for the advancement of our peoples, I would advise that, while safeguarding our autonomy to the fullest extent so as to enable us to have the liberty to build our country according to the best traditions and genius of our people, we may also by suitable constitutional arrangements with the Union establish our right to seek and compel Federal cooperation and assistance in this great task, as well as offer our fullest cooperation and assistance to the Union.

Whereas it would be easy for you to devise a document calculated to create a frame work of law and order, as also a survey of the duties and rights of citizens. It will need more arduous labor to take concrete decisions with regard to the manner in which we propose to bring about the rapid economic development of the State and more equitable distribution of our national income among the people to which we are pledged. Our National Conference avows its faith in the principal that there is one thing common to men of all castes and creeds, and that is their humanity. That being so, the one ailment which is ruthlessly sapping the vitality of human beings in Jammu & Kashmir is their appalling poverty, and if, we merely safeguard their political freedom in solemn terms, it will not affect their lives materially unless it guarantees them economic and social justice. New Kashmir contains a statement of the objectives of bur social policy. It gives broadly a picture of the kind of life that we hope to make possible for the people of Jammu & Kashmir and the manner in which the economic organization of the country will be geared to that purpose. These ideals you will have to integrate with the political structure which you will devise.

The future political set-up which you decide upon for Jammu & Kashmir must also take into consideration the existance of various sub-national groups in our State. Although culturally diverse history has forged an uncommon unity between them; they all are pulsating with the same hopes and aspirations, sharing in each others joys and sorrows . While guaranteeing this basic unity of the State, our constitution must not permit the concentration of power and privilege in the hands of any particular group or territorial region. It must afford the fullest possibilities to each of these groups to grow and flourish in conformity with their cultural characteristics without detriment to the integral unity of the State or the requirements of our social and economic policies.

Now let us take up an issue of basic importance which involves the fundamental character of the State itself. As an instrument of the will of a self-determining people who now become sovereign in their own right, the Constituent Assembly will now re-examine and decide upon the future of the present ruling dynasty, in respect of its authority.

It is clear that this dynasty can no longer exercise authority on the basis of an old discredited Treaty. During my trial for sedition in the "Quit Kashmir'' movement, I had clarified the attitude of my party when I said:

"The future constitutional set-up in the State of Jammu & Kashmir cannot derive authority from the old source of relationship which was expiring and was bound to end soon. The set-up could only rest on the active will of the people of the State, conferring on the head of the State the title and authority drawn from the true and abiding source of sovereignty, that is the people."
On this occasion, in 1946, I had also indicated the basis on which an individual could be entrusted by the people with the symbolic authority of a Constitutional Head:
"The State and its Head represent the constitutional circumference and the center of this sovereignty respectively, the Head of the State being the symbol of the authority with which the people may invest him for the realization of their aspirations and the maintenance of their rights".
In consonance with these principles, and in supreme fulfillment of the people's aspirations, it follows that a Constitutional Head of the State will have to be chosen to exercise the function which this Assembly may chose to entrust to him.
So far as my Party is concerned, we are convinced that the institution of monarchy is incompatible with the spirit and needs of modern times which demand an egalitarian relationship between one citizen and another. The supreme test of a democracy is the measure of equality of opportunity that it affords to its citizens to rise to the highest point of authority and position. In consequence monarchies are fast disappearing from the world picture, as something in the nature of feudal anachronisms. In India, too, where before the partition, six hundred and odd Princes exercised rights and privileges of rulership, the process of democratization has been taken up and at present hardly ten of them exercise the limited authority of constitutional heads of States.

After the attainment of complete power by the people, it would have been an appropriate gesture of good will to recognize Maharaja Hari Singh as the first constitutional Head of the State. But I must say with regret that he has completely forfeited the confidence of every section of the people. His in capacity to adjust himself to changed conditions and his antiquated views on vital problems constitute positive disqualifications for him to hold the high office of a democratic Head of the State. Moreover, his past actions as a ruler have proved that he is not capable of conducting himself with dignity, responsibility and impartiality. The people still remember with pain and regret his failure to stand by them in times of crisis, and his incapacity to afford protection to a section of his people in Jammu.

Finally we come to the issue which has made Kashmir an object of world interest, and has brought her before the forum of the United Nations. This simple issue has become so involved that people have begun to ask themselves after three and a half years of tense expectancy. "Is there any solution ?" Our answer is in the affirmative. Everything hinges round the genuineness of the will to find a solution. If we face the issue straight, the solution is simple.

The problem may be posed in this way. Firstly, was Pakistan's action in invading Kashmir in 1947 morally and legally correct, judged by any norm of international behavior ? Sir Owen Dixon's verdict on this issue is perfectly plain. In unambiguous terms he declared Pakistan an aggressor. Secondly, was the Maharajah's accession to India legally valid or not ? The legality of the accession has not been seriously questioned by any responsible or independent person or authority.

These two answers are obviously correct. Then where is the justification of treating India and Pakistan at par in matters pertaining to Kashmir ? In fact, the force of logic dictates the conclusion that the aggressor should withdraw his armed forces, and the United Nations should see that Pakistan gets out of the State.

In that event, India herself, anxious to give the people of the State a chance to express their will freely, would willingly cooperate with any sound plan of demilitarization. They would withdraw their forces, only garrisoning enough posts to ensure against any repetition of that earlier treacherous attack from Pakistan.

These two steps would have gone a long way to bring about a new atmosphere in the State. The rehabilitation of displaced people, and the restoration of stable civic conditions would have allowed people to express their will and take the ultimate decision.

We as a Government are keen to let our people decide the future of our land in accordance with their own wishes. If these three preliminary processes were accomplished, we should be happy to have the assistance of international observes to ensure fair play and the requisite conditions for a free choice by the people.

Instead invader and defender have been put on the same plane. Under various garbs, attempts have been made to sidetrack the main issue. Sometimes against all our ideals of life and way of living attempts divide our territories have been made in the form of separation of our state religionwise, with ultimate plans of further disrupting territorial integrity. Once an offer was made to police our country with Commonwealth forces, which threatens to bring in Imperial control by the back door. Besides the repugnance which our people have however, to the idea of bringing foreign troops on their soil, the very presence of Commonwealth troops could have created suspicions among our neighbors that we were allowing ourselves to be used as a base of possible future aggression against them. This could easily have made us into a second Korea.

The Cabinet Mission Plan has provided for three courses which may be followed by the Indian States when determining future affiliations. A State can either accede to India or accede to Pakistan, but failing to do either, it still can claim the right to remain independent. These three alternatives are naturally open to our State. While the intention of the British Government was to secure The privileges of the Princes, the representatives of the people must have the primary consideration of promoting the greatest good of the common people. Whatever steps they take must contribute to the growth of a democratic social order wherein all invidious distinctions between groups and creeds are absent. Judged by this supreme considerations, what are the advantages and disadvantages of our State's accession to either India or Pakistan or of having and independent Status.

As a realist I am conscious that nothing is all black or all white, and there are many facts to each of the propositions before us. I shall first speak on the merits and demerits of the State's accession to India. In the final analysis, as I understand it, it is the kinship of ideals which determines the strength of ties between two States. The Indian National Congress has consistently supported the cause of the State's peoples' freedom. The autocratic rule of the Princes has been done away with and representative government have been entrusted with the administration. Steps towards democratization have been taken and these have raised the people's standard of living, brought about much-needed social reconstruction, and above all built up their very independence of spirit. Naturally, if we accede to India there is no danger of a revival of feudalism and autocracy. Moreover, during the last four years the Government of India has never tried to interfere in our internal autonomy this experience has strengthened our confidence in them as a democratic State.

The real character of a State is revealed in its Constitution. The Indian Constitution has set before the country the goal of secular democracy based upon justice, freedom and equality for all without distinction. This is the bedrock of modern democracy. This should meet the argument that the Muslims of Kashmir cannot have security in India, where the large majority of the population are Hindus. Any unnatural cleavage between religious groups is the legacy of Imperialism, and no modern State can afford to encourage artificial division if it is to achieve progress and prosperity. The Indian Constitution has amply and finally repudiated the concept of a religious State, which is a throw back to medievalism, by guaranteeing the equality of rights of all citizens irrespective of their religion, color caste and class.

The national movement in our State naturally gravitates towards these principles of secular democracy. The people here will never accept a principle which seeks to favor the interests of one religion or social group against another. This affinity in political principles, as well as in past association, and our common path of suffering in the cause of freedom, must be weighed properly while deciding the future of the State.

We are also intimately concerned with the economic wellbeing of the people of this State. As I said before while referring to constitution-building, political ideals are often meaningless unless linked with economic plans. As a State, we are concerned mainly with agriculture and trade. As you know, and I have detailed before, we have been able to put through our "land to the tiller" legislation and make of it a practical success. Land and all it means is an inestimable blessing to our peasants who have dragged along in servitude to the landlord and his allies for centuries without number. We have been able under present conditions to carry these reforms through, are we sure that in alliance with landlord-ridden Pakistan, with so many feudal privileges intact, that the economic reforms of ours will be tolerated. We have already heard that news of our Land Reforms has traveled to the peasants of the enemy-occupied area of our State, who vainly desire like status, and like benefits. In the second place, our economic welfare is bound up with our arts and crafts. The traditional markets for these precious goods for which we are justly known all over the world, have been centered in India. The volume of our trade, in spite of the dislocation of the last few years, shows this. Industry is also highly important to us. Potentially we are rich in minerals, and in the raw materials of industry; we need help to develop our resources. India, being more highly industrialized than Pakistan, can give us equipment, technical services and materials. She can help us too in marketing. Many goods also which it would not be practical for us to produce here for instance sugar, cotton, cloth, and other essential commodities, can be got by us in large quantities from India. It is around the efficient supply of such basic necessities that the standard of the man in-the-street depends.

I shall refer now to the alleged disadvantages of accession to India.

To begin with, although the land frontiers of India and Kashmir are contiguous, an all-weather road-link as dependable as the one we have with Pakistan does not exist. This must necessarily hamper trade and commerce to some extent particularly during the snowy winter months. But we have studied this question, and, with improvements in modern engineering, if the State wishes to remain with India the establishment of an all-weather stable system of communication is both feasible and easy. Similarly, the use of the State rivers as a means of timber transport is impossible if we turn to India, except in Jammu where the river Chenab still carries logs to the plains. In reply to this argument, it may be pointed out that accession to India will open up possibilities of utilizing our forest wealth for industrial purposes and that, instead of lumber, finished goods, which will provide work for our carpenters and laborers, can be exported to India where there is a ready market for them. Indeed in the presence of our fleets of timber carrying trucks, river-transport is a crude system which inflicts a loss of some 20% to 35%, in transit.

Still another factor has to be taken into consideration. Certain tendencies have been asserting themselves in India which may in the future convert it into a religious State wherein the interests of Muslims will be jeopardized. This would happen if a communal organization had a dominant hand in the Government, and Congress ideals of the equality of all communities were made to give way to religious intolerance. The continued accession of Kashmir to India should, however, help in defeating this tendency. From my experience of the last four years, it is my considered judgment that the presence of Kashmir in the Union of India has been the major factor in establishing relations between the Hindus and Muslims of India. Gandhiji was not wrong when he uttered words before his death which paraphrase, "I lift up mine eyes into the hills, from whence cometh my help."

As I have said before, we must consider the question of accession with all open mind, and not let our personal prejudices stand in the way of a balanced judgment. I will now invite you to evaluate the alternative of accession to Pakistan.

The most powerful argument which can be advanced in her favor is that Pakistan is a Muslim State, and, big majority of our people being Muslims the State must accede to Pakistan. This claim of being a Muslim State is of course only a camouflage. It is a screen to dupe the common man, so that he may not see clearly that Pakistan is a feudal State in which a clique is trying by these methods to maintain itself in power. In addition to this, the appeal to religion constitutes a sentimental and a wrong approach to the question. Sentiment has its own place in life but often it leads to irrational action. Some argue, as supposedly natural corollary to this, that on our acceding to Pakistan our annihilation or survival depends. Facts have disproved this, right-thinking men would point out that Pakistan is not an organic unity of all the Muslims in this sub- continent. It has on the contrary, caused the dispersion of the Indian Muslims for whose benefit it was claimed to have been created. There are two Pakistans at least a thousand miles apart from each other. The total population of Western Pakistan which is contiguous to our State, is hardly 15 million. While the total number of Muslims, resident in India is as many as 40 million. As one Muslim is as good as another, the Kashmiri Muslims if they are worried by such considerations should choose the forty millions living in India.

Looking at the matter too from a more modern political angle religious affinities alone do not and should not normally determine the political alliance of States. We do not find a Christian bloc, a Buddhist bloc, or even a Muslim bloc, about which there is so much talk nowadays in Pakistan. These days economic interests and a community of political ideals more appropriately influence the policies of States.

We have another important factor to consider, if the State decides to make this the predominant consideration. What will be the fate of the one million non-Muslims now in our State ? As things stand at present, there is no place for them in Pakistan. Any solution which will result in the displacement or the total subjugation of such a large number of people will not be just or fair, and it is the responsibility of this House to ensure that the decision that it takes on accession does not militate against the interests of any religious group.

As regards the economic advantages. I have mentioned before the road and river links with Pakistan. In the last analysis, we must however remember that we are not concerned only with the movement of people but also with the movement of goods and the linking up of markets. In Pakistan there is a chronic dearth of markets for our products. Neither, for that matter, can she help us with our industrialization, being herself industrially backward.

On the debit side we have to take into account the reactionary character of her politics and State policies. In Pakistan we should remember that the lot of the States' subjects has not changed and they are still helpless and under the heel of their Rulers, who wield the same unbridled power under which we used to suffer here. This clearly runs counter to our own aspirations for freedom.

Another big obstacle to a dispassionate evaluation of her policies is the lack of a constitution in Pakistan. As it stands at present, this State enjoys the unique position of being governed by a Constitution enacted by an outside Parliament which gives no idea whatsoever of the future shape of civic and social relations. It is reasonable to argue that Pakistan cannot have the confidence of a freedom-loving and democratic people when it has failed to guarantee even fundamental rights of its citizens. The right of self-determination for nationalities is being consistently denied and those who fought against Imperialism for this just right are being suppressed with force. We should remember Badshah Khan and his comrades who laid down their all for freedom, also Khan Abdus Samad Khan and other fighters, in Baluchistan. Our national movement in the State considers this right of self-determination inalienable, and no advantage, however great, will persuade our people to forego it.

The third course open to us has still to be discussed. We have to consider the alternative of making ourselves an Eastern Switzerland, of keeping aloof from both States but having friendly relations with them. This might seem attractive in that it would appear to pave the way out of the present deadlock. To us as a tourist country it could also have certain obvious advantages, but in considering independence we must not ignore practical considerations. Firstly, it is not easy to protect sovereignty and independence in a small country which has not sufficient strength to defend itself on our long and difficult frontiers bordering so many countries. Secondly we must have the goodwill of all our neighbors. Can we find powerful guarantors among them to pull together always in assuring us freedom from aggression? I would like to remind you that from August 15 to October 22, 1947 our State was independent and the result was that our weakness was exploited by the neighbor with invasion. What is the guarantee that in future too we may not be victims of a singular aggression.

I have now put the pros and cons of the three alternatives before you. It should not be difficult for men of discrimination and patriotism gathered in this Assembly to weigh all these in the scales of our national good and pronounce the well being of the country lies in the future.

Legal Document No 122--Speech Of the Hon'ble Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah in the Constituent Assembly.