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COMMENT: Independence Day in Quetta Shaukat Qadir
I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming
I must begin by admitting that my visits to Balochistan in the last few years have been very infrequent; in fact, I last visited Quetta in 2004. The obvious consequence is that I had lost touch with all my old friends from Balochistan, Pashtun and Baloch; and I had a lot of them, of varying age groups and varying backgrounds.
I must also admit that, in the absence of any personal information, I was influenced by the media hype regarding the looming threat in Balochistan. Nawab Akbar Bugtis murder, the unanimous outcry of the Baloch, and the frequent media coverage of acts of violence did nothing to diminish my apprehensions. One senior Baloch officer went so far as to tell me that all Baloch were expectantly awaiting a US intervention and only biding their time. However, that I found difficult to accept!
As it happened, I was afforded an opportunity to visit Balochistan this month. It was a business trip, of the kind that could be combined with pleasure, and I had a few days at my disposal. Partly through compulsion, my visit included the sixty-second independence day of the country, August 14.
Since the purpose of my visit included an assessment of the Balochistan situation, I was expected to visit places outside Quetta as well, which suited me perfectly. I was fortunate to be put in touch with a local bureaucrat, who was an ideal conduit. If he didnt know everybody, he knew someone who knew those that he personally did not. The result was that I was able to get in touch with numerous old friends, ex-soldiers (mostly Pashtun), ex-senior bureaucrats one of them had been the chief secretary of Balochistan who were tribal leaders in their own rights by now, other tribal elders, and individuals heading NGOs. Also, courtesy my brother, a professor of history currently heading the History Commission, I was also able to interact with his Baloch students, now also professors in universities or in other positions of authority.
Due to paucity of time, I could not venture too far from Quetta (I intend to atone for that on another trip, shortly after Eid); however, I did visit some Pashtun areas and some Baloch ones within a hundred-mile radius of Quetta, some of them are counted among the Red Zones, so-called areas of high threat. While there were bearded individuals visible in the Pashtun belt, who were identified by locals as Taliban, they were unarmed.
I have been aware of the influx of Afghan refugees in Balochistan, many of them Taliban, and of the fact that while they have organised a shura, it is presently lying low. I was also aware that this influx had upset the ethnic ratio of Balochistan in favour of the Pashtun. Considerable apprehension had been expressed by a number of individuals regarding the increase in Pashtun refugees in the wake of US operations in the Helmand province of Afghanistan. This apprehension turned out to be unfounded. What I was not prepared for was the number of Hazaras that had come from Afghanistan into Balochistan.
Anyway, the crux of what I learned during this visit was that the threat in Balochistan is grossly exaggerated; apparently, that suits some individuals. The level of disgruntlement among the Baloch is high, less among the Pashtun, who are economically better off. However, a serious attempt to redress their grievances would swiftly kill the ill-will.
There are die-hard Baloch separatists, led by Brahamdagh Bugti, but they are few in number and, in their area(s) of domination, are well known to the locals who do not identify them to the authorities, since these people are expressing a collective resentment. But the locals believe they can bring be brought to heel, whenever necessary.
The surprising conclusion that I reached, which was verified by the ethnic Baloch university teachers and individuals working with NGOs, was that, like some of the tribes in the NWFP but for totally different reasons, there is no longer any Baloch tribe that is unified under one leader, with the sole exception of the Magsi tribe an infinitely small tribe with an insignificant land holding. The Pashtuns still have their traditional leadership.
Brahamdagh could have united the Bugtis, but many of the Bugtis are disillusioned with his announced leanings towards India; what is more, he has fled the country and none of the old Nawabs nephews, including Aali, enjoy his unchallenged authority, even with government support. All the other tribal areas have been split up and some scion of the original leaders of each tribe claims influence over a portion of the original tribal areas. The elders in each tribe no longer exercise the control they used to. The situation is similar to what was prevalent in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989.
Indian involvement is universally acknowledged, but ironically, much of it is being shared by the Pashtun organisation Jundullah, which is opposed to the concept of separatism. They span the border with Iran and parts of the border with Afghanistan.
Among the rank and file of the Baloch tribes, this is considered a priceless opportunity for the government to get rid of the traditionally cruel Sardari system while redressing their grievances. However, they are unanimously sceptical that the government will actually do so, considering that it continues to nurture scions of the Sardari system, however weak they might be in their own areas.
One thing that the Pashtun and the Baloch are agreed upon is that the Taliban will never be allowed to reign supreme in Balochistan; against the Taliban, both will take up arms.
This is going to be another opportunity lost to the interests of individuals, who are deliberately exaggerating the threat so as to retain their influence, even if it is only within grossly reduced areas. Whilst there s life, there is hope, but our leaders invariably ensure it is minimised.
Much has been made of the burning of Pakistani flags and that schools have been warned not to start the day with the national anthem. However, clear warnings were issued by the separatists about celebrating Independence Day also and dire consequences were threatened, including suicide attacks. I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming, with people singing, dancing, celebrating, playing songs of national loyalty, without a single untoward incident, well into the night.
Even in the suburbs of Quetta along the road to Ziarat, I could see national flags adorning numerous houses, all the way up to Kuchlag during daytime. I wonder why all this did not receive such extensive coverage by the electronic media.
I enjoyed spending Independence Day this year in Quetta and hope to do so again.
This article is a modified version of one originally written for the daily National. The writer is a former vice president and founder of the Islamabad Policy Research Insititute (IPRI)
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\08\29\story_29-8-2009_pg3_4
I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming
I must begin by admitting that my visits to Balochistan in the last few years have been very infrequent; in fact, I last visited Quetta in 2004. The obvious consequence is that I had lost touch with all my old friends from Balochistan, Pashtun and Baloch; and I had a lot of them, of varying age groups and varying backgrounds.
I must also admit that, in the absence of any personal information, I was influenced by the media hype regarding the looming threat in Balochistan. Nawab Akbar Bugtis murder, the unanimous outcry of the Baloch, and the frequent media coverage of acts of violence did nothing to diminish my apprehensions. One senior Baloch officer went so far as to tell me that all Baloch were expectantly awaiting a US intervention and only biding their time. However, that I found difficult to accept!
As it happened, I was afforded an opportunity to visit Balochistan this month. It was a business trip, of the kind that could be combined with pleasure, and I had a few days at my disposal. Partly through compulsion, my visit included the sixty-second independence day of the country, August 14.
Since the purpose of my visit included an assessment of the Balochistan situation, I was expected to visit places outside Quetta as well, which suited me perfectly. I was fortunate to be put in touch with a local bureaucrat, who was an ideal conduit. If he didnt know everybody, he knew someone who knew those that he personally did not. The result was that I was able to get in touch with numerous old friends, ex-soldiers (mostly Pashtun), ex-senior bureaucrats one of them had been the chief secretary of Balochistan who were tribal leaders in their own rights by now, other tribal elders, and individuals heading NGOs. Also, courtesy my brother, a professor of history currently heading the History Commission, I was also able to interact with his Baloch students, now also professors in universities or in other positions of authority.
Due to paucity of time, I could not venture too far from Quetta (I intend to atone for that on another trip, shortly after Eid); however, I did visit some Pashtun areas and some Baloch ones within a hundred-mile radius of Quetta, some of them are counted among the Red Zones, so-called areas of high threat. While there were bearded individuals visible in the Pashtun belt, who were identified by locals as Taliban, they were unarmed.
I have been aware of the influx of Afghan refugees in Balochistan, many of them Taliban, and of the fact that while they have organised a shura, it is presently lying low. I was also aware that this influx had upset the ethnic ratio of Balochistan in favour of the Pashtun. Considerable apprehension had been expressed by a number of individuals regarding the increase in Pashtun refugees in the wake of US operations in the Helmand province of Afghanistan. This apprehension turned out to be unfounded. What I was not prepared for was the number of Hazaras that had come from Afghanistan into Balochistan.
Anyway, the crux of what I learned during this visit was that the threat in Balochistan is grossly exaggerated; apparently, that suits some individuals. The level of disgruntlement among the Baloch is high, less among the Pashtun, who are economically better off. However, a serious attempt to redress their grievances would swiftly kill the ill-will.
There are die-hard Baloch separatists, led by Brahamdagh Bugti, but they are few in number and, in their area(s) of domination, are well known to the locals who do not identify them to the authorities, since these people are expressing a collective resentment. But the locals believe they can bring be brought to heel, whenever necessary.
The surprising conclusion that I reached, which was verified by the ethnic Baloch university teachers and individuals working with NGOs, was that, like some of the tribes in the NWFP but for totally different reasons, there is no longer any Baloch tribe that is unified under one leader, with the sole exception of the Magsi tribe an infinitely small tribe with an insignificant land holding. The Pashtuns still have their traditional leadership.
Brahamdagh could have united the Bugtis, but many of the Bugtis are disillusioned with his announced leanings towards India; what is more, he has fled the country and none of the old Nawabs nephews, including Aali, enjoy his unchallenged authority, even with government support. All the other tribal areas have been split up and some scion of the original leaders of each tribe claims influence over a portion of the original tribal areas. The elders in each tribe no longer exercise the control they used to. The situation is similar to what was prevalent in Afghanistan after the Soviet withdrawal in 1989.
Indian involvement is universally acknowledged, but ironically, much of it is being shared by the Pashtun organisation Jundullah, which is opposed to the concept of separatism. They span the border with Iran and parts of the border with Afghanistan.
Among the rank and file of the Baloch tribes, this is considered a priceless opportunity for the government to get rid of the traditionally cruel Sardari system while redressing their grievances. However, they are unanimously sceptical that the government will actually do so, considering that it continues to nurture scions of the Sardari system, however weak they might be in their own areas.
One thing that the Pashtun and the Baloch are agreed upon is that the Taliban will never be allowed to reign supreme in Balochistan; against the Taliban, both will take up arms.
This is going to be another opportunity lost to the interests of individuals, who are deliberately exaggerating the threat so as to retain their influence, even if it is only within grossly reduced areas. Whilst there s life, there is hope, but our leaders invariably ensure it is minimised.
Much has been made of the burning of Pakistani flags and that schools have been warned not to start the day with the national anthem. However, clear warnings were issued by the separatists about celebrating Independence Day also and dire consequences were threatened, including suicide attacks. I can bear testimony that on the night of August 13, through the day and well past midnight on August 14, vehicles clogged the roads, flying the national flag. The turnout in the streets of Quetta was heart warming, with people singing, dancing, celebrating, playing songs of national loyalty, without a single untoward incident, well into the night.
Even in the suburbs of Quetta along the road to Ziarat, I could see national flags adorning numerous houses, all the way up to Kuchlag during daytime. I wonder why all this did not receive such extensive coverage by the electronic media.
I enjoyed spending Independence Day this year in Quetta and hope to do so again.
This article is a modified version of one originally written for the daily National. The writer is a former vice president and founder of the Islamabad Policy Research Insititute (IPRI)
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2009\08\29\story_29-8-2009_pg3_4
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