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Innovative responses to terror attacks

Innovative responses to terror attacks​

Ejaz Haider
30TH JAN, 2022. 10:21 AM
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The Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) attack on an army post in Kech district of southwest Balochistan requires close analysis, not least because since last year the frequency of such attacks has increased as have the numbers of security forces personnel (including police and paramilitary troops) killed and injured by terrorist groups ambushing patrol parties and raiding posts.

At the time of writing this article (Thursday afternoon), there was no word on the terrorist attack from Inter-Services Public Relations. Inquiries made by me on Wednesday night begot cryptic responses with no details. I was told that information was awaited because the attack had happened in a “far-flung area” (no response came forth on inquiries made on Thursday morning).

But let’s get to why it is important to treat and analyse such attacks with greater diligence than the perfunctory statements issued by ISPR or the platitudes about the bravery of the fallen. There are three levels of analysis in ascending order: tactical, theatre and strategic-political.

Tactical Level

Terrorist groups conduct two types of tactical operations: ambush and raid (suicide bombing is another which can either be an isolated attack with the bomber and his handler or a raid that combines the use of direct fire systems with attackers wearing IED belts).

Ambushes by these groups are generally point ambushes, meaning the attackers deploy to target a particular area or what is called a single kill zone (to my knowledge, there haven’t been incidents of area ambushes where the attacker deploys forces for more than one point ambush — but I could be wrong). The elements and objectives of an ambush are simple and common sensical.

Neither an ambush nor a raid is meant to hold ground. The attacking force remains in the area only for the duration in which it is setting up an ambush and the time it takes to engage the force being attacked. The attacking force withdraws immediately after the attack and, generally, before the force under attack can get ground reinforcements or air support. The duration for which an attacking force remains in the area would depend on a number of factors — whether the ambush is simple (sometimes a target of opportunity) or complex, terrain, lines of communication of both the attackers and the attacked and the attackers’ exfiltration route.

Depending on reconnaissance, the target, the terrain, the objective, the security of the lines of communication of the attacking force and safe exfiltration, the attacking force can use IEDs, direct fire weapons and, in some cases, indirect fire systems like mortars. Every ambush has a kill zone, the area where the attacking force will concentrate its fire and where the force under attack has tactical disadvantages.

A raid, like an ambush, exploits the element of surprise. It can be conducted against a post (position), an installation, a building or a complex. Unlike an ambush, a raid is mounted against a static target. Its planning and success require first-rate intelligence on the vulnerable points of the target both in physical terms as well as in terms of any procedural weaknesses exhibited by whoever is defending the position. Again, like an ambush, a raid has a specific objective or objectives but is not meant to seize or hold ground. It can be conducted to destroy a position or installation, kill personnel of a defending force, harass the adversary, secure release of hostages, gain critical information and so on. During the attack phase, the attacking force makes every effort to isolate the target so it can accomplish its mission before the defenders can get ground or air support.

This is just a bird’s-eye view of these tactical operations (though they can be conducted in support of a broader strategic objective). Any further discussion detailing the technicalities of these operations is outside the scope of this article.

Theatre Level

This level of analysis has to focus on the commands and procedures in a bigger area (Corps-size) where troops (whether army or paramilitary) are vulnerable and likely to be targeted/attacked. Given the size of Balochistan, the theatre has already been divided since some years in Frontier Corps’ North and South Commands. The Quetta Corps sits at the apex of this force structure. At this level of analysis one has to look into plans, training, logistics, Corps tasks/objectives, procedures in the service of those objectives, the ability of officers to lead at subordinate levels (Division, Brigade, Battalion, Company, Platoon) and read the troops into what they are supposed to do.

Given the nature of this kind of conflict — call it irregular, low-intensity or COIN — it is also important to create what I once called “adaptive NCOs” in an article for Hilal, the armed forces magazine. The United States army worked on the concept of the adaptive soldier for over a decade and in 2015 came up with what it calls ASLTE (Adaptive Soldier Leader Training and Education). The concept doesn’t just focus on completing a task to a standard but stresses developing initiative and the ability to think on one’s feet.

The theatre level, therefore, has to deal with multiple tasks and objectives apart from thinking at a higher altitude. If that is being done, the results on the ground at the tac level do not show it. For instance, as a former 3-star said to me, “Diluting troops in standing patrols is a wrong concept.” He was also clear that failure to detect and preempt enemy movement is intelligence failure. At a minimum, according to him, “They should have a target brief on a weekly basis and assess progress against hideouts and routes.”

The problem is that there is no system or mechanism for an independent audit of what the army does because it remains a closed club. It is also averse to opening up, especially about making mistakes public. Ideally, that needs to change. But since power is relational, that’s unlikely. Corollary: there won’t be any informed discussion of the various concerns that a researcher would like to engage with, know about and analyse.

Strategic-Political Level

As should be obvious, this is the highest level that brings the civilian principals and military leadership on a national security forum to ensure there’s no mismatch between foreign and security policies. In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and northwest Balochistan, most attacks emanate from Afghanistan; in southwest Balochistan they come from across the border with Iran.

The problem of what happens at the tac level on the ground rises to the highest level of interstate relations. It is a known fact that BLF has for long operated from Iran’s soil. Known also is the fact that other Baloch terrorist groups like BLA/BRA have relocated to Iran from Afghanistan since August last year.

The issue is on the table with Iran; the TTP issue is on the table with Kabul. But, and this is important, until such time that things can be resolved at the strategic-political level, we cannot afford to continue losing men to such attacks. This is where we return to the element and quality of command at the theatre level and the safety and effectiveness of troops at the tac level.

ISR — intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance — is crucial in support of troops on the ground. There’s no reason at this stage of our technological development to not be able to provide eyes to the defenders. Take the recent attack: a raid of this nature cannot be mounted without extensive preparation. It involves reconnaissance over a long period; the attacking force needs to have intel on the post’s lines of communication; it needs to have secure lines for infiltration and exfiltration, among other things. If counterintelligence fails to pick up the spoor of such activities, then we have a problem. Equally, and I have said this before at a different forum, we need to develop proactive counterterrorism capabilities: i.e., take out the terrorists before they get to us.

I realise that this is a very sketchy analysis of a much more complex problem. Much more can, and should, be written about what needs to be done. Innovation is important. While there are fundamentals and procedures, commanders have to take into account operational variables. The variables quite likely differ from one operational environment to another. That’s where the tac level has to inform the theatre level and the latter has to develop SOPs and gear the training and responses to those variables.

Corollary: the army has to move beyond desultory press releases praising martyrdom and begin to take these attacks and casualties with the seriousness they deserve.


The writer is a journalist with interest in foreign and security policies.

 
That is the max capability we have. A few more of those, and we exhaust most resources / assets.

Whereas what we need is a sustained insurgency and ways to organically weaponize the legitimate anger that is present against the illegal and immoral occupation.

All the comms systems given to them would light up in NSA collection programs and, recently, even Indian ones. They've invested in a highly sophisticated 'grid' that monitors everything from satellite phones to frequency-hopping radios. Don't forget that our officers exercise poor tradecraft.

When I see it is a lack of capacity --- I don't mean we have (literally) none.

Baloch and TTP terrorists benefit from much greater support and by their backers AND much weaker defense/SIGINT/deterrence (raising the cost for the backers) by us. These are the key differences. The borders are also significantly more porous on our Western flank.
You, my friend, are the first guy who knows what he is talking about here. The first guy who does that at the PDF. I hope to exchange thoughts with you more often. I have been saying the same about our pathetic SIGINT capabilities on this forum after each successful large-scale attack on the forces.
 
You, my friend, are the first guy who knows what he is talking about here. The first guy who does that at the PDF. I hope to exchange thoughts with you more often. I have been saying the same about our pathetic SIGINT capabilities on this forum after each successful large-scale attack on the forces.

That is a huge compliment. Thank you very much.

I made a conscious choice to have actual 'skin in the game' so I'm not a privileged external 'commentator/analyst/strategist/security expert' and whatever else we have roaming around. It was a long, painful, arduous journey that almost cost me my young marriage --- but I eventually got my experience where one needs it (I'm an anomaly --- the boys don't trust outsiders and also feel threatened by those with better exposure and credentials) and I am now combining it with my academic experiences at Harvard. This combination has given me unique insights into the nature of the problems we have --- and they are all structural.

There's no point discussing what can be better within the existing system. It's simply not possible. I don't even engage in such discussions anymore. Entire incentive structures are aligned problematically.

I'm working with a friend (extremely smart guy; did his PhD from Princeton while getting a JD from Yale Law School simultaneously) to create a new constitution/vision. It's mostly just a thought experiment at this stage --- but, who knows :)
 
Electronic warfare needs massive funding and surveillance/reconnaissance satellite to spy satellites. Pak depends on China arial scanning. It is an expensive game and simply beyond our budget. That is the reason we are depending on walls, barbed wires, and manned intelligence.
It's like ....I can build an electronic surveillance system on Pak Iran Afghan border ..but it will cost a few billion dollars to build and the cost of maintenance is a separate fee ..
 
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That is a huge compliment. Thank you very much.

I made a conscious choice to have actual 'skin in the game' so I'm not a privileged external 'commentator/analyst/strategist/security expert' and whatever else we have roaming around. It was a long, painful, arduous journey that almost cost me my young marriage --- but I eventually got my experience where one needs it (I'm an anomaly --- the boys don't trust outsiders and also feel threatened by those with better exposure and credentials) and I am now combining it with my academic experiences at Harvard. This combination has given me unique insights into the nature of the problems we have --- and they are all structural.

There's no point discussing what can be better within the existing system. It's simply not possible. I don't even engage in such discussions anymore. Entire incentive structures are aligned problematically.

I'm working with a friend (extremely smart guy; did his PhD from Princeton while getting a JD from Yale Law School simultaneously) to create a new constitution/vision. It's mostly just a thought experiment at this stage --- but, who knows :)
You deserve it. It would remain to be a thought experiment at most. Reinventing the wheel is not possible anymore. Best make do with what we have. Structural problems do not just vanish. It takes reform-minded individuals in positions of authority to fix them. What people like us could do is form opinions and build pressure/momentum that propels elites to bring forth reform-minded individuals in all spheres of national life. Nothing else could be done by the likes of us.
 
You deserve it. It would remain to be a thought experiment at most. Reinventing the wheel is not possible anymore. Best make do with what we have. Structural problems do not just vanish. It takes reform-minded individuals in positions of authority to fix them. What people like us could do is form opinions and build pressure/momentum that propels elites to bring forth reform-minded individuals in all spheres of national life. Nothing else could be done by the likes of us.

You underestimate the power of the action you've described. That's how change happens. Most of us give up after hitting a wall a few times. The few of us who can survive financially and also keep knocking on the doors should keep doing it.

You've (again) hit the nail on the head. The trouble is that those reform-minded people (or, even better, revolution-minded people) are weeded out in the process very early on. This creates a mediocrity trap in which reform-minded individuals can't reach decision-making positions EVEN IF THEY WANT TO. Even if a brilliant scientist is willing to give up a 10x paying job in the West to come serve his country, he basically can't. There is no mechanism. Others will get threatened.

And --- if, by some miracle --- he/she does make it into a position of power, the system is designed in such a way that his/her impact will be minimal.
 
That is a huge compliment. Thank you very much.

I made a conscious choice to have actual 'skin in the game' so I'm not a privileged external 'commentator/analyst/strategist/security expert' and whatever else we have roaming around. It was a long, painful, arduous journey that almost cost me my young marriage --- but I eventually got my experience where one needs it (I'm an anomaly --- the boys don't trust outsiders and also feel threatened by those with better exposure and credentials) and I am now combining it with my academic experiences at Harvard. This combination has given me unique insights into the nature of the problems we have --- and they are all structural.

There's no point discussing what can be better within the existing system. It's simply not possible. I don't even engage in such discussions anymore. Entire incentive structures are aligned problematically.

I'm working with a friend (extremely smart guy; did his PhD from Princeton while getting a JD from Yale Law School simultaneously) to create a new constitution/vision. It's mostly just a thought experiment at this stage --- but, who knows :)
Nice to know you.
 
This is what happens when every kid calls himself an analyst in Pakistan and writes articles making claims out of his rear.

Here the words of an Indian military personnel

1399022110574914620358214.jpg

The former Indian army officer openly supported the Balochistan separatists (terrorists) in a television program and claimed to be in daily contact with them.
"Supporting the Balochistan separatists is part of the program," Gavrav Arya, a former Indian army officer and media expert, told the Times Now, according to the regional office of the Tasnim news agency.

He added: "Our plans will not happen in Pakistan after this, but Islamabad will have to wait for actions in Balochistan."

The former Indian officer added: "I am in daily contact with the Balochistan separatists and I have their leaders' numbers on my mobile phone."

"Together with the Balochistanis, we are taking action against the Pakistani army that future generations will remember," he said in open support for the separatist terrorists in Balochistan.

The former Indian army officer added: New Delhi stands with the separatists of Balochistan and supports the formation of a separate state by them.

He threatened the Islamabad government and said: "You must obtain a visa to travel to Baluchistan in the next 10 years."

After killing six Pakistani soldiers in Balochistan province, Gavrav Arya also claimed his country's support for Balochistan separatists by publishing pictures of Kashmir and comparing them.

Meanwhile, Balochistan separatists are among the groups banned from international activities and are on the black list of international organizations.

Groups such as the Balochistan Free Army, which has carried out armed operations in the Balochistan region, have always sought to create divisions and differences among the people of the region.

The Baluchis live in Iran and Pakistan, and the governments of Islamabad and Tehran are working together to control terrorist groups and governments that are creating insecurity in the region.

Pakistan has repeatedly arrested Indian spies in Balochistan who have confessed to supporting separatist terrorists.

 
This is what happens when every kid calls himself an analyst in Pakistan and writes articles making claims out of his rear.

Here the words of an Indian military personnel

View attachment 814891
The former Indian army officer openly supported the Balochistan separatists (terrorists) in a television program and claimed to be in daily contact with them.
"Supporting the Balochistan separatists is part of the program," Gavrav Arya, a former Indian army officer and media expert, told the Times Now, according to the regional office of the Tasnim news agency.

He added: "Our plans will not happen in Pakistan after this, but Islamabad will have to wait for actions in Balochistan."

The former Indian officer added: "I am in daily contact with the Balochistan separatists and I have their leaders' numbers on my mobile phone."

"Together with the Balochistanis, we are taking action against the Pakistani army that future generations will remember," he said in open support for the separatist terrorists in Balochistan.

The former Indian army officer added: New Delhi stands with the separatists of Balochistan and supports the formation of a separate state by them.

He threatened the Islamabad government and said: "You must obtain a visa to travel to Baluchistan in the next 10 years."

After killing six Pakistani soldiers in Balochistan province, Gavrav Arya also claimed his country's support for Balochistan separatists by publishing pictures of Kashmir and comparing them.

Meanwhile, Balochistan separatists are among the groups banned from international activities and are on the black list of international organizations.

Groups such as the Balochistan Free Army, which has carried out armed operations in the Balochistan region, have always sought to create divisions and differences among the people of the region.

The Baluchis live in Iran and Pakistan, and the governments of Islamabad and Tehran are working together to control terrorist groups and governments that are creating insecurity in the region.

Pakistan has repeatedly arrested Indian spies in Balochistan who have confessed to supporting separatist terrorists.


Pakistan govt and army response: look, Western and UN diplomats, proof of Indian meddling!

Result: nothing (obviously)

Well done, boys.
 
You underestimate the power of the action you've described. That's how change happens. Most of us give up after hitting a wall a few times. The few of us who can survive financially and also keep knocking on the doors should keep doing it.

You've (again) hit the nail on the head. The trouble is that those reform-minded people (or, even better, revolution-minded people) are weeded out in the process very early on. This creates a mediocrity trap in which reform-minded individuals can't reach decision-making positions EVEN IF THEY WANT TO. Even if a brilliant scientist is willing to give up a 10x paying job in the West to come serve his country, he basically can't. There is no mechanism. Others will get threatened.

And --- if, by some miracle --- he/she does make it into a position of power, the system is designed in such a way that his/her impact will be minimal.
Well, if someone has the flame of serving his/her country, then they would make compromises anyway. One of these compromises is being tactful/political in the Pakistani system. I completely understand where you are coming from and I have had similar discussions in my friend's circle here. There is anecdotal evidence that some people have persisted and changed the system little by little. It does not always happen or when it does, an entire life's work amounts to very little progress. I always like to draw a parallel between the storyline of the widely acclaimed series "The Wire" and the struggles of upright people trying to fix the house in the Pakistani system. Very few manage to effect little change. Most's life's work in the toxic system drenched in the slime of mediocrity and insecurity amounts to nothing (The Wire).
 
Well, if someone has the flame of serving his/her country, then they would make compromises anyway. One of these compromises is being tactful/political in the Pakistani system. I completely understand where you are coming from and I have had similar discussions in my friend's circle here. There is anecdotal evidence that some people have persisted and changed the system little by little. It does not always happen or when it does, an entire life's work amounts to very little progress. I always like to draw a parallel between the storyline of the widely acclaimed series "The Wire" and the struggles of upright people trying to fix the house in the Pakistani system. Very few manage to effect little change. Most's life's work in the toxic system drenched in the slime of mediocrity and insecurity amounts to nothing (The Wire).

One of the best shows ever made.

You're absolutely right. That is precisely what happens. There are more abstract ways to help --- for example, adding modules in the education of officers (civ and mil) that challenge them to think independently and creatively. We need men and women who can be daring in thought and action. The status quo bias and inertia is unimaginable.

Anyway, I suppose we all know what should happen. The question is how it can happen in a rotten system.
 
One of the best shows ever made.

You're absolutely right. That is precisely what happens. There are more abstract ways to help --- for example, adding modules in the education of officers (civ and mil) that challenge them to think independently and creatively. We need men and women who can be daring in thought and action. The status quo bias and inertia is unimaginable.

Anyway, I suppose we all know what should happen. The question is how it can happen in a rotten system.
That's the million-dollar question. Maybe by being part of the system. Being dirtied by it, but never abandoning the impulse to change things by what little quantum one could, at least in their tenure.
 
This is all BS. Listen to Sarfraz Bugti, he have the right idea. There are more baloch in sindh and punjab then in balochistan, why they are not up in arms if state presecute baloch?

Fact is Baloch terrorists funded by India take advantage of Iran land and Iranis don't do anything about it. Once you take care of Iran, baloch insurgents will cease to exist. So for terrorism you need 2 things, money and neighbour country to run off. Without either of these separatist terrorists give up.
 
That's the million-dollar question. Maybe by being part of the system. Being dirtied by it, but never abandoning the impulse to change things by what little quantum one could, at least in their tenure.

That could work if there's a critical mass of people doing the same. I think you only need a dozen visionaries in each institution. If any one of them reaches the top, they can impose an emergency and sort things out --- building a totally new structure/order/constitution and restarting Pakistan as a state ready for development, security, and peace.
 

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