k_n
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There is enough evidence that Jinnah did not adopt Iqbal's ideology wholesale; Yasser Latif Hamdani has written prolifically and brilliantly on this, even though of late, he has uncovered facets and aspects of Iqbal's ideology of Pakistan which are unusual and sometimes unsuspected.
It seems after having debated the topic for more than two years now, that Jinnah first took up the cause for Muslim betterment in India as a challenge. What many of us fail to realise today is that in the 30s and 40s of the last century, India's Muslims had, some of them, a deep sense of pessimism about the future of the Indian citizen practising Islam. Muslims had got locked out of government jobs from 1832 onwards, as Persian was replaced by English as the language of government; Muslims had not gone to English-based institutions of higher learning in anywhere near the numbers that their share of the general population might indicate. Apart from government service, their numbers in the professions, in law and medicine, for instance, was inadequate and disproportionate to their numbers on the ground. There was a bleak foreboding of failure ahead, when the tempering hand of the British would no longer be there.
We also need to remember that there had been efforts made earlier, both during the system of dyarchy initiated in 1919 and the Government of India Act 1935, but nothing seemed to work. Jinnah was looking for a solution, and his solution was the three homeland constitutional configuration that was discussed with the Cabinet Mission. It was a complex plan, but Jinnah had few alternatives. The British were visibly impatient, their own social revolution, the Labour Party landslide that had brought Attlee to power, urged them to return and dwell on their own affairs, the military was developing cracks in its loyalty, and the Congress was opposed to anything that he proposed and fought him tooth and nail.
It seems that Jinnah pitched his demand as high as he could make them, but was more than willing to come to a reasonable settlement. When the betrayal of July 46 took place, however, he cut his losses and concentrated on securing an independent Pakistan.
It was not as simple as you have made it sound.
---------- Post added at 04:40 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:38 PM ----------
You might find my response to @Stealth to be of interest. Pakistan was to be a place where Muslim values could be nurtured and Muslim identity could be preserved from being swamped by the overwhelming Hindu majority, but that was it; that was all.
I would like to know more about the British policies or the Company policies while recruting civil servants from 1832 onwards. Spl. after the crushing of the Sepoy Mutiny in 1857.
Since you've mentioned English becoming the language of governance repalcing Persian, as one of the prime reason behind the low numbers of Muslims with experience in lower or middle administrative set up but lacking in understanding and training in English joining government jobs immediately after 1832, I would like to ask why did this change in policy affected only the Muslim communiy, since Persian had been the court languge and the language of administration in vast swathes of North India spl. Gangetic Valley, Bengal, Punjab, Sind and Kashmir since many centuries before its replacement by English. Whatever Hindus who had been serving or had served in administrative positions before the replacement like their Muslim counterparts were trained in Persian.
Were well trained Muslims, discouraged from joining or looked over from joining civil service jobs ?
I would also like to know more about the betrayal of 1946.