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Is this the final confrontation for the Rohingya?

LOL. It was never a Hindu Boudh fight.
End result is 40,000 dead Hindu Tamils :wave:

Whatever, dude.

You have a problem with everyone.

We don't care.

Our country, our rules.

We aren't going and killing Rohingyas.

But we won't accept them either.

We already have 1.3 billion people including lakhs of refugees of different places and illegals staying here as well.

Don't want more wannabe-terrorists after IB reports.
who the duck is talking about India accepting refugees , we are talking about your Buddhist wet dream of Muslim genocide in Myanmar some peaceful religion lol
 
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Picking up arms will be a bad choice

What will you do if you and your family comes under certain death situation?? Will you allow attackers to kill you and your family or you will fight for your survival??
 
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End result is 40,000 dead Hindu Tamils :wave:


who the duck is talking about India accepting refugees , we are talking about your Buddhist wet dream of Muslim genocide in Myanmar some peaceful religion lol

The biggest problem with you people is, everything starts and ends with islam.

Reasoning means squat to you;

Laws of the land don't matter at all if they are not in your religion;

In others' lands, forget blending in at all.

Why?

Are not others expected to blend into the norms of your countries' when visiting or staying in your lands?

World will give only when it gets something in equal measure.

Your religious-angle is the biggest source of misunderstanding and dislike today within other societies.

So you will not understand why you are always at odds with all other societies.

Everyone is peaceful till they start retaliating to bullshit being thrown at them.

As much as I hate to see innocent people suffer, you guys ask for your misery wherever you go by making others your enemy.
 
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What will you do if you and your family comes under certain death situation?? Will you allow attackers to kill you and your family or you will fight for your survival??
You are right I will fight but when I know the situation will not get better and will only get worse I will move out ,the days of one on one sword fights are over,when you don't have numbers and pick up guns you die and kill more people in process that too the same people you want to protect.
 
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The biggest problem with you people is, everything starts and ends with islam.
lol your orange bald headed buddhist monks are encouraging murder and rape of rohingya just like you killed 40,000 hindus in sri lanka
Reasoning means squat to you;
your people are busy killing ,raping and ethnic cleaning, we cant reason with you animals
As much as I hate to see innocent people suffer, you guys ask for your misery wherever you go by making others your enemy.
is that why you were advocating ethnic cleansing of rohingya a few posts back?
 
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End result is 40,000 dead Hindu Tamils :wave:

who the duck is talking about India accepting refugees , we are talking about your Buddhist wet dream of Muslim genocide in Myanmar some peaceful religion lol

Buddhism is not a religion bro. Besides, people are fighting for the material gains. Not for spiritual gains. Bad people will collect bad karma good people will collect good karma. That's how the universe works.
 
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Run Rohingya run
Published at 06:32 PM September 07, 2017
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Can we ensure them a home? REUTERS
The Rohingya are faced with violence and imminent death, and the world must come forward
Instead of three bullies on bicycles, there is the Myanmar army and government who are hell-bent to cleanse their soil of the grotesque Muslim blood, and instead of leg braces to break free from, there is the weight of a religion too heavy to carry and the label of a minority too permanent to shatter.

There is no way out except to walk for miles and rely on luck to reach the Myanmar-Bangladesh border in one piece, which includes escaping capture to be burned alive or shot dead or beaten to death or beheaded or mutilated.

And if not captured, then they must attempt not to starve to death or step on mines or let bones break from this immense pressure and fear. There is no happy ending, lest you forgot that this is no movie. But there are plenty of reruns of history episodes.

Never again
I only read about the Bosnian genocide and watched a movie on the Rwandan genocide nearly a decade after their occurrence. And around the same time, came the wars of the 21st century in Afghanistan and Iraq — or the then American president’s dreams.

But time and distance helped. Even with the internet, these atrocities, harrowing political games and glory, gains in greed and power, and of course, death to the innocent masses — all of it, seemed far.

The last 20th century genocides and then the first 21st century wars seemed far, I could empathise, but time and distance helped to keep these information at the backseat of my thoughts.

Yes, I understood the world is a terrible place and that unimaginable things happen, but I thought to myself (I blame the naivete of age), that at least it happened a long time ago, and that even if it is happening again (at that time), it is far away.

War and genocide often go hand in hand, and it helps to digest the news more easily. Maybe the righteous mind won’t allow us to admit it loudly, but I think I speak for most when I say when genocide takes place alone, without civil wars or invasion — reality checks become twice, if not manifolds, harder to accept.

Genocide, on its own, means the international community has failed, the UN has failed, and every global alliance and body has failed, again.

Because “never again” was promised after Rwanda’s 1994 genocide loudly and collectively, but the Srebrenica massacre and Darfur genocide told a different story, shortly thereafter.

Not to dampen our collective rose-tinted glasses (my personal favourite are the ones which come with unicorns and leprechauns), but war, genocide, and injustice prevail at any cost all the time because greed, power, and authority are the driving forces of our civilisation.

Rohingya, dubbed as the most persecuted minority in the whole wide world, are no different than all who have fallen under the claws of the unpalatable system, “politics.”

A deafening silence
What is strange though, is that in the 21st century, long after the “never again” slogans and promises, and efforts and interventions (remember how America said it invaded Iraq to save its people from Saddam Hussein?), there is absolutely no pressure on the Myanmar government to stop its blatant and relentless slaughter of its own Rohingya population.

And this time, this genocide is happening at our doorstep and right now. Time and distance aren’t helping much to put the mind at ease.

Footage of the beheaded four-five year olds, slain women cut in half, piles of dead bodies, bodies hanging from noose, mutilation, medieval and barbaric torture methods, masses lined and beaten — is only the physical aspect of the on-going genocide which had failed to urge heads of states and world leaders in power to pressure Myanmar to stop its uninterrupted reign of terror.

Bangladesh needs to ensure that the ones on the run are not turned away back to their hell

What is more is that Israel continues to arm Myanmar amid its military “crackdown,” and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Wednesday sang Aung San Suu Kyi’s song about the perils of “insurgency and terrorism” in the Rakhine State.

Beacause you see, these heads of states are concerned about the security of its people from the Rohingya — the slain, the dead, and the dying Rohingya. The one and the same.

Death in greater numbers
Scores of unarmed Rohingya are being mercilessly killed by the Myanmar army and security forces while the world stands still and witnesses this genocide unfold. Atrocities of unimaginable nature are being committed at an unprecedented scale, while the world takes its time to come to terms about how to address the Rohingya crisis.

What have they done to deserve such a fate? They belong to a faith that is not the Buddhism. They did not take up arms to protest Myanmar regime, the likes of Syria war origin. They are not a people in a land, invaded by a foreign force; but hunted down like livestock to be slaughtered.

58,000
That is the number of Rohingya who walked into Bangladesh since late August 2017, fleeing violence and inevitable death.

With little to no help from the international community, with the only exception of Indonesia (who had come forward in the hour of need to offer assistance in tackling the immense influx of Rohingya) — Bangladesh still remains Rohingya’s safe haven.

Undoubtedly, this humanitarian crisis puts us in a very difficult spot. But it also reveals the nature of the global order at large.

One of the most ill-equipped regions surrounding Myanmar is having to bear the burden and fight this battle at the front-line alone, while “superpowers” in Southeast Asia remain silent, tone deaf, and/or exploitative of a perilous situation.

The audacity of the countries in Southeast Asia to remain silent regarding the ongoing Rohingya genocide marks a grotesque characteristic of human civilisation that will most likely be documented and cried over by all parties in 50 years or a century, when new promises will be made for a better world.

As the Aung San Suu Kyi-led government sees through with the genocide with an iron fist and denies international aid agencies and organisations alike access to Rakhin state, with 140,000 Rohingya internally displaced and scores more on the run, the end seems near — a complete ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya population in Myanmar.

Now the most basic humanitarian initiative for Bangladesh needs to be strengthened and supported by the international community to ensure that the ones on the run on foot or boat are not turned away back to their hell.

Now the most needs to be done on our part to help and shelter Rohingya on our side of the border, at least on a temporary basis, to let our humanity remain intact, to remain on the right side of history.
Nusmila Lohani is an Editorial Assistant at the Dhaka Tribune.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/2017/09/07/run-rohingya-run/
 
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Military's ‘Unfinished Business’ has hallmarks of ‘Ethnic Cleansing’: HRW
Staff Correspondent | Update: 14:59, Sep 08, 2017
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Ethnic Rohingya Muslims fleeing security forces in Myanmar’s Rakhine State have described killings, shelling, and arson in their villages that have all the hallmarks of a campaign of “ethnic cleansing,” Human Rights Watch said today, Friday.


Myanmarese army, police, and ethnic Rakhine armed groups have carried out operations against predominantly Rohingya villages since the 25 August 2017 attacks by Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) militants against about 30 police posts and an army base, said a release of the New York-based rights body.

Myanmarese army commander Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing told the media that the government-approved military clearance operations in Rakhine State was “unfinished business” dating back to the Second World War.

The United Nations Security Council should hold a public emergency meeting and warn the Myanmarese authorities that they will face severe sanctions unless they put an end to the brutal campaign against the Rohingya population, said the HRW in the release published on its website.

“Rohingya refugees have harrowing accounts of fleeing Myanmarese army attacks and watching their villages be destroyed,” said Meenakshi Ganguly, HRW’s South Asia director. “Lawful operations against armed groups do not involve burning the local population out of their homes.”

In early September, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 Rohingya refugees who had fled across the border to Bangladesh and obtained detailed accounts from about a dozen people. The Rohingya told Human Rights Watch that Myanmarese government security forces had carried out armed attacks on villagers, inflicting bullet and shrapnel injuries, and burned down their homes. They described the military’s use of small arms, mortars, and armed helicopters in the attacks.

Human Rights Watch obtained satellite data and images that are consistent with widespread burnings in northern Rakhine State, encompassing the townships of Rathedaung, Buthidaung, and Maungdaw. To date, Human Rights Watch has found 21 unique locations where heat sensing technology on satellites identified significant, large fires, said the HRW release.

Knowledgeable sources in Bangladesh told Human Rights Watch that they heard the distinctive sounds of heavy and light machine gun fire and mortar shelling in villages just across the border in Burma, and spotted smoke arising from these villages shortly afterward.

The Myanmarese government has denied security force abuses, claiming that it is engaged in a counterterrorism operation in which nearly 400 people have been killed, most of them suspected militants. The Myanmarese authorities assert, without substantiating their claims, that militants and Rohingya villagers have burned 6,845 houses across 60 villages in northern Rakhine State. Refugee accounts contradict the claims of Myanmarese officials, added the release.

For example, Momena, a 32-year-old Rohingya woman from Maungdaw Township, said that she fled to Bangladesh on 26 August, a day after security forces attacked her village. She first hid with her children when the soldiers arrived, but returning to the village she said she saw 40 to 50 villagers dead, including some children and elderly people: “All had knife wounds or bullet wounds, some had both. My father was among the dead; his neck had been cut open. I was unable to do last rites for my father – I just fled.”

At the Cox’s Bazar hospital, Human Right Watch interviewed several Rohingya with bullet wounds. Some said they were hit while at home, others said they were shot when running for safety from their villages, or while hiding in the fields or hills from Myanmarese soldiers.

Usman Goni, 20, said that he and five friends were in the hills outside their village, tending cattle, when they were attacked. He saw a helicopter flying overhead and then something fall out of it. He later realized he had been hit by whatever the helicopter dropped. Four of his friends died from fragment injuries while villagers transported Goni to Bangladesh for treatment. The fragments in his torso had not yet been removed when Human Rights Watch met him in the hospital.

Human Rights Watch’s initial investigations of the current situation in Rakhine State are indicative of an ethnic cleansing campaign. Although “ethnic cleansing” is not formally defined under international law, a UN commission of experts has defined the term as a “purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas… This purpose appears to be the occupation of territory to the exclusion of the purged group or groups.”

“There is no indication that the horrors we and others are uncovering in Rakhine State are letting up,” Ganguly said. “The United Nations and concerned governments need to press Myanmar right now to end these horrific abuses against the Rohingya as a first step toward restoring Rohingya to their homes.”

Attacks on villages in Maungdaw Township, Rakhine State, based on interviews with Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, 30 August 2017 to 5 September 2017

Yasin Ali
Yasin Ali, 25, said that Myanmarese security forces attacked his village of Reka Para on 27 August. Prior to the attack, tensions had been building in Reka Para and neighbouring Rohingya villages as local Rakhine harassed and abused them for months. Ali said: “They would come around to us and say, ‘This is not your land. Don’t cultivate this land, and don’t dare take the food growing on it.’ If we went near their lands, they would beat us with sticks.”

During the 27 August attack, all the villagers went into hiding. Ali said the women and children were sent further away to seek shelter, while the men stayed close by to wait out the attack in the hopes that they could quickly return to the village after the soldiers left. He said he hid by the roadside, about half a kilometre from where the soldiers made their approach. He heard what sounded like mortar shells hitting the village: “I heard boom boom boom, and then I saw the houses just collapse.” After a while, he saw the soldiers advance towards the village, and from his vantage point, he saw that they were carrying small arms and what looked like light machine guns. He also said he saw a mortar system on the shoulder of a soldier, and some apparent mortar rounds the size of a grapefruit.

Ali said that when the soldiers entered the village, they started shooting indiscriminately. He and the other men from the village then decided to run away into the hills for shelter. From the hills, he saw a helicopter painted olive green circle his village four times, and saw something being dropped from the helicopter after which the houses in the village caught fire.

Ali and his family walked to Bangladesh and were allowed to enter by the border guards. They arrived on 31 August, and at the time Ali spoke with Human Rights Watch, they were waiting outside trying to sort out where they could get shelter.

Momena
Momena, 32, fled her village of Kirgari Para on 26 August with two of her three children. She said that soldiers had previously attacked the village during the military operations in late 2016, but the situation in her village had settled down since then. She described the events that prompted her to flee:

“I heard the sounds of fighting around 4pm on Friday [25 August]. There was a lot of noise, worse than before. I saw them [the soldiers] myself as they entered my village. I don’t know how many there were but it looked like a lot to me. I fled with the other villagers and we sheltered in the jungle overnight. When I returned to the village the next morning, after the soldiers had left, I saw about 40 to 50 villagers dead, including some children and some elderly. All had knife wounds or bullet wounds – some had both. My father was among the dead; his neck had been cut open. I was unable to do last rites for my father, I just fled.”

From her vantage point while hiding in the jungle, Momena said she could see some of the houses in her village burning at night. She believes soldiers set fire to the houses as a warning to the villagers.

Momena said she did not know of any armed Rohingya militants in the village. She had heard some youths in the village talking about resisting, but she never saw anyone take any action on this, there was just talk. She said many young Rohingya men fled into the jungle after the attack.

In addition to bodies found in her village, Momena said she saw several bodies of children in the Naf River at one of the crossing points into Bangladesh.

Momena said that when she and others fleeing with her crossed into Bangladesh, the Bangladesh Border Guards stopped them and said: “We have to stop you but if you shout and insist on entering, we’ll let you in.” She understood this as the guards pretending to obey their orders to refuse refugees entry to Bangladesh, but in practice helping the refugees enter the country.

Khatija Khatun
Khatija Khatun, a widow, lived in the village of Ashikha Mushi with her four children. She said that on 25 August, an armed group of ethnic Rakhine youth came to her house and issued vague threats. She recognised them from previous encounters because most of them had been involved in the violence against her community in October 2016.

Khatun said she had never reported previous threats because “We don’t trust the police, we just escape, that’s our only solution.”

The youth were armed with rifles and slingshots. She heard periodic gunshots, and other villagers said that the army was helping the Rakhine youth, but she did not see any evidence of that herself.

After seeing the armed Rakhine group kill a young Rohingya man, a 22-year-old called Rahim, she decided to leave her village that day after Friday noon prayers. She said that initially the Rohingya youth in the village responded to the Rakhine group’s show of armed strength and threats by protesting with bamboo poles, but the Rakhine group opened fire on them:

“Jumma prayers were just over that Friday, and the men and boys were outside the mosque when the Rakhine armed men came up to them. Rahim and others took up bamboo poles, that’s all they had, but Rahim panicked when they began to shoot. He started running away. I saw them shoot him – the bullet went through his cheek, right by his cheekbone under his eye. He died from that wound.”

After witnessing that shooting, Khatun panicked and fled into the hills with her three teenage daughters, ages 13, 15, and 18, whose safety she most feared for. She left her 5-year-old son behind – many Rohingya thought younger children might be safe from attack – but since then, she has no news of him.

She learned that the armed Rakhine group had returned to attack her village in the early hours of 26 August. While hiding in the hills, Khatun said she saw several helicopters. She also said she heard bombs being dropped near and around her village: “It was a constant boom boom boom.” She saw her village mosque and one house in her village burning.

Khatun and her daughters had no trouble entering Bangladesh, but she remains concerned about the security of her daughters, and is troubled by uncertainty and guilt for her young son left behind.

Nurus Safa
Nurus Safa, about 40, fled from Fahira Bazar in the village tract of Kha Maung Seik on 29 August. She appeared to be in a state of shock when Human Rights Watch met her less than 24 hours after she arrived Bangladesh.

“Many people were killed by knives, houses burned,” she said. “We were threatened, people were wounded, so I just fled.”

Safa said her village was attacked on 25 August by men in uniform whom she assumes were Myanmarese army soldiers. She and other villagers ran from the village and hid in the nearby hills for a few days and nights. She had heard rumours that some Rohingya youth in her village had been arming themselves and organizing protests, but she did not know this directly and had seen no signs of it.

In her panic to leave, Safa left behind the three eldest of her six children, ages 7, 8, and 15. She has received no news about them or her husband, Shafique Ahmed. She said that when she crossed the Naf River, the water level was up to her neck because of heavy monsoon rains. She said she saw many wounded people crossing the river into Bangladesh, but does not know who they were or how they were injured.

Safa says she and her younger children did not have any trouble from the Bangladeshi border guards when entering Bangladesh.

Mohammad Yunus
Mohammad Yunus, 26, said his village of Sikadir Para in Tat U Chaung village tract, close to the border with Bangladesh, was attacked on 26 August. Although the villagers had had no prior warning of the attack, they were nervous because other people had come to his village fleeing attacks on their own villages further inland. He described the attack on the neighbouring village of Falinga Ziri:

“I remember army helicopters, olive green in colour, flying around. I was standing on the other side of a canal, watching all this happen directly across from me. I was very close and saw it all myself. The soldiers were using guns that shoot fire, or something that explodes and sets fire.”

Yunus was not sure how many soldiers were involved in the operation, but he thinks there might have been over 250. He said he saw about 25 to 30 houses set on fire in Falinga Kiri from his vantage point. He said that at the time of the attack, it looked to him like there were no villagers left; they had all fled earlier.

Yunus and his fellow villagers quickly decided to flee their village as well. The next day, 27 August, as they were heading towards shelter in neighbouring hills, he saw soldiers and police shooting at villagers fleeing. He learned later that one woman had been killed.

Yunus said that he did not know of any Rohingya men who had been training or arming themselves, or had engaged in any militant activity.

Begum Bahar
Begum Bahar said that soldiers attacked her village of Kun Thee Pyin on 25 August. They wore olive green uniforms and she believes they were Myanmarese army. She along with seven of her children and other villagers fled in panic when they saw the soldiers and heard gunfire. They ran into the jungle to cross the border into Bangladesh for safety, a two-hour walk away.

Bahar said she saw at least three bodies as she fled to the border crossing. One had a cut on the back of the neck and two suffered from bullet wounds. She heard the “boom boom boom” of large weapons firing all day 26 and 27 August, as she was attempting to cross the Naf River into Bangladesh. During the river crossing, she lost contact with her 12-year-old son and does not know if he survived.

Begum Bahar said she was unaware of Rohingya militant training or anti-government activities. She said that the authorities had ordered all Rohingya villages to deposit sharp weapons to local leaders to turn over to the police, so any kind of resistance would be difficult. She did admit that her 22-year-old son had opposed her decision to leave and stayed behind when she left with her other children.

Tabarak Hussein
Hussein, 19, said that on 27 August at about 9:00am, about 200 to 300 Myanmarese security forces in uniform along with local Rakhine men arrived at his village of Kun Thee Pyun (Kwashong in Rohingya). He said they were all armed, but was too frightened to have a proper look at their weapons. They began a spree of indiscriminate shooting in the village.

Hussein said that before the attack, tensions had been running high:

“The local police had been harassing us, mistreating us for at least six months before this. They would take away our cows, for example. We were angry about this but we didn’t protest; we knew protesting would come to nothing. Then on the Friday [25 August] before the attack, four people were killed in my village [by the police]. I don’t know exactly how it happened. They were all Rohingya men. We left the village that day and hid in the hills, but came back because the police seemed to back down and leave. We thought it was all over, but it was not.”

Hussein said that when the 27 August attack began, he and the other villagers fled into the hills. From atop one hill, he saw a helicopter flying over Kun Thee Pyun village, and then almost immediately after he saw houses in the village catch on fire. He doesn’t know what caused the houses to catch fire.

He said that none of the villagers in his village were killed or injured during the 27 August attack. He walked for two days and on 29 August arrived at the Bangladeshi border. He said the Bangladesh border guards stopped his group at the border for a while, and then instructed them to take another route to enter Bangladesh. The group did that and they were allowed in.

Anwar Shah
Anwar Shah, 17, said that on the morning of 27 August, Myanmarese security forces in uniform opened fire on a crowd in his village of Let Ya Chaung, killing three Rohingya men and a boy, and wounding 18 others. He said he didn’t know the circumstances of the shooting, but there had been tensions between the authorities and local Rakhine and Rohingya villagers for some time. He didn’t think the four were armed or posed any security threat. The dead included Shah’s brother, Abdu Satter, 22, Abdu Shukur, about 50, Nur Alam, about 15, and Haroun, about 25. Their families buried them in the neighbouring village of Kum Para because they were too frightened to bury them in their own village.

Shah said that after the attack he saw the local village mosque was on fire. He heard that the local police were responsible setting the blaze but did not witness that.

Shah said that following his brother’s death, he fled to Bangladesh. He learned that there was a big attack on his village the next day, 28 August, and that all houses were set on fire.
http://en.prothom-alo.com/bangladesh/news/158833/Military-‘Unfinished-Business’-has-hallmarks-of
 
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Breaking Buthidaung: The second chapter in the Rakhine conflict
Adil Sakhawat
Published at 01:26 PM September 06, 2017
Last updated at 12:37 AM September 07, 2017
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This Rohingya family is one among many to have fled across the Bangladesh-Myanmar border to Ukhiya's Aju Khaiya villageMahmud Hossain Opu/Dhaka Tribune

Whatever news has emerged from Rakhine is just the tip of the iceberg. The worst is just beginning to seep out with hundreds killed in the village
How do you break a city or a town or any human settlement? You can demolish it with heavy machinery or weaponry, but it can always be rebuilt. To destroy a township, you must destroy its people and their will to return, and kill their hopes and dreams of reconciliation.

Maungdaw may be the only township in Rakhine that has been publicly declared a military operational zone, but Buthidaung is just as much at risk, if not more so. With over 250 residents already reported dead, another chapter in this sordid tragedy of humanity is unfolding.

But why are we only hearing about this now, when the latest conflict ignited on August 25? Because it takes 11 days to cross the hills and jungles from Buthidaung to Bangladesh.
The worst is yet to be heard
The August 25 attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on Myanmar security forces started at Buthidaung. If the latest group of Rohingya refugees are to be believed, then the conditions in Buthidaung and Rathedaung (another township) eclipse those of Maungdaw.

The Dhaka Tribune could only talk to former denizens of Buthidaung. According to the escape routes the refugees are taking, it will take at least another two days for the Rathedaung refugees to reach Bangladesh.

The distances on foot are considerable. While Maungdaw lies just across the Naf river, less than 10km from Bangladesh, the town of Buthidaung is a further 25km into Myanmar and Rathedaung around 55km more distant from there.

Therefore it is a 90km trek through jungles and over the hills and across rivers from Rathedaung to Bangladesh. According to witnesses, the Myanmar army has a very heavy presence in the river and hilly areas, making the flight for the Rathedaung refugees even harder.
The survivors’ accounts
The Buthidaung refugees scarcely mention the ARSA. For them, the Tatmadaw (official name of the Myanmar armed forces) is terror manifest.

It was difficult to get coherent accounts from the latest refugees. Traumatised by the horrors visited upon them, they wept, cried openly, shook uncontrollably and gripped with bony hands whatever they could to steady themselves.

With eyes agape, two Rohingya men who used to live in a village tract called Taung Bazar in Buthidaung gradually expressed what they saw.

Riajul Karim and Mohammad Nosim claimed at least 250 of the village’s nearly 10,000 people were killed by the Tatmadaw. That equates to 2.5% of the population snuffed out in a matter of days. Lives are becoming more and more arbitrary as the statistics pile up.

“The military came to our village armed with heavy weaponry, looking for Baghi,” Riajul says, using the local term for Rohingya insurgents.

“They would get on their knees about 200 metres from the houses and let loose with a volley from their rocket launchers. It was a hellish scene, fire and smoke all around, and the indiscriminate slaughter of our people.”

Riajul said he had seen “at least 200” houses in Taung Bazar destroyed by the army, and he named several of his neighbours who were killed in the onslaught. He remembered Jaber, Mojibullah Moulovi, Amir ad-Din, Omar Faruq and Abdul Aziz.

Nur Ankish is a 21-year-old woman who fled Khanjarpara village in Buthidaung. She described the same wanton use of heavy weaponry and the destruction of a minimum of 200 houses. But she had more to add.

“The Tatmadaw grabbed as many men as they could from our village and lined them up,” Nur told the Dhaka Tribune. “Their hands were tied behind their backs. We cried and begged for their release (and) then they fired. They shot dead my sister’s husband, they shot two of my neighbours. And they took the rest away.”

With tears in her eyes and jagged nails pressed between her teeth, Nur ceased describing her ordeal.
To be young in Rakhine is to be dead
Mohammad Rafiq was one of those shot dead. He was a 26-year-old neighbour of Nur who lived with his mother, Kulsuma Khatun. The bereaved mother sat on her haunches, dejected and exhausted.

“How do you fight fate? How do you speak up against people with big weapons pointing towards you?” she asked.

“These soldiers strutted into our village, looking for young men. My boy was so young, so strong. So he must be an insurgent, right? That’s what they decided. They dragged him out of the house, threw him in with the other men and just shot him.

“Any Rohingya who looked young and healthy was an immediate threat. So the army now plans on making sure they are all dead,” Kulsuma said, her voice reduced to a whisper.
Run! Run! Run!
The Rohingya from Buthidaung Township also alleged that the Mogh people (a Buddhist ethnic community in Rakhine) had attacked them with machetes following the Myanmar army’s operations.

“The Moghs came screaming ‘Run! Run! Run!” Nosim said.

Nosim said the blood-curdling battle cry of the Moghs in the wake of the army’s devastation had scattered the Rohingya people. Those who ran, survived. Anyone who froze where they stood, or stumbled in escape, were cut down by the blades of the young Mogh zealots.
Border Guard Bangladesh provide new shelters
From Sunday, September 3, the Border Guard Bangladesh has been directing the stream of refugees to a new makeshift camp in the Lombar Bil area of Putibunia in Teknaf. The Putibunia camp looks like it can support about 10,000 people, but there are already too many people as it is and more are arriving every day.

For every person who finds shelter, 10 other remain under the open sky. But at least they are not being gunned down.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/nation/2017/09/06/breaking-buthidaung-rakhine-conflict/
 
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‘There is no Rohingya left in Tulatoli’
Shafiur Rahman
Published at 12:24 AM September 09, 2017
Last updated at 12:26 AM September 09, 2017
DSC02672_shafiur_rahman1-690x450.jpg

Photo:Shafiur Rahman/Dhaka Tribune
'With my own eyes, I saw the dead bodies of not less than 300 small kids and about 200 women of my age'

“There is no Rohingya left in Tulatoli”. These were the first words uttered to me by Nurul Huq, a gaunt 65-year-old Rohingya refugee who has fled the ongoing conflict in Rakhine state in northwest Myanmar.

Collapsing in a heap over a sack containing his belongings, he said: “I saw my son shot dead with my own eyes and the dead bodies of two of my daughters. Five other daughters of mine remain missing.”

He is one of a dozen or so Rohingya villagers I have met from Min Gyi or Tulatoli (as referred to by Rohingya) and the neighbouring village of Onsiprang. They have been describing what could prove to be one of the worst large-scale massacres in the continuing military operation against Rohingya villages immediately east of Bangladesh’s border. Eyewitnesses have claimed that over a period of three days beginning Wednesday 30th August, virtually all the villagers of Min Gyi were put to death.

If confirmed, this bloodshed would be one in a string of alleged mass killings perpetrated by the Myanmar army with support from the local Rakhine population, propelling 270,000 Rohingya people to seek refuge in Bangladesh.

Mohammed Nasir arrived in Bangladesh from No Man’s land in pitch darkness, having walked for three days with his family and struggling with a heavy sack on his head. What he told me matches the chilling accounts of the massacre recounted to me by other fellow villagers.

“After the military had surrounded the village and cut off all exit points, the Rakhine chairman of the village assured the villagers that the military would not harm them but that their homes would be torched. He told the villagers to assemble in one place where they would be safe.”

Nasir described how the destruction began in the morning with homes being torched. However soon the assurances that no physical harm would come to the villagers proved to be empty. All the eyewitnesses described the same killing methods – long swords, burning alive in torched homes, rifle shots, or “brush fire” by auto and semiautomatic weapons as well as a weapon the villagers called “launcher”.

Nasir himself had escaped to a nearby hillock with his family. From his vantage point and before he left for Bangladesh later that day, he recounted how “bodies were thrown into large pits near the river, covered in straw, doused in petrol and torched.”

I also met villagers who were much closer to the scene of violence. I came across Zahid and his 10-year-old nephew Osman near Balukhali makeshift camp. They were yet to pitch their tent, and wondering where to do so. Osman had witnessed the killing of both his parents as he hid in a bush and peeped out. Zahid, 20 years older, was emotional when he recalled what happened:

“I have lost nine family members including my wife, two sons, two young sisters, my brother’s wife and son”.

Zahid described in disturbing detail how many of the women villagers lost their lives. It is a gruesome scenario which suggests the military were vacillating about how exactly to kill the women. “Many of the women were near the river. After the military had torched the homes, they told the women to get out of the river and sit down on the bank. Then they changed their minds and ordered them to stand up. Then they again ordered them to sit down. Finally they said stand up and form a line. They then shouted at the women to run.

As they ran, they brush fired them. After the shooting, around 30 women survived. They told these women to wait in the water again. And from this group of 30, they would take 5 women at a time into huts to rape them. After raping them, they were robbed off their jewellery, and then beaten to death and the huts set on fire.”

Four women survived this ordeal according to Nasir. These women are now in Kutupalong MSF clinic with burns and other injuries. Nurul Amin’s niece, Shofika, is one of the victims receiving care at the MSF clinic. He simply cannot believe that she is alive.

He told me “you can see her brain such is the size of the fracture in her skull, and she has another wound down one side of her body. I do not know how she is still with us”. Shofika was transported to the MSF clinic in Kutupalong over a period of three days and through the very difficult terrain that characterises the border areas of Bangladesh.

Equally challenging was the journey undertaken by a mother of five. I found her crying in a makeshift encampment. I asked her what she had seen with her own eyes in Tulatoli. “With my own eyes, I saw the dead bodies of not less than 300 small kids and about 200 women of my age”.

It was touch and go whether she would make it out of Tulatoli herself. Her husband and son had both been killed in the army assault. When she tried to escape, she found that the river’s current was too fast and too high for
her to manage with her small children.

Thankfully her brothers were there to help. As she made her escape, she saw children hiding in the paddy fields. She said “The military caught these children, put them flat on the floor and drove long knives into their chests and their stomachs. The lifeless bodies were thrown in the river.”

She got separated from her brothers and made her way with her children with villagers from neighbouring villages. Now in Balukhali, she has been asked by the Bangladeshi who has a lease over that land to pay 1000 taka to have a spot for her to pitch a tent. She was muttering that maybe it would have been better if she had been burnt to death. “There is no one to buy me terpal (plastic sheeting) and no one to construct a hut for me. And I don’t know how I can feed my children”.
Shafiur Rahman is a documentary filmmaker engaged in making a documentary about Rohingya women.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2017/09/09/no-rohingya-left-tulatoli/
 
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‘There is no Rohingya left in Tulatoli’
Shafiur Rahman
Published at 12:24 AM September 09, 2017
Last updated at 12:26 AM September 09, 2017
DSC02672_shafiur_rahman1-690x450.jpg

Photo:Shafiur Rahman/Dhaka Tribune
'With my own eyes, I saw the dead bodies of not less than 300 small kids and about 200 women of my age'


“There is no Rohingya left in Tulatoli”. These were the first words uttered to me by Nurul Huq, a gaunt 65-year-old Rohingya refugee who has fled the ongoing conflict in Rakhine state in northwest Myanmar.

Collapsing in a heap over a sack containing his belongings, he said: “I saw my son shot dead with my own eyes and the dead bodies of two of my daughters. Five other daughters of mine remain missing.”

He is one of a dozen or so Rohingya villagers I have met from Min Gyi or Tulatoli (as referred to by Rohingya) and the neighbouring village of Onsiprang. They have been describing what could prove to be one of the worst large-scale massacres in the continuing military operation against Rohingya villages immediately east of Bangladesh’s border. Eyewitnesses have claimed that over a period of three days beginning Wednesday 30th August, virtually all the villagers of Min Gyi were put to death.

If confirmed, this bloodshed would be one in a string of alleged mass killings perpetrated by the Myanmar army with support from the local Rakhine population, propelling 270,000 Rohingya people to seek refuge in Bangladesh.

Mohammed Nasir arrived in Bangladesh from No Man’s land in pitch darkness, having walked for three days with his family and struggling with a heavy sack on his head. What he told me matches the chilling accounts of the massacre recounted to me by other fellow villagers.

“After the military had surrounded the village and cut off all exit points, the Rakhine chairman of the village assured the villagers that the military would not harm them but that their homes would be torched. He told the villagers to assemble in one place where they would be safe.”

Nasir described how the destruction began in the morning with homes being torched. However soon the assurances that no physical harm would come to the villagers proved to be empty. All the eyewitnesses described the same killing methods – long swords, burning alive in torched homes, rifle shots, or “brush fire” by auto and semiautomatic weapons as well as a weapon the villagers called “launcher”.

Nasir himself had escaped to a nearby hillock with his family. From his vantage point and before he left for Bangladesh later that day, he recounted how “bodies were thrown into large pits near the river, covered in straw, doused in petrol and torched.”

I also met villagers who were much closer to the scene of violence. I came across Zahid and his 10-year-old nephew Osman near Balukhali makeshift camp. They were yet to pitch their tent, and wondering where to do so. Osman had witnessed the killing of both his parents as he hid in a bush and peeped out. Zahid, 20 years older, was emotional when he recalled what happened:

“I have lost nine family members including my wife, two sons, two young sisters, my brother’s wife and son”.

Zahid described in disturbing detail how many of the women villagers lost their lives. It is a gruesome scenario which suggests the military were vacillating about how exactly to kill the women. “Many of the women were near the river. After the military had torched the homes, they told the women to get out of the river and sit down on the bank. Then they changed their minds and ordered them to stand up. Then they again ordered them to sit down. Finally they said stand up and form a line. They then shouted at the women to run.

As they ran, they brush fired them. After the shooting, around 30 women survived. They told these women to wait in the water again. And from this group of 30, they would take 5 women at a time into huts to rape them. After raping them, they were robbed off their jewellery, and then beaten to death and the huts set on fire.”

Four women survived this ordeal according to Nasir. These women are now in Kutupalong MSF clinic with burns and other injuries. Nurul Amin’s niece, Shofika, is one of the victims receiving care at the MSF clinic. He simply cannot believe that she is alive.

He told me “you can see her brain such is the size of the fracture in her skull, and she has another wound down one side of her body. I do not know how she is still with us”. Shofika was transported to the MSF clinic in Kutupalong over a period of three days and through the very difficult terrain that characterises the border areas of Bangladesh.

Equally challenging was the journey undertaken by a mother of five. I found her crying in a makeshift encampment. I asked her what she had seen with her own eyes in Tulatoli. “With my own eyes, I saw the dead bodies of not less than 300 small kids and about 200 women of my age”.

It was touch and go whether she would make it out of Tulatoli herself. Her husband and son had both been killed in the army assault. When she tried to escape, she found that the river’s current was too fast and too high for
her to manage with her small children.

Thankfully her brothers were there to help. As she made her escape, she saw children hiding in the paddy fields. She said “The military caught these children, put them flat on the floor and drove long knives into their chests and their stomachs. The lifeless bodies were thrown in the river.”

She got separated from her brothers and made her way with her children with villagers from neighbouring villages. Now in Balukhali, she has been asked by the Bangladeshi who has a lease over that land to pay 1000 taka to have a spot for her to pitch a tent. She was muttering that maybe it would have been better if she had been burnt to death. “There is no one to buy me terpal (plastic sheeting) and no one to construct a hut for me. And I don’t know how I can feed my children”.
Shafiur Rahman is a documentary filmmaker engaged in making a documentary about Rohingya women.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2017/09/09/no-rohingya-left-tulatoli/
lol...
if we 're killing and driven out them to BD. why they can live in Myanmar even now...?
there are thousand of rohingya bangali still lived in Maungdaw, Myanmar.

Muslims ‘Refuse to Accept’ ARSA

Deserted Muslim residences in Gawdu Zara village in southern Maungdaw were torched on Thursday afternoon. / The Irrawaddy
By Nyein Nyein 8 September 2017

MAUNGDAW, Rakhine State — Muslims in northern Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township told The Irrawaddy they have rejected the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s (ARSA) attempts to recruit villagers in recent weeks.

Self-identifying Rohingya villagers from the Shwe Zar village tract—an area home to 13,000 people, most of whom are Muslims, but among the residents are Hindus and Buddhists—told The Irrawaddy that they had responded firmly to pressure from the group.

Sarad Ah Mein, a medic from Shwe Zar’s Kat Pa Kaung village, said ARSA members had approached the village tract committee weeks ago about recruitment.

“They came at night,” he said. “We refused to accept the terrorists’ mobilization. Our committee rejected them in their approach,” he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, referring to the ARSA. The organization has been denounced as a terrorist group by the government after it attacked 30 police outposts on Aug. 25. Military clearance operations have since ensued in the region, and 146,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh, according to UN figures. The government has said that 27,000 Buddhist and Hindu villagers are internally displaced.

“We told them, ‘please don’t trouble the villages. If you do so, we all will suffer a lot. Please go back,’” Sarad Ah Mein said, recalling the meeting. “We all have been living with Rakhine [Buddhists] here and we haven’t had any problems. We want to keep living in that way.”

Mamud Jolly, another villager from Shwe Zar, reiterated the community’s rejection of the ARSA’s tactics. “We don’t accept them. We don’t support any terrorism act. That’s what I want to say.”

Sarad Ah Mein alleged that to speak negatively about the ARSA was dangerous, and that to do so would be a risk to their lives.

According to the government statistics, 63 Muslims have believed to have been killed by militants between October 2016—when the first attacks on police outposts were launched—and mid-August of this year.

Displacement and Insufficient Aid

Since the Aug. 25 attacks, the Myanmar government has responded to the ARSA with intensified military action in the region, causing mass displacement across communities. Northern Rakhine State remains embroiled in conflict and those internally displaced or trapped in their villages are in need of humanitarian aid.

Maungdaw, once a bustling border town focused on trade, had grown quiet on Wednesday, when The Irrawaddy visited. Few shops opened, and many houses appeared locked. The area remains under a dusk-to-dawn curfew, but administrative staff who fled to the state capital of Sittwe last week have since returned.

The Shwe Zar area saw a clash between Muslims and Hindus on Aug. 26 in a village bazaar, after which Hindus and Buddhists reportedly fled. Apart from this, Shwe Zar initially seemed to have been spared some of the violence of the surrounding areas, which has included the torching of homes and mass displacement.

According to an update from the Government Information Committee on Wednesday, 6,845 houses in 60 villages had been burned down. The government said the fires were set by the ARSA and its supporters. Militants, in turn, cite the army as the perpetrators.

But the number is almost certainly higher at the time of reporting, as The Irrawaddy witnessed the burning of dozens of houses in Gawdu Zara Muslim village, near Maungdaw, on Thursday afternoon. There are also reports that houses were torched near Kyein Chaung village—home to both Buddhists and Muslims—on Wednesday night.

Munee, a Muslim woman and mother of four from the Shwe Zar tract, told The Irrawaddy that villagers were short of food since the bazaar had closed.


“We are told by the police just to stay in our village and not to worry,” she said.

Her husband works in Malaysia, Munee explained, adding that he was unable to transfer her necessary funds because markets, shops and private banks were closed.

“I don’t know what to say. We just cry and cannot think of anything,” she said. “We can’t go out either to Maungdaw or to other villages. We have no support from either from the government or NGOs.”

Sarad Ah Mein explained that villagers have had to halt their work as fishermen and traders, as they are confined to their villages. The consequence, he said, “is that we are in need of food.”

Yet government representatives maintain that they are providing aid to those in need.

Local and national civil society groups are offering support to some of the displaced, but many remain beyond the reach of these efforts, particularly in overcrowded temporary relief camps.

As is true elsewhere in Myanmar, women and children make up the majority of the displaced in Rakhine State. Hindus taking shelters at one of eight relief camps in Maungdaw told The Irrawaddy on Monday that they want to go home as soon as possible, but only with a guarantee for their security.

However, Maungdaw District administrator U Ye Htut said that the district remains an “operational area,” or a conflict zone.
=======================================================================
see what Bangali Rohingya said to reporters...!!! u guys will know the truth... see they looked scare to Police.. nope u can see some kids playing on the road...
 
. .
lol...
if we 're killing and driven out them to BD. why they can live in Myanmar even now...?
there are thousand of rohingya bangali still lived in Maungdaw, Myanmar.

Muslims ‘Refuse to Accept’ ARSA

Deserted Muslim residences in Gawdu Zara village in southern Maungdaw were torched on Thursday afternoon. / The Irrawaddy
By Nyein Nyein 8 September 2017

MAUNGDAW, Rakhine State — Muslims in northern Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township told The Irrawaddy they have rejected the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s (ARSA) attempts to recruit villagers in recent weeks.

Self-identifying Rohingya villagers from the Shwe Zar village tract—an area home to 13,000 people, most of whom are Muslims, but among the residents are Hindus and Buddhists—told The Irrawaddy that they had responded firmly to pressure from the group.

Sarad Ah Mein, a medic from Shwe Zar’s Kat Pa Kaung village, said ARSA members had approached the village tract committee weeks ago about recruitment.

“They came at night,” he said. “We refused to accept the terrorists’ mobilization. Our committee rejected them in their approach,” he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, referring to the ARSA. The organization has been denounced as a terrorist group by the government after it attacked 30 police outposts on Aug. 25. Military clearance operations have since ensued in the region, and 146,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh, according to UN figures. The government has said that 27,000 Buddhist and Hindu villagers are internally displaced.

“We told them, ‘please don’t trouble the villages. If you do so, we all will suffer a lot. Please go back,’” Sarad Ah Mein said, recalling the meeting. “We all have been living with Rakhine [Buddhists] here and we haven’t had any problems. We want to keep living in that way.”

Mamud Jolly, another villager from Shwe Zar, reiterated the community’s rejection of the ARSA’s tactics. “We don’t accept them. We don’t support any terrorism act. That’s what I want to say.”

Sarad Ah Mein alleged that to speak negatively about the ARSA was dangerous, and that to do so would be a risk to their lives.

According to the government statistics, 63 Muslims have believed to have been killed by militants between October 2016—when the first attacks on police outposts were launched—and mid-August of this year.

Displacement and Insufficient Aid

Since the Aug. 25 attacks, the Myanmar government has responded to the ARSA with intensified military action in the region, causing mass displacement across communities. Northern Rakhine State remains embroiled in conflict and those internally displaced or trapped in their villages are in need of humanitarian aid.

Maungdaw, once a bustling border town focused on trade, had grown quiet on Wednesday, when The Irrawaddy visited. Few shops opened, and many houses appeared locked. The area remains under a dusk-to-dawn curfew, but administrative staff who fled to the state capital of Sittwe last week have since returned.

The Shwe Zar area saw a clash between Muslims and Hindus on Aug. 26 in a village bazaar, after which Hindus and Buddhists reportedly fled. Apart from this, Shwe Zar initially seemed to have been spared some of the violence of the surrounding areas, which has included the torching of homes and mass displacement.

According to an update from the Government Information Committee on Wednesday, 6,845 houses in 60 villages had been burned down. The government said the fires were set by the ARSA and its supporters. Militants, in turn, cite the army as the perpetrators.

But the number is almost certainly higher at the time of reporting, as The Irrawaddy witnessed the burning of dozens of houses in Gawdu Zara Muslim village, near Maungdaw, on Thursday afternoon. There are also reports that houses were torched near Kyein Chaung village—home to both Buddhists and Muslims—on Wednesday night.

Munee, a Muslim woman and mother of four from the Shwe Zar tract, told The Irrawaddy that villagers were short of food since the bazaar had closed.


“We are told by the police just to stay in our village and not to worry,” she said.

Her husband works in Malaysia, Munee explained, adding that he was unable to transfer her necessary funds because markets, shops and private banks were closed.

“I don’t know what to say. We just cry and cannot think of anything,” she said. “We can’t go out either to Maungdaw or to other villages. We have no support from either from the government or NGOs.”

Sarad Ah Mein explained that villagers have had to halt their work as fishermen and traders, as they are confined to their villages. The consequence, he said, “is that we are in need of food.”

Yet government representatives maintain that they are providing aid to those in need.

Local and national civil society groups are offering support to some of the displaced, but many remain beyond the reach of these efforts, particularly in overcrowded temporary relief camps.

As is true elsewhere in Myanmar, women and children make up the majority of the displaced in Rakhine State. Hindus taking shelters at one of eight relief camps in Maungdaw told The Irrawaddy on Monday that they want to go home as soon as possible, but only with a guarantee for their security.

However, Maungdaw District administrator U Ye Htut said that the district remains an “operational area,” or a conflict zone.
=======================================================================
see what Bangali Rohingya said to reporters...!!! u guys will know the truth... see they looked scare to Police.. nope u can see some kids playing on the road...

If you have nothing to hide, allow UN observers in.
 
.
lol...
if we 're killing and driven out them to BD. why they can live in Myanmar even now...?
there are thousand of rohingya bangali still lived in Maungdaw, Myanmar.

Muslims ‘Refuse to Accept’ ARSA

Deserted Muslim residences in Gawdu Zara village in southern Maungdaw were torched on Thursday afternoon. / The Irrawaddy
By Nyein Nyein 8 September 2017

MAUNGDAW, Rakhine State — Muslims in northern Rakhine State’s Maungdaw Township told The Irrawaddy they have rejected the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army’s (ARSA) attempts to recruit villagers in recent weeks.

Self-identifying Rohingya villagers from the Shwe Zar village tract—an area home to 13,000 people, most of whom are Muslims, but among the residents are Hindus and Buddhists—told The Irrawaddy that they had responded firmly to pressure from the group.

Sarad Ah Mein, a medic from Shwe Zar’s Kat Pa Kaung village, said ARSA members had approached the village tract committee weeks ago about recruitment.

“They came at night,” he said. “We refused to accept the terrorists’ mobilization. Our committee rejected them in their approach,” he told The Irrawaddy on Wednesday, referring to the ARSA. The organization has been denounced as a terrorist group by the government after it attacked 30 police outposts on Aug. 25. Military clearance operations have since ensued in the region, and 146,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh, according to UN figures. The government has said that 27,000 Buddhist and Hindu villagers are internally displaced.

“We told them, ‘please don’t trouble the villages. If you do so, we all will suffer a lot. Please go back,’” Sarad Ah Mein said, recalling the meeting. “We all have been living with Rakhine [Buddhists] here and we haven’t had any problems. We want to keep living in that way.”

Mamud Jolly, another villager from Shwe Zar, reiterated the community’s rejection of the ARSA’s tactics. “We don’t accept them. We don’t support any terrorism act. That’s what I want to say.”

Sarad Ah Mein alleged that to speak negatively about the ARSA was dangerous, and that to do so would be a risk to their lives.

According to the government statistics, 63 Muslims have believed to have been killed by militants between October 2016—when the first attacks on police outposts were launched—and mid-August of this year.

Displacement and Insufficient Aid

Since the Aug. 25 attacks, the Myanmar government has responded to the ARSA with intensified military action in the region, causing mass displacement across communities. Northern Rakhine State remains embroiled in conflict and those internally displaced or trapped in their villages are in need of humanitarian aid.

Maungdaw, once a bustling border town focused on trade, had grown quiet on Wednesday, when The Irrawaddy visited. Few shops opened, and many houses appeared locked. The area remains under a dusk-to-dawn curfew, but administrative staff who fled to the state capital of Sittwe last week have since returned.

The Shwe Zar area saw a clash between Muslims and Hindus on Aug. 26 in a village bazaar, after which Hindus and Buddhists reportedly fled. Apart from this, Shwe Zar initially seemed to have been spared some of the violence of the surrounding areas, which has included the torching of homes and mass displacement.

According to an update from the Government Information Committee on Wednesday, 6,845 houses in 60 villages had been burned down. The government said the fires were set by the ARSA and its supporters. Militants, in turn, cite the army as the perpetrators.

But the number is almost certainly higher at the time of reporting, as The Irrawaddy witnessed the burning of dozens of houses in Gawdu Zara Muslim village, near Maungdaw, on Thursday afternoon. There are also reports that houses were torched near Kyein Chaung village—home to both Buddhists and Muslims—on Wednesday night.

Munee, a Muslim woman and mother of four from the Shwe Zar tract, told The Irrawaddy that villagers were short of food since the bazaar had closed.


“We are told by the police just to stay in our village and not to worry,” she said.

Her husband works in Malaysia, Munee explained, adding that he was unable to transfer her necessary funds because markets, shops and private banks were closed.

“I don’t know what to say. We just cry and cannot think of anything,” she said. “We can’t go out either to Maungdaw or to other villages. We have no support from either from the government or NGOs.”

Sarad Ah Mein explained that villagers have had to halt their work as fishermen and traders, as they are confined to their villages. The consequence, he said, “is that we are in need of food.”

Yet government representatives maintain that they are providing aid to those in need.

Local and national civil society groups are offering support to some of the displaced, but many remain beyond the reach of these efforts, particularly in overcrowded temporary relief camps.

As is true elsewhere in Myanmar, women and children make up the majority of the displaced in Rakhine State. Hindus taking shelters at one of eight relief camps in Maungdaw told The Irrawaddy on Monday that they want to go home as soon as possible, but only with a guarantee for their security.

However, Maungdaw District administrator U Ye Htut said that the district remains an “operational area,” or a conflict zone.
=======================================================================
see what Bangali Rohingya said to reporters...!!! u guys will know the truth... see they looked scare to Police.. nope u can see some kids playing on the road...
Again you're back with fake propaganda! You shameless faggot.

You Burmese faggots didn't allowed UN observers in your country! So, anything coming from you is pure lie.
 
.

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