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Imran Khan should be worried

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Imran Khan should be worried
By Fahd Husain
Published: January 21, 2018
306SHARES
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PTI Chairman Imran Khan. PHOTO: REUTERS

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Next week it is going to be six months since Nawaz Sharif was disqualified by the Supreme Court and ordered to undergo a trial. That day — Friday July 28th, 2017 — was heralded as the beginning of the end of the Sharif dynasty. That day Imran Khan was heralded as the prime minister-in-waiting and the PTI officially became the party to beat in the elections of 2018. That day it was predicted that the fracturing and splintering of the PML-N was only a matter of time and the powers that be had decided Sharifs’ hold on party and power had reached its expiry date. That day it was also internalised as a new reality that politics would be done according to a script and no one would be allowed to go off it.

That was then. Six months later it appears things have gone off script.

As Imran Khan stood on the Charing Cross stage earlier this week and stared at a sea of empty chairs, he must have thought how long six months can be. On July 28th, 2017 no one could have imagined that only six months later the combined ‘might’ of Khan’s PTI, Zardari’s PPP and Tahirul Qadri’s PAT would be unable to pull off a successful jalsa in the heart of Lahore. This was not how the situation was supposed to unfold; this was not how fates were expected to unfurl.

Something somewhere had gone horribly wrong.

The N party did not rupture. The Sharif family did not split. The Nawaz-Maryam trial did not produce a smoking gun. The Panama verdict did not stand the test of time too well. The Panama issue did not retain its damaging efficacy. The by-elections in Punjab did not vote in PTI candidates. Nawaz did not escape into exile. The Shahid Khaqan government did not fall on its sword. The Hudaibiya case did not come to fruition. Shehbaz Sharif did not fall victim to either Hudaibiya or the Baqir Najfi report. The technocratic government did not proceed beyond being a bad idea. And the container revolution threatened by the maverick from Canada never materialised — finally fizzling out with a whimper that January evening on Charing Cross.

Something somewhere had gone horribly wrong.

And while this something was proceeding to go wrong, some rather unexpected things began to transpire. Khan, Khanistas and the roving (and depleting) hordes of Qadri were so busy heaping scorn on the Sharifs, they failed to notice that the narrative aggressively being peddled by Nawaz and Maryam had slowly began to find traction. ‘Panama and Iqama’ were repeated so many times in so many places with so many variations that they began to elicit nods. The defiance of Nawaz — considered foolish and dangerous by most — began to pay dividends. Here was a new narrative being weaved around a leader who said he had been wronged by the system and he would fight back. It was a narrative that painted Nawaz as the underdog even as his party occupied the corridors of power at the Centre and Punjab. And it was a narrative that played the victim card (“mujhe kyon nikala — why did you oust me”) while branding Imran Khan as the ‘ladla’ (darling) of the powers that be. In essence, this well-thought out narrative aimed at persuading the PML-N base voter that Nawaz was wronged by a system that ganged up against him and Imran Khan willingly sat in their lap to do their bidding.

This fight back had a ripple effect across the political landscape. First it kept the party intact because the fence sitters calculated that while Nawaz’s battery was low, he still carried a battery pack with him. Second, it kept the family intact despite murmurs of discontent from the Shehbaz camp. If the ‘good cop, bad cop’ routine was indeed choreographed by the two brothers, it managed to keep the brittleness of the narrative from reaching a breaking point. Third, it allowed Maryam to take the war into the enemy camp with a heavy fusillade of speeches and tweets which betrayed no sign of compromise, concession or accommodation. Hers was a no-holds-barred assault on anyone and everyone who was considered responsible for her father’s ouster. This relentless verbal shelling started to push the opposing camp into a defensive mode.

The first signs were occasional remarks by judges followed by the famous ‘Baba Rehmat’ speech by the chief justice. Then gradually the opposition parties started pushing back against the Nawaz and Maryam narrative. Pushing back? When did Nawaz’s ‘fight back’ turn into the Opposition’s ‘push back’? A gradual shift had taken place with the hunted becoming the hunter. Nawaz had a narrative. His opponents had a verdict. It was a political mismatch.

Yes it was a mismatch because Nawaz owned the narrative that was simple and tailor-made for political slanging. His opponents had the verdict but the verdict was legal and it was weak. And the more Imran peddled the verdict, the more he substantiated the Nawaz narrative that he was a ‘ladla’. The more Imran tried to occupy the high moral ground, the more he struggled after the disqualification of Jehangir Tareen for not being a ‘Sadiq and Ameen’.

Meanwhile Nawaz was here, there and everywhere. He spoke at massive jalsas, he spoke after each court appearance and he spoke at the Punjab House. His every word was recorded, whatsapped and telecast across TV and mobile screens. At every place he said the same thing again and again and again. Drip, drip, drip went the message into the hearts and minds of his voters: he was still here, he was still fighting, he was still in command.

But the Opposition threatened mass agitation. They whispered that the situation was fertile for the overthrow of the government and the democratic coup in Balochistan was evidence enough that Nawaz could bleed. The threat was potent. The fiasco at Lahore’s Charing Cross put an end to it. The hunters were now being hunted.

It will be six months this week from the day that Nawaz was ousted and left for dead. Six long months later he is drawing crowds and the Opposition is not. Six months later Nawaz is ratcheting up his narrative and readying for the elections while Khan is still relying on his old rants. Six months later the situation is not what it was expected to be.

Imran Khan should be worried.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 21st, 2018.
 
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I am an avid supporter of PTI but deep down I think he's on route to lose the election. I think this Lahore jalsa was a massive political mistake. It will weaken him politically.

1. He stood on stage with Zardari and looked like a hypocrite. What's to say he won't share a stage with the Sharifs?

2. The mullah protest in Pindi was not widely popular because of its location. Everyone is principled until thier principles get in the way of convenience. The public didn't want to see the same in Lahore.

3. He misjudged TuQ and his popularity. He doesn't have mainstream barelvi support right now because people see him as a religious charlatan. There is a movement within the barelvi community which is targeting people like him and the fake pirs. If PTI is going to try and use molvis to steal barelvi votes from noon league they need to get a better understanding of the dynamics within us.

4. When was the last time you heard a PTI policy (not in KPK). He focuses on the weakness of his enemies but has failed to build upon his own strengths. What can the punjabi, Sindhi or Baloch expect from PTI? What as a Pakistani can you expect? What are thier plans for PIA? This is Pakistan, the election will be won on the TV and in the rallies, not just on twitter.
 
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:lol: recently like above speeding up which almost I observe years back.
Poot ke paon palne mein hi nazar aajate hain
You don’t need to Waite when he grow up and you see!
 
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Selective accountability practically handed the next election to Nawaz Sharif in advance. Good news for Imran Khan that the main establishment is working overnight. So anything can happen in the last min.
 
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martial law is only solution left to save Pakistan but coas lacks decision making power
 
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Imran Khan should change his advisors.
He should be really careful now.
Start going to local masses and start a public campaign.
The change he can bring being our pm.
I wish we would have a change but it doesn't seem so.
The uneducated slave classes would vote again and again for them.
The masses are programmed at being their slaves. They cannot help it.
Also there is some element of punjabi nationalism too. Which people in Punjab don't mention but it is there. They would vote a punjabi no matter what. They would vote the idea of a punjabi leader. Imran Khan was like a modern or pro phustoon or Khan though he is a punjabi but it is about the prescription..
Imran Khan most distance himself from
1 sheik Rashid
2 Tahir ul qadri
Other riff Raffs.
Imran Khan must Now work on breaking pmln. As soon as pmln breaks , there is no chance it can win. But if it go intact into the elections it would win.
Pmln is said to be famous for their infrastructure. But it is just the perception. The perception among people that they ate corrupt but they also spend on people. This Is the perception. We all know our infrastructure projects including metro orange train is medivial but people are buying it.
Even if Imran can complete swat motorway and metro bus it would help him a lot.
People don't want to see education and economy and stuff. They see overhead bridges.
People in pakistan have not evolved. They have still medivial thinking. They only need a new and modern leadership like imran Khan that can bring all elements, extremist and liberals together and take the country forward.
 
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Imran Khan should be worried
By Fahd Husain
Published: January 21, 2018
306SHARES
SHARE TWEET EMAIL
1613890-aaad-1516511305-631-640x480.jpg

PTI Chairman Imran Khan. PHOTO: REUTERS

1613890-aaad-1516511305-631-160x120.jpg

Next week it is going to be six months since Nawaz Sharif was disqualified by the Supreme Court and ordered to undergo a trial. That day — Friday July 28th, 2017 — was heralded as the beginning of the end of the Sharif dynasty. That day Imran Khan was heralded as the prime minister-in-waiting and the PTI officially became the party to beat in the elections of 2018. That day it was predicted that the fracturing and splintering of the PML-N was only a matter of time and the powers that be had decided Sharifs’ hold on party and power had reached its expiry date. That day it was also internalised as a new reality that politics would be done according to a script and no one would be allowed to go off it.

That was then. Six months later it appears things have gone off script.

As Imran Khan stood on the Charing Cross stage earlier this week and stared at a sea of empty chairs, he must have thought how long six months can be. On July 28th, 2017 no one could have imagined that only six months later the combined ‘might’ of Khan’s PTI, Zardari’s PPP and Tahirul Qadri’s PAT would be unable to pull off a successful jalsa in the heart of Lahore. This was not how the situation was supposed to unfold; this was not how fates were expected to unfurl.

Something somewhere had gone horribly wrong.

The N party did not rupture. The Sharif family did not split. The Nawaz-Maryam trial did not produce a smoking gun. The Panama verdict did not stand the test of time too well. The Panama issue did not retain its damaging efficacy. The by-elections in Punjab did not vote in PTI candidates. Nawaz did not escape into exile. The Shahid Khaqan government did not fall on its sword. The Hudaibiya case did not come to fruition. Shehbaz Sharif did not fall victim to either Hudaibiya or the Baqir Najfi report. The technocratic government did not proceed beyond being a bad idea. And the container revolution threatened by the maverick from Canada never materialised — finally fizzling out with a whimper that January evening on Charing Cross.

Something somewhere had gone horribly wrong.

And while this something was proceeding to go wrong, some rather unexpected things began to transpire. Khan, Khanistas and the roving (and depleting) hordes of Qadri were so busy heaping scorn on the Sharifs, they failed to notice that the narrative aggressively being peddled by Nawaz and Maryam had slowly began to find traction. ‘Panama and Iqama’ were repeated so many times in so many places with so many variations that they began to elicit nods. The defiance of Nawaz — considered foolish and dangerous by most — began to pay dividends. Here was a new narrative being weaved around a leader who said he had been wronged by the system and he would fight back. It was a narrative that painted Nawaz as the underdog even as his party occupied the corridors of power at the Centre and Punjab. And it was a narrative that played the victim card (“mujhe kyon nikala — why did you oust me”) while branding Imran Khan as the ‘ladla’ (darling) of the powers that be. In essence, this well-thought out narrative aimed at persuading the PML-N base voter that Nawaz was wronged by a system that ganged up against him and Imran Khan willingly sat in their lap to do their bidding.

This fight back had a ripple effect across the political landscape. First it kept the party intact because the fence sitters calculated that while Nawaz’s battery was low, he still carried a battery pack with him. Second, it kept the family intact despite murmurs of discontent from the Shehbaz camp. If the ‘good cop, bad cop’ routine was indeed choreographed by the two brothers, it managed to keep the brittleness of the narrative from reaching a breaking point. Third, it allowed Maryam to take the war into the enemy camp with a heavy fusillade of speeches and tweets which betrayed no sign of compromise, concession or accommodation. Hers was a no-holds-barred assault on anyone and everyone who was considered responsible for her father’s ouster. This relentless verbal shelling started to push the opposing camp into a defensive mode.

The first signs were occasional remarks by judges followed by the famous ‘Baba Rehmat’ speech by the chief justice. Then gradually the opposition parties started pushing back against the Nawaz and Maryam narrative. Pushing back? When did Nawaz’s ‘fight back’ turn into the Opposition’s ‘push back’? A gradual shift had taken place with the hunted becoming the hunter. Nawaz had a narrative. His opponents had a verdict. It was a political mismatch.

Yes it was a mismatch because Nawaz owned the narrative that was simple and tailor-made for political slanging. His opponents had the verdict but the verdict was legal and it was weak. And the more Imran peddled the verdict, the more he substantiated the Nawaz narrative that he was a ‘ladla’. The more Imran tried to occupy the high moral ground, the more he struggled after the disqualification of Jehangir Tareen for not being a ‘Sadiq and Ameen’.

Meanwhile Nawaz was here, there and everywhere. He spoke at massive jalsas, he spoke after each court appearance and he spoke at the Punjab House. His every word was recorded, whatsapped and telecast across TV and mobile screens. At every place he said the same thing again and again and again. Drip, drip, drip went the message into the hearts and minds of his voters: he was still here, he was still fighting, he was still in command.

But the Opposition threatened mass agitation. They whispered that the situation was fertile for the overthrow of the government and the democratic coup in Balochistan was evidence enough that Nawaz could bleed. The threat was potent. The fiasco at Lahore’s Charing Cross put an end to it. The hunters were now being hunted.

It will be six months this week from the day that Nawaz was ousted and left for dead. Six long months later he is drawing crowds and the Opposition is not. Six months later Nawaz is ratcheting up his narrative and readying for the elections while Khan is still relying on his old rants. Six months later the situation is not what it was expected to be.

Imran Khan should be worried.

Published in The Express Tribune, January 21st, 2018.
Our deep state cannot afford Imran Khan as a prime minister they need some corrupt person to play their games.
 
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Selective accountability practically handed the next election to Nawaz Sharif in advance. Good news for Imran Khan that the main establishment is working overnight. So anything can happen in the last min.
Ro ley munna ro ley :lol:
 
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martial law is only solution left to save Pakistan but coas lacks decision making power

No. Bhutto, Altaf and Nawaz - products of Martial Law.

PA has given full backing to the SC to cleanup the system. And if by some chance IK gets in as PM, he will change the system to a Presidential one.
 
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i hate politicians from core but i have few thoughts

he lost in 2013 but he was lucky he got KPK gov . he better become CM of KPK and work day night to make KPK as example for nation . he turn KPK a modern state 5 years are too much to develop and deliver . rather then that he give KPK to party workers hands and start chutiyapa of dharna and blockage politics . he lose so much it was same Lahore when he have jalsa million people come and now hardly few thousands . he better silint four years and keep working on KPK he stupidly marry and bashing umpire ki ungli and SC cases issue . he is another looser like any other politician of this poor country .
 
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Kia hua NRO hogaya....

Someone should tell me. I got big bucks riding on this.
 
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an excellent read and eye opener for 2018 elections
 
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Imran Khan lost the day he stood on stage with Zardari and Qadri.

What a horrendous political mistake. He's toast unless he shut ups completely from now until the election. no more deadlines, no more dharnas, no more power shows...
 
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