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Svantana
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SIM.Inc
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They used chinese Combat management systems for CIWS and SSM. I doubt BAE shield Mk2 compatible with chinese CMS or LEN CMS. Just my opinion.
Bhayangkara
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Hehe., sebetulnya itu cuma tebak2 buah manggis aja mas, soale sy juga gak tau sebenarnya itu pake sistem decoy tipe yg mana, makanya sy cuma bilang mirip sama produknya BAe klo berdasarkan dari ukuran & bentuknya aja..
But anyway, regarding to the system integrations, I think it's not something impossible to do right now as most of the CMS systems available on the market today has offers the open architecture software integration depending to the customer requirements.
Also, the installation of the decoy system itself is very simple and easy to be integrated fully into the existing CMS, or, It may also can be installed as a stand alone system interfacing directly to the sensors and other subsystems and controlled from a separate control unit.. Just my thought.
katarabhumi
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Russia’s arms exports to Indonesia top $2.5 bln over 25 years
Military & Defense - February 21, 14:28
MOSCOW, February 21. /TASS/. Russia has delivered weapons worth more than $2.5 billion to Indonesia over the past 25 years, the press office of the state arms seller Rosoboronexport said on Wednesday.
"Overall, the deliveries of military products to Indonesia have totaled more than $2.5 billion since November 1992. Over this period, Russia has delivered BTR-80A armored personnel carriers and BMP-3F infantry fighting vehicles, 100th series Kalashnikov assault rifles, Su-27SK and Su-27SKM, Su-30MK and Su-30MK2 planes, Mi-35 and Mi-17 helicopters, and also other weapon systems and military hardware," the press office quoted Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheyev as saying.
The year 2018 will mark 60 years since the first Soviet arms deliveries to Indonesia: in 1958 the Soviet Union delivered 100 GAZ-69 military cross-country vehicles to Indonesia, he added.
It was reported earlier that Jakarta wanted to buy 10 Su-35 multirole fighters to replace outdated US F-5 Tiger aircraft that had been in operation in the Indonesian army since 1980. Later, Russia’s hi-tech corporation Rostec reported that Indonesia had received a commercial offer for 11 Su-35 planes.
The Su-35 is a Russian-made multipurpose generation 4++ super-maneuverable fighter jet equipped with a phased array radar and steerable thrusters. It can develop a speed of up to 2,500 kilometers per hour and has a flying range of 3,400 kilometers and a combat radius close to 1,600 kilometers. The fighter jet is armed with a 30mm gun and has 12 hard points for carrying bombs and missiles.
http://tass.com/defense/991061
+++
Pacific News Minute: Indonesia Says West Papua’s Bid for International Recognition Reaches Dead End
By Neal Conan • 9 hours ago
Last week, we reported on the inconclusive decision by the Melanesian Spearhead Group on West Papua’s bid for full membership. Since then, Indonesia’s declared victory in its campaign to block international recognition for the United Liberation Movement, and we’ve learned more about how they did it. Neal Conan has details in today’s Pacific News Minute.
Last week, a senior Indonesian diplomat issued a blunt warning to the summit of the Melanesian Spearhead Group. Indonesia, an associate member of the sub-regional organization, was represented by Desra Percaya, the Director General of Asia-Pacific and African Affairs at Indonesia’s Foreign Ministry.
According to the Indonesian news agency Antara, he reminded member states that the founding principles of the MSG include “refraining from meddling in other countries businesses, much less their sovereignty.”
The founding principles of the MSG also include political independence for all Melanesians. Many question the legitimacy of Indonesia’s seizure of the western half of New Guinea 50 years ago, and object to what they regard as systematic abuse of its indigenous peoples.
The Indonesian government insists that Jakarta is their sole legitimate representative. It regards the United Liberation Movement as separatists, notes that their cause has not been recognized by the United Nations decolonization committee, and, after last week’s summit, a spokesman for Indonesia’s embassy in Australia declared that the ULM’s bid for full membership had reached a dead end.
In fact, the MSG leadership referred the membership application to its secretariat, based in Port Vila, the capital of Vanuatu. This week, Radio New Zealand Pacific reported that Indonesia’s been funding the MSG secretariat for the past few years, picking up the slack when the five full members fail to pay their annual dues.
The secretariat has experienced funding limitations in recent years.
The five full members – Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, Solomon Islands and New Caledonia’s FLNKS Kanaks Movement – are meant to pay annual contributions.
However, some members have struggled to pay their dues on time in the past few years.
According to a spokesman for Indonesia’s embassy in Australia, Sade Bimantara, Jakarta has been helping the MSG out.
“And we have been giving our annual contribution. On top of that we have also helped the secretariat in procuring vehicles and other things for their secretariat. Yeah, so we have been assisting them financially as well.”
http://hawaiipublicradio.org/post/p...id-international-recognition-reaches-dead-end
https://vanuatuindependent.com/2018/02/20/indonesia-helps-finance-msg-secretariat/
...
These MSG a.k.a "Mecin" countries acting tough and loud while begging for finance assistance from Indonesia.
.
Military & Defense - February 21, 14:28
MOSCOW, February 21. /TASS/. Russia has delivered weapons worth more than $2.5 billion to Indonesia over the past 25 years, the press office of the state arms seller Rosoboronexport said on Wednesday.
"Overall, the deliveries of military products to Indonesia have totaled more than $2.5 billion since November 1992. Over this period, Russia has delivered BTR-80A armored personnel carriers and BMP-3F infantry fighting vehicles, 100th series Kalashnikov assault rifles, Su-27SK and Su-27SKM, Su-30MK and Su-30MK2 planes, Mi-35 and Mi-17 helicopters, and also other weapon systems and military hardware," the press office quoted Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheyev as saying.
The year 2018 will mark 60 years since the first Soviet arms deliveries to Indonesia: in 1958 the Soviet Union delivered 100 GAZ-69 military cross-country vehicles to Indonesia, he added.
It was reported earlier that Jakarta wanted to buy 10 Su-35 multirole fighters to replace outdated US F-5 Tiger aircraft that had been in operation in the Indonesian army since 1980. Later, Russia’s hi-tech corporation Rostec reported that Indonesia had received a commercial offer for 11 Su-35 planes.
The Su-35 is a Russian-made multipurpose generation 4++ super-maneuverable fighter jet equipped with a phased array radar and steerable thrusters. It can develop a speed of up to 2,500 kilometers per hour and has a flying range of 3,400 kilometers and a combat radius close to 1,600 kilometers. The fighter jet is armed with a 30mm gun and has 12 hard points for carrying bombs and missiles.
http://tass.com/defense/991061
+++
Pacific News Minute: Indonesia Says West Papua’s Bid for International Recognition Reaches Dead End
By Neal Conan • 9 hours ago
Last week, we reported on the inconclusive decision by the Melanesian Spearhead Group on West Papua’s bid for full membership. Since then, Indonesia’s declared victory in its campaign to block international recognition for the United Liberation Movement, and we’ve learned more about how they did it. Neal Conan has details in today’s Pacific News Minute.
Last week, a senior Indonesian diplomat issued a blunt warning to the summit of the Melanesian Spearhead Group. Indonesia, an associate member of the sub-regional organization, was represented by Desra Percaya, the Director General of Asia-Pacific and African Affairs at Indonesia’s Foreign Ministry.
According to the Indonesian news agency Antara, he reminded member states that the founding principles of the MSG include “refraining from meddling in other countries businesses, much less their sovereignty.”
The founding principles of the MSG also include political independence for all Melanesians. Many question the legitimacy of Indonesia’s seizure of the western half of New Guinea 50 years ago, and object to what they regard as systematic abuse of its indigenous peoples.
The Indonesian government insists that Jakarta is their sole legitimate representative. It regards the United Liberation Movement as separatists, notes that their cause has not been recognized by the United Nations decolonization committee, and, after last week’s summit, a spokesman for Indonesia’s embassy in Australia declared that the ULM’s bid for full membership had reached a dead end.
In fact, the MSG leadership referred the membership application to its secretariat, based in Port Vila, the capital of Vanuatu. This week, Radio New Zealand Pacific reported that Indonesia’s been funding the MSG secretariat for the past few years, picking up the slack when the five full members fail to pay their annual dues.
The secretariat has experienced funding limitations in recent years.
The five full members – Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, Solomon Islands and New Caledonia’s FLNKS Kanaks Movement – are meant to pay annual contributions.
However, some members have struggled to pay their dues on time in the past few years.
According to a spokesman for Indonesia’s embassy in Australia, Sade Bimantara, Jakarta has been helping the MSG out.
“And we have been giving our annual contribution. On top of that we have also helped the secretariat in procuring vehicles and other things for their secretariat. Yeah, so we have been assisting them financially as well.”
http://hawaiipublicradio.org/post/p...id-international-recognition-reaches-dead-end
https://vanuatuindependent.com/2018/02/20/indonesia-helps-finance-msg-secretariat/
...
These MSG a.k.a "Mecin" countries acting tough and loud while begging for finance assistance from Indonesia.
.
Nike
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Their total gdp is not much than Surabaya or Bandung after all, meanwhile Oz doesnt regard relationship with them highly and look North policy of them taking prioritize (Indonesia, China especially).
katarabhumi
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Exactly, they're so stupid they don't realize they are just puppet for West's deputy in the east. When will these Mecin group sober and see the truth that their brethren in OZ land are put in conservatory camps like endangered animal while Melanesians in Indonesia are rose up to high positions like ministers, generals, governors, etc.
.
.
Nike
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DB - DIGITAL BATTLESPACE
IDE delivers iDefender to Indonesia
22nd February 2018 - 06:02 GMT | by The Shephard News Team
RSS
Intracom Defense Electronics (IDE) has delivered an iDefender Maritime Interdiction Operations (MIO) suite-based solution to the Indonesian Navy, the company announced on 20 February.
The system will enhance the Indonesian Navy Western Fleet's recognition/surveillance and command and control capabilities, as well as digital intercommunication for real-time exchange of information between the theatre of operations and the land-based command centre.
The IMO system will support Indonesian Navy operations in the Indonesian-Singapore maritime border region.
https://www.shephardmedia.com/news/digital-battlespace/ide-delivers-idefender-mio-suite-indonesia/
IDE delivers iDefender to Indonesia
22nd February 2018 - 06:02 GMT | by The Shephard News Team
RSS
Intracom Defense Electronics (IDE) has delivered an iDefender Maritime Interdiction Operations (MIO) suite-based solution to the Indonesian Navy, the company announced on 20 February.
The system will enhance the Indonesian Navy Western Fleet's recognition/surveillance and command and control capabilities, as well as digital intercommunication for real-time exchange of information between the theatre of operations and the land-based command centre.
The IMO system will support Indonesian Navy operations in the Indonesian-Singapore maritime border region.
https://www.shephardmedia.com/news/digital-battlespace/ide-delivers-idefender-mio-suite-indonesia/
pr1v4t33r
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Papua become domestic issue within MSG circle, and some play this tune for their own domestic political agenda and that's the end of their reach. No sane countries wound ever entertain this idea and risk losing opportunity to strengthen bilateral relationship with Indonesia, the future global leader, not even PNG and Fiji. Only the poorest of MSG countries such as Vanuatu would go jumping up and down to promote this idea.
Last edited:
pr1v4t33r
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The Emergence Of Indonesia’s Ocean Policy
Indonesia finally has a comprehensive Ocean Policy to steer all government agencies towards a single, unified direction: to realise the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) vision of President Joko Widodo to be a strong maritime nation.
The Indonesian equivalent for the word “Motherland” is “Tanah Air” or literally “Land-Water”. This signifies that the islands and waters comprising the Nusantara – the Indonesian archipelago — make up one unified and inseparable entity. Starting from the Djuanda Declaration of 1957 which enunciated Indonesia’s “Wawasan Nusantara” or Archipelagic Outlook, Indonesia took a leading role in the international acceptance of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982 which recognises Indonesia’s status as an archipelagic state.
Nevertheless, throughout most of the New Order period (1966-1998) the Indonesian government paid scant attention to the country’s maritime development. The priorities of the Suharto government were predominantly land-based and focused on the densely populated islands in the western part of Indonesia. While the limited financial resources to develop a strong navy and other maritime capacity was a major constraint, the real impediment to the realisation of Wawasan Nusantara was the army’s then stranglehold on politics.
Streamlining Indonesian Ocean Law
The call for greater attention to Indonesia’s maritime domain had started during the New Order period, but it only found traction after the fall of President Suharto in 1998. Successive Indonesian governments since the onset of reformasi have begun to give more attention to Indonesia’s archipelagic nature with its specific weaknesses and potentials.
Strengthening the Indonesian navy, ensuring better control over Indonesia’s outermost islands, finalising maritime boundaries, improving law enforcement at sea to ensure the security and safety of navigation, husbanding the country’s rich marine resources and improving sea transportation to reduce the isolation of the eastern islands have all become national priorities.
One of the problems faced by Indonesia over its maritime domain was that for a long time there was no single comprehensive ocean regulation. There were over a dozen laws which gave different ministries and agencies particular responsibilities at sea. Development activities were scattered over various central government ministries and agencies to the different levels of regional administrations without a clear roadmap, leading to disappointing results and inefficiency.
Institutional competitions were particular hazards to law enforcement at sea. The seriousness of the situation led to increasing calls for a more integrated policy on managing Indonesia’s seas.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono established a consultative body, the “Dewan Kelautan Indonesia” (Indonesian Maritime Council), in 2007 to help formulate a general policy on ocean affairs. President Yudhoyono signed the seminal Law Number 32 of 2014 on Ocean Affairs on 17 October 2014, just a few days before he stepped down. The move brought together salient elements scattered in different legislations pertaining to the management and development of Indonesia’s maritime domain under one law.
Law Number 32/2014 became the legal basis for the establishment of the “Badan Keamanan Laut” (Maritime Security Board), a full-fledged agency responsible for ensuring security, safety and law enforcement at sea with a stronger mandate than the coordinating agency for security at sea “BAKORKAMLA” that it replaced.
Indonesia as a “Global Maritime Fulcrum”
While all the post-1998 presidents had given greater attention towards Indonesia’s maritime domain, it is President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) who has elevated maritime-related affairs to a national priority. Strengthening Indonesia’s maritime identity was one of the campaign pledges put forward by President Jokowi, which he followed up with the plan to make Indonesia a “Global Maritime Fulcrum” (GMF) soon after being sworn in as president on 20 October 2014.
Jokowi created the new Coordinating Ministry for Maritime Affairs, which coordinates the Ministry for Maritime Affairs and Fishery, the Ministry of Transportation, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources as well as the Ministry of Tourism, reflecting its economic thrust.
On 20 February 2017 Jokowi signed Presidential Decree Number 16 of 2017 concerning Indonesian Ocean Policy (IOP) which will be the primary reference point for all programmes and activities related to Indonesia’s maritime domain. The goal of the IOP is to realise the GMF Vision of “Indonesia as a sovereign, advanced, independent, strong maritime nation that is able to provide positive contribution for peace and security in the region as well as to the world”.
The roadmap of the IOP highlights seven policy pillars: Marine and Human Resources Development; Maritime Security, Law Enforcement and Safety at Sea; Ocean Governance and Institutions; Development of Maritime Economy; Ocean Space Management and Marine Protection; Maritime Culture; and Maritime Diplomacy. Each of the policy pillars is further broken down into policies/strategies, altogether totalling 76 policies/strategies.
The first Plan of Action is for the period 2016-2019 which highlights five priority clusters: Maritime Boundary, Ocean Space and Maritime Diplomacy; Maritime Industry and Sea Connectivity; Services and Industry of Marine Natural Resources and Marine Environment Management; Maritime Defence and Security; and Maritime Culture.
The implementation of the IOP is carried out by the ministries and non-ministerial government agencies according to their respective roles and functions under the supervision of the Coordinating Ministry for Maritime Affairs.
Indonesia as Promoter of World Peace
It can be seen that the IOP is primarily domestically-oriented as most of the policy pillars and strategies are aimed at strengthening the protection and management of the Indonesian archipelago, and maximising the economic potentials that its maritime domain has to offer as part of Indonesia’s overall economic development. The external dimensions of the IOP are limited to maritime diplomacy and to defence and security.
Nevertheless, the GMF vision also underlines Indonesia’s view of itself as an international promoter of peace. One of the IOP programmes on defence and security is to enhance Indonesia’s participation in regional and international cooperation on maritime defence and security. On maritime diplomacy the IOP explicitly states that Indonesia must play a leadership role in various maritime cooperation and initiatives at the regional and multilateral levels.
The IOP, moreover, also states that the GMF vision should take into account of, and be synergised with, the various regional initiatives as long as they are in line with Indonesia’s national interests and can make positive contributions to peace.
http://www.eurasiareview.com/22022018-the-emergence-of-indonesias-ocean-policy-analysis/
Indonesia finally has a comprehensive Ocean Policy to steer all government agencies towards a single, unified direction: to realise the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) vision of President Joko Widodo to be a strong maritime nation.
The Indonesian equivalent for the word “Motherland” is “Tanah Air” or literally “Land-Water”. This signifies that the islands and waters comprising the Nusantara – the Indonesian archipelago — make up one unified and inseparable entity. Starting from the Djuanda Declaration of 1957 which enunciated Indonesia’s “Wawasan Nusantara” or Archipelagic Outlook, Indonesia took a leading role in the international acceptance of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982 which recognises Indonesia’s status as an archipelagic state.
Nevertheless, throughout most of the New Order period (1966-1998) the Indonesian government paid scant attention to the country’s maritime development. The priorities of the Suharto government were predominantly land-based and focused on the densely populated islands in the western part of Indonesia. While the limited financial resources to develop a strong navy and other maritime capacity was a major constraint, the real impediment to the realisation of Wawasan Nusantara was the army’s then stranglehold on politics.
Streamlining Indonesian Ocean Law
The call for greater attention to Indonesia’s maritime domain had started during the New Order period, but it only found traction after the fall of President Suharto in 1998. Successive Indonesian governments since the onset of reformasi have begun to give more attention to Indonesia’s archipelagic nature with its specific weaknesses and potentials.
Strengthening the Indonesian navy, ensuring better control over Indonesia’s outermost islands, finalising maritime boundaries, improving law enforcement at sea to ensure the security and safety of navigation, husbanding the country’s rich marine resources and improving sea transportation to reduce the isolation of the eastern islands have all become national priorities.
One of the problems faced by Indonesia over its maritime domain was that for a long time there was no single comprehensive ocean regulation. There were over a dozen laws which gave different ministries and agencies particular responsibilities at sea. Development activities were scattered over various central government ministries and agencies to the different levels of regional administrations without a clear roadmap, leading to disappointing results and inefficiency.
Institutional competitions were particular hazards to law enforcement at sea. The seriousness of the situation led to increasing calls for a more integrated policy on managing Indonesia’s seas.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono established a consultative body, the “Dewan Kelautan Indonesia” (Indonesian Maritime Council), in 2007 to help formulate a general policy on ocean affairs. President Yudhoyono signed the seminal Law Number 32 of 2014 on Ocean Affairs on 17 October 2014, just a few days before he stepped down. The move brought together salient elements scattered in different legislations pertaining to the management and development of Indonesia’s maritime domain under one law.
Law Number 32/2014 became the legal basis for the establishment of the “Badan Keamanan Laut” (Maritime Security Board), a full-fledged agency responsible for ensuring security, safety and law enforcement at sea with a stronger mandate than the coordinating agency for security at sea “BAKORKAMLA” that it replaced.
Indonesia as a “Global Maritime Fulcrum”
While all the post-1998 presidents had given greater attention towards Indonesia’s maritime domain, it is President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) who has elevated maritime-related affairs to a national priority. Strengthening Indonesia’s maritime identity was one of the campaign pledges put forward by President Jokowi, which he followed up with the plan to make Indonesia a “Global Maritime Fulcrum” (GMF) soon after being sworn in as president on 20 October 2014.
Jokowi created the new Coordinating Ministry for Maritime Affairs, which coordinates the Ministry for Maritime Affairs and Fishery, the Ministry of Transportation, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources as well as the Ministry of Tourism, reflecting its economic thrust.
On 20 February 2017 Jokowi signed Presidential Decree Number 16 of 2017 concerning Indonesian Ocean Policy (IOP) which will be the primary reference point for all programmes and activities related to Indonesia’s maritime domain. The goal of the IOP is to realise the GMF Vision of “Indonesia as a sovereign, advanced, independent, strong maritime nation that is able to provide positive contribution for peace and security in the region as well as to the world”.
The roadmap of the IOP highlights seven policy pillars: Marine and Human Resources Development; Maritime Security, Law Enforcement and Safety at Sea; Ocean Governance and Institutions; Development of Maritime Economy; Ocean Space Management and Marine Protection; Maritime Culture; and Maritime Diplomacy. Each of the policy pillars is further broken down into policies/strategies, altogether totalling 76 policies/strategies.
The first Plan of Action is for the period 2016-2019 which highlights five priority clusters: Maritime Boundary, Ocean Space and Maritime Diplomacy; Maritime Industry and Sea Connectivity; Services and Industry of Marine Natural Resources and Marine Environment Management; Maritime Defence and Security; and Maritime Culture.
The implementation of the IOP is carried out by the ministries and non-ministerial government agencies according to their respective roles and functions under the supervision of the Coordinating Ministry for Maritime Affairs.
Indonesia as Promoter of World Peace
It can be seen that the IOP is primarily domestically-oriented as most of the policy pillars and strategies are aimed at strengthening the protection and management of the Indonesian archipelago, and maximising the economic potentials that its maritime domain has to offer as part of Indonesia’s overall economic development. The external dimensions of the IOP are limited to maritime diplomacy and to defence and security.
Nevertheless, the GMF vision also underlines Indonesia’s view of itself as an international promoter of peace. One of the IOP programmes on defence and security is to enhance Indonesia’s participation in regional and international cooperation on maritime defence and security. On maritime diplomacy the IOP explicitly states that Indonesia must play a leadership role in various maritime cooperation and initiatives at the regional and multilateral levels.
The IOP, moreover, also states that the GMF vision should take into account of, and be synergised with, the various regional initiatives as long as they are in line with Indonesia’s national interests and can make positive contributions to peace.
http://www.eurasiareview.com/22022018-the-emergence-of-indonesias-ocean-policy-analysis/
Nike
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There is rumour Indonesian Naval design center is in progress designing indigenous large Naval frigates in which will incorporates subsystems from European (especially engines and motor systems along with several sensor and optics systems), China (CMS and armaments) and Russian (armaments).
Nike
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Indonesia Places Firm Order for 11 Su-35 Multirole Fighters
by Vladimir Karnozov
February 20, 2018, 9:03 AM
Indonesia has followed China in acquiring the Sukhoi S-35S, the export version of Russia’s most capable operational fighter.
“F-5 replacement,” which drew competition from a number of Western types such as the Eurofighter Typhoon, Lockheed Martin F-16, and Saab Gripen.
Other details of the deal have yet to emerge, but it is already known that part of the cost will be paid with Indonesian traditional export items, such as palm oil and rubber. In addition, according to the recent Indonesian regulations, the deal should involve offset obligations on the exporter.
With this order, Indonesia becomes the second overseas customer for Russia’s “4++” generation supersonic fighter. China placed an order for 24 such jets in 2015 worth $2.5 billion. An initial batch of four went to the People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) the following year, and 10 more in 2017, according to Yuri Slyusar, president of the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), which controls the Sukhoi design bureau and KnAAPO plant that assembles the Su-35S. The remaining 10 aircraft are due to be delivered this year, while some of the ground equipment and weapons will be provided in 2019 when the contract materialization should be complete. PLAAF pilots began training in Russia in the fall of 2016.
Indonesia firmed up its first order for Sukhoi jets in 2003. Since then it acquired five Su-27SK single-seat interceptors and 11 Su-30MK2 twin-seat multirole fighters, the last of which were delivered in 2013. Negotiations on the more advanced Su-35S opened in 2014, shortly after the Russian air force confirmed its initial order for the type.
Although the Su-35S deal had long been agreed in principle, with numerous official confirmations from officials in Jakarta, it proved difficult to formalize. Speaking to AIN earlier, director for international cooperation and regional policies with Rostec state corporation Victor Kladov said the previous U.S. administration applied heavy pressure on Jakarta to stall its military technical cooperation with Moscow. The Obama Administration lifted the U.S. sanctions on Indonesia’s arms imports imposed for human rights abuses in the Aceh and other regions, including those applicable to the F-16C fighters and air-launched munitions. The U.S.-made F-16 and F-5 fighters in the Indonesian air force inventory had been grounded for long time due to shortage of spare parts and the halt of support from manufacturers.
According to Kladov, the Su-35 deal would be the first of a series for Russian equipment. Next in line is “a major shipbuilding program,” of which details are yet to be made public, and a similar one concerning rotorcraft. Rostec member Techmash will see to production of munitions in Indonesia, including 30mm and, possibly, 100mm shells for BMP-3F infantry fighting vehicles in service with the Indonesian marines.
https://www.ainonline.com/aviation-...places-firm-order-11-su-35-multirole-fighters
by Vladimir Karnozov
February 20, 2018, 9:03 AM
Indonesia has followed China in acquiring the Sukhoi S-35S, the export version of Russia’s most capable operational fighter.
“F-5 replacement,” which drew competition from a number of Western types such as the Eurofighter Typhoon, Lockheed Martin F-16, and Saab Gripen.
Other details of the deal have yet to emerge, but it is already known that part of the cost will be paid with Indonesian traditional export items, such as palm oil and rubber. In addition, according to the recent Indonesian regulations, the deal should involve offset obligations on the exporter.
With this order, Indonesia becomes the second overseas customer for Russia’s “4++” generation supersonic fighter. China placed an order for 24 such jets in 2015 worth $2.5 billion. An initial batch of four went to the People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) the following year, and 10 more in 2017, according to Yuri Slyusar, president of the United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), which controls the Sukhoi design bureau and KnAAPO plant that assembles the Su-35S. The remaining 10 aircraft are due to be delivered this year, while some of the ground equipment and weapons will be provided in 2019 when the contract materialization should be complete. PLAAF pilots began training in Russia in the fall of 2016.
Indonesia firmed up its first order for Sukhoi jets in 2003. Since then it acquired five Su-27SK single-seat interceptors and 11 Su-30MK2 twin-seat multirole fighters, the last of which were delivered in 2013. Negotiations on the more advanced Su-35S opened in 2014, shortly after the Russian air force confirmed its initial order for the type.
Although the Su-35S deal had long been agreed in principle, with numerous official confirmations from officials in Jakarta, it proved difficult to formalize. Speaking to AIN earlier, director for international cooperation and regional policies with Rostec state corporation Victor Kladov said the previous U.S. administration applied heavy pressure on Jakarta to stall its military technical cooperation with Moscow. The Obama Administration lifted the U.S. sanctions on Indonesia’s arms imports imposed for human rights abuses in the Aceh and other regions, including those applicable to the F-16C fighters and air-launched munitions. The U.S.-made F-16 and F-5 fighters in the Indonesian air force inventory had been grounded for long time due to shortage of spare parts and the halt of support from manufacturers.
According to Kladov, the Su-35 deal would be the first of a series for Russian equipment. Next in line is “a major shipbuilding program,” of which details are yet to be made public, and a similar one concerning rotorcraft. Rostec member Techmash will see to production of munitions in Indonesia, including 30mm and, possibly, 100mm shells for BMP-3F infantry fighting vehicles in service with the Indonesian marines.
https://www.ainonline.com/aviation-...places-firm-order-11-su-35-multirole-fighters
Svantana
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