MALFÚZÁT-I TÍMÚRÍ, ORTÚZAK-I TÍMÚRÍ:
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF TÍMÚR.
[This is an autobiographical memoir of the Emperor Tímúr, written in the Chaghatáí Turkí language, translated into Persian by Abú Tálib Husainí, and dedicated to the Emperor Sháh Jahán, who began to reign in A.D. 1628.
In the brief preface to his translation, Abú Tálib states that he found the original Turkí work in the library of Ja'far, Hákim of Yaman,* and that it consisted of a history of Tímúr, from the seventh to the seventy-fourth year of his age. The reticence of Abú Tálib as to the authenticity of the original work, and the strangeness of the place for the discovery of a MS. in a Turkí language, have given rise to the suspicion that there was no such work, and that Abú Tálib made the statement to give greater authority to a production of his own. Major Davy, who first brought the work to notice, argued against this sup position, grounding his opinion on the internal evidence of the work itself, and on the improbability of an author resorting to “an artifice which could tend only to diminish his fame and his profit.” The probability is that Abú Tálib knew nothing more of the work than what he learned from its own pages, and that when he had turned these into Persian he had nothing to add. Tímúr's descendants seem to have had a partiality for writing their own memoirs, as in the instances of Bábar and Jahángír; and others, who did not profess to be their own biographers, pro vided for a record of their lives and actions being written. This family predilection is of itself something in favour of the authen ticity of the work.
The fact of its being a genuine work, produced under the super vision of Tímúr himself, can however be proved upon more certain evidence. Only thirty years after Tímúr's death, Sharafu-d dín Yazdí wrote his celebrated Zafar-náma, or Book of Victory, to commemorate the exploits of Tímúr, and in his preface he details the sources from which his work was drawn, and the auspices under which it was written. To establish the veracity and au*thority of his history, he first describes, in the following words, the way in which a record of the events of Tímúr's reign was kept at the Court of that Emperor.
“The third recommendation (of this my work, named Zafar-náma ) is its truthfulness—the exactness and verity of the ac counts and descriptions of the various events of Tímúr's life, both at home and abroad. Men of the highest character for learning, knowledge, and goodness, Aighúr officers and Persian secretaries, were in attendance at the Court of Tímúr, and a staff of them under the orders of the Emperor wrote down an account of everything that occurred. The movements, actions and sayings of Tímúr, the various incidents and affairs of State, of religion, and the ministers, were all recorded and written down with the greatest care. The most stringent commands were given that every event should be recorded exactly as it occurred, without any modification either in excess or diminu tion. This rule was to be particularly observed in matters of personal bearing and courage, without fear or favour of any one, and most especially in respect of the valour and prowess of the Emperor himself. The learned and eloquent writers having recorded the facts, their compositions were polished and finished off in verse and prose. From time to time these writings were brought into the royal presence and were read to the Emperor, so as to insure confidence by the impress of his approval. In this way the records of the various incidents and actions of the life of Tímúr, whether recounted in Turkí verse or Persian prose, were revised and finally recorded in prose and verse. Besides this, some of the officers of the Court wrote down the incidents of the reign of Tímúr, and took the greatest pains to ascertain the truth of what they recorded. Accomplished writers then moulded these productions into Turkí verse and Persian prose.”
Sharafu-d dín then goes on to relate how his own royal patron Ibráhím, grandson of Tímúr, took the greatest interest in the com position of the Zafar-náma how he procured from all parts of his dominions copies of the works relating to the life of Tímúr, in prose and verse, in Turkí and in Persian; how he supplied him with men learned in Persian and Turkí as assistants; how re ference was made to surviving actors in the events recorded; how he wrote letters in all directions to settle discrepancies in the MSS., and how he had the work read to him in the rough draft and in the finished state.*
So the basis of Sharafu-d dín's history was a work or works written under the direction or with the approval of Tímúr, and a comparison of the Zafar-náma with the Malfúzát proves the one to be a mere reproduction of the other. The events recorded and their succession are identical,* and leave no doubt upon the mind that Sharafu-d dín translated or wrote over again in an ornate style that history which had been compiled under Tímúr's direction. Like Oriental writers in general, he half conceals the true origin of his book, and so exaggerates the magnitude and importance of his own labours, but the only difference observable in the two works is, that one is the pro*duction of a skilful and accomplished writer, the other the work of a plain, laborious, and minute chronicler of events. With all the rhetoric and flourishes of the Zafar-náma, the narrative is shorter than that of the detailed and verbose biography.
The Tuzúkát or Institutes were translated into English by Major Davy, and published under the editorship of Professor White, at Oxford, in 1783, and this work was turned into French by M. Langlès, and published in 1787.
The Malfúzát or Memoirs, as far as the forty-first year of Tímúr's age, were translated into English by Major Stewart, and were published by the Oriental Translation Fund in 1830.
The MS. used by Major Davy and Major Stewart was im perfect, ending abruptly with the forty-first year of Tímúr's age. This MS. is now in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which library also possesses another imperfect copy. There is a similar defective copy in the library of the East India Office; Sir H. Elliot also procured a defective copy in India, and there are several in the British Museum. These, in all probability, were derived directly or indirectly from one MS. But the British Museum has lately secured a perfect copy from the library of the late General Hamilton, which bears the marks of having once belonged to the Royal Library at Lucknow.
Besides the Version of Abú Tálib, there is another, the work of Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí. The author of this later version tells us in his preface that when Amír Abú Tálib's translation had been read by the Emperor Shah Jahán, it was found to contain errors and mistakes. Its statements occasionally differed from those of the Zafar-náma and other histories; and while omitting events recorded in the Zafar-náma, it added others of which no notice had been taken in that work. For these reasons he goes on to say:—“In the year 1047 of the Hijra, and tenth of his Majesty Sháh Jahán's reign (A.D. 1637),* the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of the servants of the Imperial Court (Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí
, to read and revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimi late it with the Zafar-náma, of the correctness of which no intelligent person can have a doubt, and compare it with some other trustworthy histories; to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert some occurrences which he had omitted; also to translate the Turkí and Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several dates, which do not agree with the Zafar-náma. * * * (The author) has exerted himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which Abú Tálib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform with the Zafar-náma.” Major Stewart observes that “It appears in Dow's History of Hindustán that Mu*hammad Afzal was the name of the Emperor Sháh Jahán's preceptor, and so he was probably the person employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise of trans lating all the Turkí passages, although a native of Bukhárá, where that language was well understood.”
So the Zafar-náma was based upon the Turkí memoirs of Tímúr translated by Abú Tálib into Persian, and Muhammad Afzal was afterwards employed to bring these memoirs more com pletely into accord with the Zafar-náma, which was founded upon them. The alterations of Abú Tálib's work are, however, made to appear greater and more important than they actually are. Major Stewart, after the translation of his fragment of Abú Tálib's work, received two copies of Muhammad Afzal's, and he says in his Appendix: “I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy's MS. as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they contain are extracts from Sharafu-d dín's history, an explanation of some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that Tímúr was of the Sunní sect, although there is the strongest evidence that he was a very bigoted Shí'a.” The editor of this work has made a comparison, though not a minute one, of the text of the following extracts as given in the MS. of Abú Tálib in the British Museum, and in one of Mu hammad Afzal's belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and he has found no greater differences between them than might be expected in two MSS. of the same work. So far as regards the portion relating to India the works are identically the same. The concluding sentences differ slightly in the two works, but in both Tímúr is made to record his own death. Muhammad Afzal, the later writer, makes him briefly say, “I arrived at the village of Atrár* and died;” but Abú Tálib is more specific, saying, “At night, on the 17th of the month of Sha'bán (March 19, 1405 A.D.), calling upon the name of God, I lost my senses, and resigned my pure soul to the Almighty and Holy Creator” (and pure it was if blood could make it pure!). Major Stewart has noticed this apparent record by Tímúr of his own death, and shows that it ought not to stamp the work as a forgery. In the fourth clause of his Testament Tímúr says, “I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding from my own mouth.” This instruction has only been carried a trifle too far. The narrative given in this work of Tímúr's expedition to India has been closely followed by Mirkhond in the Rauzatu-s Safá, used by Price in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History.
Two MSS. of Muhammad Afzal's work have been used for the following extracts. One belonging to the Nawáb of Jhajjar, and a copy of a portion of the work made for Sir H. Elliot from a MS. belonging to the Raja of Balamgarh. Up to page 421 the translation is the production of Mr. C. E. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service; the remainder has been prepared by the Editor.]
The History of expedition against Hindustan
About this time there arose in my heart the desire to lead an expedition against the infidels, and to become a ghází; for it had reached my ears that the slayer of infidels is a ghází, and if he is slain he becomes a martyr. It was on this account that I formed this resolution, but I was undetermined in my mind whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of China or against the infidels and polytheists of India. In this matter I sought an omen from the Kurán, and the verse I opened upon was this, “O Prophet, make war upon infidels and un believers, and treat them with severity.”
My great officers told me that the inhabitants of Hindustán were infidels and unbelievers. In obedience to the order of Almighty God I determined on an expedition against them, and I issued orders to the amírs of mature years, and the leaders in war, to come before me, and when they had come together I questioned the assembly as to whether I should invade Hindustán or China, and said to them, “By the order of God and the Prophet it is incumbent upon me to make war upon these infidels and polytheists.” Throwing themselves upon their knees they all wished me good fortune. I demanded of the warrior chief tains whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of Hindustán or China. At first they repeated fables and wise sayings, and then said, in the country of Hindustán there are four defences, and if any one invading this extensive country breaks down these four defences, he becomes the conqueror of Hindustán.
The first defence consists of five large rivers, which flow from the mountains of Kashmír, and these rivers unite in their course, and passing through the country of Sind, flow into the Arabian Sea, and it is not possible to cross them without boats and bridges. The second defence consists of woods and forests and trees, which, interweaving stem with stem and branch with branch, render it very difficult to penetrate into that country. The third defence is the soldiery, and landholders, and princes, and Rájas of that country, who inhabit fastnesses in those forests, and live there like wild beasts. The fourth defence con sists of the elephants, for the rulers of that country in the day of battle equipping elephants in mail, put them in the van of their army, and place great confidence in them, and they have trained them to such a pitch that, lifting with their trunks a horse with his rider, and whirling him in the air, they will dash him on the ground.
Some of the nobles said in reply that Sultán Mahmúd Subuk-tigín conquered the country of Hindustán with 30,000 horse, and established his own servants as rulers of that region, and carried off many thousand loads of gold and silver and jewels from that country, besides subjecting it to a regular tribute, and is our amír inferior to Sultán Mahmúd? No; thanks to Al mighty God, to-day a 100,000 valiant Tátár horsemen wait at the stirrup of our amír; if he determines upon this expedition Al mighty God will give him victory, and he will become a ghází and mujáhid before God, and we shall be attendants on an amír who is a ghází, and the army will be contented and the treasury rich and well filled, and with the gold of Hindustán our amír will become a conqueror of the world and famous among the kings of earth.
At this time the prince Sháh Rukh said: “India is an extensive country; whatever Sultán conquers it becomes supreme over the four quarters of the globe; if, under the conduct of our amír, we conquer India, we shall become rulers over the seven climes.” He then said: “I have seen in the history of Persia that, in the time of the Persian Sultáns, the King of India was called Dáráí, with all honour and glory. On account of his dignity he bore no other name; and the Emperor of Rome was called Cæsar, and the Sultán of Persia was called Kisra, and the Sultán of the Tátárs, Khákán, and the Emperor of China, Faghfúr; but the King of Írán and Túrán bore the title of Sháhinsháh, and the orders of the Sháhinsháh were always paramount over the princes and Rájás of Hindustán, and praise be to God that we are at this time Sháhinsháh of Írán and Túrán, and it would be a pity that we should not be supreme over the country of Hindustán.” I was excessively pleased with these words of Prince Sháh Rukh. Then the Prince Muhammad Sultán said: “The whole country of India is full of gold and jewels, and in it there are seventeen mines of gold and silver, diamond and ruby and emerald and tin and iron and steel and copper and quicksilver, etc., and of the plants which grow there are those fit for making wearing apparel, and aromatic plants, and the sugar cane, and it is a country which is always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of the country is pleasant and delightful. Now, since the inhabitants are chiefly polytheists and infidels and idolaters and worshipers of the sun, by the order of God and his prophet, it is right for us to conquer them.
My wazírs informed me that the whole amount of the revenue of India is six arbs; now each arb is a 100 krors, and each kror is a 100 lacs, and each lac is a 100,000 miskáls of silver. Some of the nobles said, “By the favour of Almighty God we may conquer India, but if we establish ourselves permanently therein, our race will degenerate and our children will become like the natives of those regions, and in a few generations their strength and valour will diminish.” The amírs of regiments (kushúnát) were disturbed at these words, but I said to them, “My object in the invasion of Hindustán is to lead an expedition against the infidels that, according to the law of Muhammad (upon whom and his family be the blessing and peace of God), we may con vert to the true faith the people of that country, and purify the land itself from the ***** of infidelity and polytheism; and that we may overthrow their temples and idols and become gházís and mujáhids before God.” They gave an unwilling consent, but I placed no reliance upon them. At this time the wise men of Islám came before me, and a conversation began about the pro*priety of a war against infidels and polytheists; they gave it as their opinion that it is the duty of the Sultán of Islám, and all the people who profess that “there is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah,” for the sake of preserving their religion and strengthening their law, to exert their utmost endeavour for the suppression of the enemies of their faith. And it is the duty of every Muslim and true believer to use his utmost exertions in obedience to his ruler. When the edify ing words of the wise men reached the ears of the nobles, all their hearts were set upon a holy war in Hindustán, and throwing themselves on their knees, they repeated the Chapter of Victory.
When I girded up my loins for the expedition, I wrote to Hazrat Shaikh Zainu-d dín to the effect that I had determined on a religious expedition to Hindustán. He wrote in the margin of my letter: “Be it known to Abú-l Gházi Tímúr (whom may God assist) that great prosperity in this world and the next will result to you from this undertaking, and you will go and return in safety.” He also sent me a large sword which I made my sceptre.
In the meanwhile there came a petition from the Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, from the confines of Kábulistán, the government of which country, from the boundaries of Kunduz and Bakalán and Kábul and Ghazní and Kandahár, was vested in him. When I looked at this petition it was thus written: “Since, according to your order, I arrived in this country, I have acted towards all the people conformably to the exalted order and wisdom-increasing counsels of the great king. When I had satisfied my mind with the conquest and settlement of this kingdom, I turned my thoughts towards the acquisition of some of the provinces of Hindustán. I enquired concerning the con*dition of that country, and received the following account: that the city of Dehlí is the capital of the sovereigns of India, and after the death of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, two brothers among his nobility, of whom one was named Mallú and the other Sárang, becoming very powerful, established their independence, giving the nominal sovereignty to one of the sons of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, by name, Sultán Mahmúd, they kept the real power in their own hands, and virtually governed the empire. Mallú, the elder brother, lives at Dehlí, about the person of Sultán Mahmúd, and Sárang is established in the city of Multán, for the protection of that country. When I became acquainted with these matters, acting according to the practice of the great king, I wrote a letter and sent it to him (Sárang) by an ambassador, purporting that since the fame of the victories and conquests, and of the extensive empire of the great king is spread all over the world, it is certain that it must have reached him also. The great king has appointed me to the government of those provinces which lie on the borders of Hindustán, and has ordered that ‘If the rulers of Hindustán come before me with tribute I will not interfere with their lives, property, or kingdoms; but if they are negligent in proffering obedience and submission, I will put forth my strength for the conquest of the kingdoms of India. At all events, if they set any value upon their lives, property, and reputation, they will pay me a yearly tribute, and if not, they shall hear of my arrival with my powerful armies. Farewell.’ When the ambassador reached the presence of Sárang at Multán, he was treated with great respect and consideration; but in reply to his letter, Sárang said, ‘It is difficult to take an empire like a bride to your bosom without trouble and difficulty and the clashing of swords. The desire of your prince is to take this kingdom with its rich revenue. Well, let him wrest it from us by force of arms if he be able. I have numerous armies and formidable elephants, and am quite prepared for war.’ With these words he dismissed the ambassador. But when this unsatisfactory answer was brought back to me, I issued immediate orders for the armies to assemble from all quarters, together with such of the nobles as were in my province, such as Amír Sáikal Kandahári, and other amírs,* and soldiers. I got ready for the invasion of Hindustán. I plundered and laid waste the country of the Aghánís who inhabit the mountain Sulaimán, and marching steadily forwards I crossed the river Indus, and assaulted the city of Uch, and through the good fortune of the great king, I took it. Leaving a body of men there as a garrison, I proceeded to Multán, which I besieged; but as Sárang had carefully fortified and strengthened this fortress, the siege has been protracted for some days, and, indeed, I am at this moment engaged in the siege, giving an assault twice every day. All the nobles have displayed great valour and intrepidity, more especially Tímúr Khwájah, the son of Amír Ákúghá, and I am now waiting for further instructions.”
When I had read this letter, my previous resolution was con firmed and strengthened.
The holy war against the infidels of Hindustán
I acted in such a manner that by the spring of that year I had collected the soldiery from all parts of the countries under my sway; and in the auspicious month Rajáb, A.H. 800 (March, 1408), which may be expressed according to the rule of Abjad, by the words karíb fath, appointed the prince 'Umar, the son of Prince Mirzá Sháh, my viceroy in Samarkand, and leaving him some of the nobles and soldiery, I placed my foot in the stirrup at a lucky moment, and quitting my capital Samarkand, directed my course towards Hindustán. Marching on, hunting as I went, I reached Turmuz, and ordering the construction of a bridge of boats over the Jíhún, I crossed that river with my whole army and encamped at the village of Khulm. Beating the drum of departure from that place, and passing in my march Ghaztík and Samankán, I arrived at Indaráb, and the nobles and people of that place, high and low, pouring out in crowds to meet me, all at once set up a great cry and lamentation, demand ing justice. I sent for a number of the nobles and chief men among them and instituted an enquiry into this matter.
On their knees they made representation demanding pro tection from the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes, saying, we have brought our petition against these oppressive infidels to the presence of the king of Islám, for the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes exact tribute and black mail every year from us who are true believers, and if we fail in the least of our settled amount, they slay our men and carry our women and children into slavery, so that we helpless Musulmáns fly for protection to the presence of the great king that he may grant to us oppressed ones our hearts' desire upon these infidels. On hearing these words the flame of my zeal for Islám, and my affection for my religion, began to blaze, and I addressed those Musulmáns with the following consolatory words:—By the help and assistance of Almighty God I will grant you your hearts' desire on these oppressive infidel Kators and Siyáh-poshes, and I will relieve you who are Musulmáns from the tyranny of these unbelievers. They all lifted their hands invoking blessings on me.
Read the rest from:
PHI Persian Literature in Translation
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF TÍMÚR.
[This is an autobiographical memoir of the Emperor Tímúr, written in the Chaghatáí Turkí language, translated into Persian by Abú Tálib Husainí, and dedicated to the Emperor Sháh Jahán, who began to reign in A.D. 1628.
In the brief preface to his translation, Abú Tálib states that he found the original Turkí work in the library of Ja'far, Hákim of Yaman,* and that it consisted of a history of Tímúr, from the seventh to the seventy-fourth year of his age. The reticence of Abú Tálib as to the authenticity of the original work, and the strangeness of the place for the discovery of a MS. in a Turkí language, have given rise to the suspicion that there was no such work, and that Abú Tálib made the statement to give greater authority to a production of his own. Major Davy, who first brought the work to notice, argued against this sup position, grounding his opinion on the internal evidence of the work itself, and on the improbability of an author resorting to “an artifice which could tend only to diminish his fame and his profit.” The probability is that Abú Tálib knew nothing more of the work than what he learned from its own pages, and that when he had turned these into Persian he had nothing to add. Tímúr's descendants seem to have had a partiality for writing their own memoirs, as in the instances of Bábar and Jahángír; and others, who did not profess to be their own biographers, pro vided for a record of their lives and actions being written. This family predilection is of itself something in favour of the authen ticity of the work.
The fact of its being a genuine work, produced under the super vision of Tímúr himself, can however be proved upon more certain evidence. Only thirty years after Tímúr's death, Sharafu-d dín Yazdí wrote his celebrated Zafar-náma, or Book of Victory, to commemorate the exploits of Tímúr, and in his preface he details the sources from which his work was drawn, and the auspices under which it was written. To establish the veracity and au*thority of his history, he first describes, in the following words, the way in which a record of the events of Tímúr's reign was kept at the Court of that Emperor.
“The third recommendation (of this my work, named Zafar-náma ) is its truthfulness—the exactness and verity of the ac counts and descriptions of the various events of Tímúr's life, both at home and abroad. Men of the highest character for learning, knowledge, and goodness, Aighúr officers and Persian secretaries, were in attendance at the Court of Tímúr, and a staff of them under the orders of the Emperor wrote down an account of everything that occurred. The movements, actions and sayings of Tímúr, the various incidents and affairs of State, of religion, and the ministers, were all recorded and written down with the greatest care. The most stringent commands were given that every event should be recorded exactly as it occurred, without any modification either in excess or diminu tion. This rule was to be particularly observed in matters of personal bearing and courage, without fear or favour of any one, and most especially in respect of the valour and prowess of the Emperor himself. The learned and eloquent writers having recorded the facts, their compositions were polished and finished off in verse and prose. From time to time these writings were brought into the royal presence and were read to the Emperor, so as to insure confidence by the impress of his approval. In this way the records of the various incidents and actions of the life of Tímúr, whether recounted in Turkí verse or Persian prose, were revised and finally recorded in prose and verse. Besides this, some of the officers of the Court wrote down the incidents of the reign of Tímúr, and took the greatest pains to ascertain the truth of what they recorded. Accomplished writers then moulded these productions into Turkí verse and Persian prose.”
Sharafu-d dín then goes on to relate how his own royal patron Ibráhím, grandson of Tímúr, took the greatest interest in the com position of the Zafar-náma how he procured from all parts of his dominions copies of the works relating to the life of Tímúr, in prose and verse, in Turkí and in Persian; how he supplied him with men learned in Persian and Turkí as assistants; how re ference was made to surviving actors in the events recorded; how he wrote letters in all directions to settle discrepancies in the MSS., and how he had the work read to him in the rough draft and in the finished state.*
So the basis of Sharafu-d dín's history was a work or works written under the direction or with the approval of Tímúr, and a comparison of the Zafar-náma with the Malfúzát proves the one to be a mere reproduction of the other. The events recorded and their succession are identical,* and leave no doubt upon the mind that Sharafu-d dín translated or wrote over again in an ornate style that history which had been compiled under Tímúr's direction. Like Oriental writers in general, he half conceals the true origin of his book, and so exaggerates the magnitude and importance of his own labours, but the only difference observable in the two works is, that one is the pro*duction of a skilful and accomplished writer, the other the work of a plain, laborious, and minute chronicler of events. With all the rhetoric and flourishes of the Zafar-náma, the narrative is shorter than that of the detailed and verbose biography.
The Tuzúkát or Institutes were translated into English by Major Davy, and published under the editorship of Professor White, at Oxford, in 1783, and this work was turned into French by M. Langlès, and published in 1787.
The Malfúzát or Memoirs, as far as the forty-first year of Tímúr's age, were translated into English by Major Stewart, and were published by the Oriental Translation Fund in 1830.
The MS. used by Major Davy and Major Stewart was im perfect, ending abruptly with the forty-first year of Tímúr's age. This MS. is now in the library of the Royal Asiatic Society, which library also possesses another imperfect copy. There is a similar defective copy in the library of the East India Office; Sir H. Elliot also procured a defective copy in India, and there are several in the British Museum. These, in all probability, were derived directly or indirectly from one MS. But the British Museum has lately secured a perfect copy from the library of the late General Hamilton, which bears the marks of having once belonged to the Royal Library at Lucknow.
Besides the Version of Abú Tálib, there is another, the work of Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí. The author of this later version tells us in his preface that when Amír Abú Tálib's translation had been read by the Emperor Shah Jahán, it was found to contain errors and mistakes. Its statements occasionally differed from those of the Zafar-náma and other histories; and while omitting events recorded in the Zafar-náma, it added others of which no notice had been taken in that work. For these reasons he goes on to say:—“In the year 1047 of the Hijra, and tenth of his Majesty Sháh Jahán's reign (A.D. 1637),* the royal orders were issued to me, the meanest of the servants of the Imperial Court (Muhammad Afzal Bukhárí
, to read and revise this book from beginning to end, and to assimi late it with the Zafar-náma, of the correctness of which no intelligent person can have a doubt, and compare it with some other trustworthy histories; to omit some things which the translator had inserted, and to insert some occurrences which he had omitted; also to translate the Turkí and Arabic sentences into Persian, and to correct several dates, which do not agree with the Zafar-náma. * * * (The author) has exerted himself as much as possible in revising and correcting the said translation, and has thrown out all the unauthenticated passages which Abú Tálib had inserted. He has inserted several passages that have been omitted by that translator, and he has thereby made the book conform with the Zafar-náma.” Major Stewart observes that “It appears in Dow's History of Hindustán that Mu*hammad Afzal was the name of the Emperor Sháh Jahán's preceptor, and so he was probably the person employed to revise this work, but he has not complied with his promise of trans lating all the Turkí passages, although a native of Bukhárá, where that language was well understood.”So the Zafar-náma was based upon the Turkí memoirs of Tímúr translated by Abú Tálib into Persian, and Muhammad Afzal was afterwards employed to bring these memoirs more com pletely into accord with the Zafar-náma, which was founded upon them. The alterations of Abú Tálib's work are, however, made to appear greater and more important than they actually are. Major Stewart, after the translation of his fragment of Abú Tálib's work, received two copies of Muhammad Afzal's, and he says in his Appendix: “I have minutely compared them with Colonel Davy's MS. as far as it extends, and find that the only additions they contain are extracts from Sharafu-d dín's history, an explanation of some particulars omitted in the Memoirs, and an attempt to prove that Tímúr was of the Sunní sect, although there is the strongest evidence that he was a very bigoted Shí'a.” The editor of this work has made a comparison, though not a minute one, of the text of the following extracts as given in the MS. of Abú Tálib in the British Museum, and in one of Mu hammad Afzal's belonging to Sir H. Elliot, and he has found no greater differences between them than might be expected in two MSS. of the same work. So far as regards the portion relating to India the works are identically the same. The concluding sentences differ slightly in the two works, but in both Tímúr is made to record his own death. Muhammad Afzal, the later writer, makes him briefly say, “I arrived at the village of Atrár* and died;” but Abú Tálib is more specific, saying, “At night, on the 17th of the month of Sha'bán (March 19, 1405 A.D.), calling upon the name of God, I lost my senses, and resigned my pure soul to the Almighty and Holy Creator” (and pure it was if blood could make it pure!). Major Stewart has noticed this apparent record by Tímúr of his own death, and shows that it ought not to stamp the work as a forgery. In the fourth clause of his Testament Tímúr says, “I desire that this my Testament, and whatever I shall say to the last moment of my existence, shall be written in my Memoirs as if proceeding from my own mouth.” This instruction has only been carried a trifle too far. The narrative given in this work of Tímúr's expedition to India has been closely followed by Mirkhond in the Rauzatu-s Safá, used by Price in his Retrospect of Mahommedan History.
Two MSS. of Muhammad Afzal's work have been used for the following extracts. One belonging to the Nawáb of Jhajjar, and a copy of a portion of the work made for Sir H. Elliot from a MS. belonging to the Raja of Balamgarh. Up to page 421 the translation is the production of Mr. C. E. Chapman, of the Bengal Civil Service; the remainder has been prepared by the Editor.]
The History of expedition against Hindustan
About this time there arose in my heart the desire to lead an expedition against the infidels, and to become a ghází; for it had reached my ears that the slayer of infidels is a ghází, and if he is slain he becomes a martyr. It was on this account that I formed this resolution, but I was undetermined in my mind whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of China or against the infidels and polytheists of India. In this matter I sought an omen from the Kurán, and the verse I opened upon was this, “O Prophet, make war upon infidels and un believers, and treat them with severity.”
My great officers told me that the inhabitants of Hindustán were infidels and unbelievers. In obedience to the order of Almighty God I determined on an expedition against them, and I issued orders to the amírs of mature years, and the leaders in war, to come before me, and when they had come together I questioned the assembly as to whether I should invade Hindustán or China, and said to them, “By the order of God and the Prophet it is incumbent upon me to make war upon these infidels and polytheists.” Throwing themselves upon their knees they all wished me good fortune. I demanded of the warrior chief tains whether I should direct my expedition against the infidels of Hindustán or China. At first they repeated fables and wise sayings, and then said, in the country of Hindustán there are four defences, and if any one invading this extensive country breaks down these four defences, he becomes the conqueror of Hindustán.
The first defence consists of five large rivers, which flow from the mountains of Kashmír, and these rivers unite in their course, and passing through the country of Sind, flow into the Arabian Sea, and it is not possible to cross them without boats and bridges. The second defence consists of woods and forests and trees, which, interweaving stem with stem and branch with branch, render it very difficult to penetrate into that country. The third defence is the soldiery, and landholders, and princes, and Rájas of that country, who inhabit fastnesses in those forests, and live there like wild beasts. The fourth defence con sists of the elephants, for the rulers of that country in the day of battle equipping elephants in mail, put them in the van of their army, and place great confidence in them, and they have trained them to such a pitch that, lifting with their trunks a horse with his rider, and whirling him in the air, they will dash him on the ground.
Some of the nobles said in reply that Sultán Mahmúd Subuk-tigín conquered the country of Hindustán with 30,000 horse, and established his own servants as rulers of that region, and carried off many thousand loads of gold and silver and jewels from that country, besides subjecting it to a regular tribute, and is our amír inferior to Sultán Mahmúd? No; thanks to Al mighty God, to-day a 100,000 valiant Tátár horsemen wait at the stirrup of our amír; if he determines upon this expedition Al mighty God will give him victory, and he will become a ghází and mujáhid before God, and we shall be attendants on an amír who is a ghází, and the army will be contented and the treasury rich and well filled, and with the gold of Hindustán our amír will become a conqueror of the world and famous among the kings of earth.
At this time the prince Sháh Rukh said: “India is an extensive country; whatever Sultán conquers it becomes supreme over the four quarters of the globe; if, under the conduct of our amír, we conquer India, we shall become rulers over the seven climes.” He then said: “I have seen in the history of Persia that, in the time of the Persian Sultáns, the King of India was called Dáráí, with all honour and glory. On account of his dignity he bore no other name; and the Emperor of Rome was called Cæsar, and the Sultán of Persia was called Kisra, and the Sultán of the Tátárs, Khákán, and the Emperor of China, Faghfúr; but the King of Írán and Túrán bore the title of Sháhinsháh, and the orders of the Sháhinsháh were always paramount over the princes and Rájás of Hindustán, and praise be to God that we are at this time Sháhinsháh of Írán and Túrán, and it would be a pity that we should not be supreme over the country of Hindustán.” I was excessively pleased with these words of Prince Sháh Rukh. Then the Prince Muhammad Sultán said: “The whole country of India is full of gold and jewels, and in it there are seventeen mines of gold and silver, diamond and ruby and emerald and tin and iron and steel and copper and quicksilver, etc., and of the plants which grow there are those fit for making wearing apparel, and aromatic plants, and the sugar cane, and it is a country which is always green and verdant, and the whole aspect of the country is pleasant and delightful. Now, since the inhabitants are chiefly polytheists and infidels and idolaters and worshipers of the sun, by the order of God and his prophet, it is right for us to conquer them.
My wazírs informed me that the whole amount of the revenue of India is six arbs; now each arb is a 100 krors, and each kror is a 100 lacs, and each lac is a 100,000 miskáls of silver. Some of the nobles said, “By the favour of Almighty God we may conquer India, but if we establish ourselves permanently therein, our race will degenerate and our children will become like the natives of those regions, and in a few generations their strength and valour will diminish.” The amírs of regiments (kushúnát) were disturbed at these words, but I said to them, “My object in the invasion of Hindustán is to lead an expedition against the infidels that, according to the law of Muhammad (upon whom and his family be the blessing and peace of God), we may con vert to the true faith the people of that country, and purify the land itself from the ***** of infidelity and polytheism; and that we may overthrow their temples and idols and become gházís and mujáhids before God.” They gave an unwilling consent, but I placed no reliance upon them. At this time the wise men of Islám came before me, and a conversation began about the pro*priety of a war against infidels and polytheists; they gave it as their opinion that it is the duty of the Sultán of Islám, and all the people who profess that “there is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah,” for the sake of preserving their religion and strengthening their law, to exert their utmost endeavour for the suppression of the enemies of their faith. And it is the duty of every Muslim and true believer to use his utmost exertions in obedience to his ruler. When the edify ing words of the wise men reached the ears of the nobles, all their hearts were set upon a holy war in Hindustán, and throwing themselves on their knees, they repeated the Chapter of Victory.
When I girded up my loins for the expedition, I wrote to Hazrat Shaikh Zainu-d dín to the effect that I had determined on a religious expedition to Hindustán. He wrote in the margin of my letter: “Be it known to Abú-l Gházi Tímúr (whom may God assist) that great prosperity in this world and the next will result to you from this undertaking, and you will go and return in safety.” He also sent me a large sword which I made my sceptre.
In the meanwhile there came a petition from the Prince Pír Muhammad Jahángír, from the confines of Kábulistán, the government of which country, from the boundaries of Kunduz and Bakalán and Kábul and Ghazní and Kandahár, was vested in him. When I looked at this petition it was thus written: “Since, according to your order, I arrived in this country, I have acted towards all the people conformably to the exalted order and wisdom-increasing counsels of the great king. When I had satisfied my mind with the conquest and settlement of this kingdom, I turned my thoughts towards the acquisition of some of the provinces of Hindustán. I enquired concerning the con*dition of that country, and received the following account: that the city of Dehlí is the capital of the sovereigns of India, and after the death of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, two brothers among his nobility, of whom one was named Mallú and the other Sárang, becoming very powerful, established their independence, giving the nominal sovereignty to one of the sons of Sultán Fíroz Sháh, by name, Sultán Mahmúd, they kept the real power in their own hands, and virtually governed the empire. Mallú, the elder brother, lives at Dehlí, about the person of Sultán Mahmúd, and Sárang is established in the city of Multán, for the protection of that country. When I became acquainted with these matters, acting according to the practice of the great king, I wrote a letter and sent it to him (Sárang) by an ambassador, purporting that since the fame of the victories and conquests, and of the extensive empire of the great king is spread all over the world, it is certain that it must have reached him also. The great king has appointed me to the government of those provinces which lie on the borders of Hindustán, and has ordered that ‘If the rulers of Hindustán come before me with tribute I will not interfere with their lives, property, or kingdoms; but if they are negligent in proffering obedience and submission, I will put forth my strength for the conquest of the kingdoms of India. At all events, if they set any value upon their lives, property, and reputation, they will pay me a yearly tribute, and if not, they shall hear of my arrival with my powerful armies. Farewell.’ When the ambassador reached the presence of Sárang at Multán, he was treated with great respect and consideration; but in reply to his letter, Sárang said, ‘It is difficult to take an empire like a bride to your bosom without trouble and difficulty and the clashing of swords. The desire of your prince is to take this kingdom with its rich revenue. Well, let him wrest it from us by force of arms if he be able. I have numerous armies and formidable elephants, and am quite prepared for war.’ With these words he dismissed the ambassador. But when this unsatisfactory answer was brought back to me, I issued immediate orders for the armies to assemble from all quarters, together with such of the nobles as were in my province, such as Amír Sáikal Kandahári, and other amírs,* and soldiers. I got ready for the invasion of Hindustán. I plundered and laid waste the country of the Aghánís who inhabit the mountain Sulaimán, and marching steadily forwards I crossed the river Indus, and assaulted the city of Uch, and through the good fortune of the great king, I took it. Leaving a body of men there as a garrison, I proceeded to Multán, which I besieged; but as Sárang had carefully fortified and strengthened this fortress, the siege has been protracted for some days, and, indeed, I am at this moment engaged in the siege, giving an assault twice every day. All the nobles have displayed great valour and intrepidity, more especially Tímúr Khwájah, the son of Amír Ákúghá, and I am now waiting for further instructions.”
When I had read this letter, my previous resolution was con firmed and strengthened.
The holy war against the infidels of Hindustán
I acted in such a manner that by the spring of that year I had collected the soldiery from all parts of the countries under my sway; and in the auspicious month Rajáb, A.H. 800 (March, 1408), which may be expressed according to the rule of Abjad, by the words karíb fath, appointed the prince 'Umar, the son of Prince Mirzá Sháh, my viceroy in Samarkand, and leaving him some of the nobles and soldiery, I placed my foot in the stirrup at a lucky moment, and quitting my capital Samarkand, directed my course towards Hindustán. Marching on, hunting as I went, I reached Turmuz, and ordering the construction of a bridge of boats over the Jíhún, I crossed that river with my whole army and encamped at the village of Khulm. Beating the drum of departure from that place, and passing in my march Ghaztík and Samankán, I arrived at Indaráb, and the nobles and people of that place, high and low, pouring out in crowds to meet me, all at once set up a great cry and lamentation, demand ing justice. I sent for a number of the nobles and chief men among them and instituted an enquiry into this matter.
On their knees they made representation demanding pro tection from the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes, saying, we have brought our petition against these oppressive infidels to the presence of the king of Islám, for the infidel Kators and the Siyáh-poshes exact tribute and black mail every year from us who are true believers, and if we fail in the least of our settled amount, they slay our men and carry our women and children into slavery, so that we helpless Musulmáns fly for protection to the presence of the great king that he may grant to us oppressed ones our hearts' desire upon these infidels. On hearing these words the flame of my zeal for Islám, and my affection for my religion, began to blaze, and I addressed those Musulmáns with the following consolatory words:—By the help and assistance of Almighty God I will grant you your hearts' desire on these oppressive infidel Kators and Siyáh-poshes, and I will relieve you who are Musulmáns from the tyranny of these unbelievers. They all lifted their hands invoking blessings on me.
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PHI Persian Literature in Translation
