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Mr Naresh Saxena, former defence secretary, cabinet secretary and ambassador to the US, is to lead a task force on the next steps in defence sector reforms. His team comprising former chiefs, bureaucrats, military technologists and strategists is to begin work in mid-July and complete its report in six months.

Commentators will be undoubtedly rush to inform the deliberations, leading to strategic commentary that is likely to get both parochial and ugly as the monsoon proceeds. In particular, the face-off between the army and air force will be open to exploitation by status-quoist parties out to derail any substantial movement. The key issues anticipated to figure in the Saxena task force report are the appointment of the CDS, whether this figure would have command or staff responsibilities, integration of the service HQs with the ministry, integration of theatre commands; professionalization of the defence ministry bureaucrats; jointness and higher military education etc. The very constitution of the task force suggests its necessity; ten years since the last bout of post Kargil reforms.

Specifically, the Saxena committee would need to have a determined perspective on how the nation wishes to deploy its military instrument: for compellence, deterrence or defence. That would in turn be a function of what balance India envisages between the strategic choices: ‘sama, bheda, danda, dana’. Defining the latter could be suggested to the government, since the former cannot be done without this prior definition. Once the issue of strategic doctrine is settled, the restructuring necessary to operationalize the doctrine becomes easier. However, the consequences of the restructuring may be missing in the debate. This article, mindful of possible consequences in terms of the ‘security dilemma’, seeks to point out additional necessary measures even as the reforms are proceeded with.

That the reforms are intended to enhance India’s military capability is certain. The logic is that this is necessary to cope with India’s rising power indices, its perception of regional and global responsibilities and security threats. In this logic, the security situation has changed with the rise of China and the possibility of a ‘two front’ situation for India. India may be taking measures to enhance its security, but it must be noted that these measures would enhance the perception of threat of its neighbours, even though India, in its logic, is merely being responsive to prior moves of its neighbours. The upshot is an in-built interactive mutual threat spiral known in theory as the ‘security dilemma’.

India needs to be mindful of its neighbours’ reaction which would ratchet up the threat India itself perceives. India could choose to be complacent about this, believing that higher preparedness brought about by the reforms would enable it to cope better with higher threat levels. Despite this, the recommendation here is that even as India proceeds with the necessary and perhaps long overdue reforms, it needs simultaneously to put into place measures to mitigate the consequence in terms of security dilemmas for both its neighbours and in turn itself.

How can this be done? The expectation is that the reforms would place India in a better position to engage its neighbours, specifically China and Pakistan, from a position of strength. This would be useful for Indian self-assurance and help deter the neighbours. The resulting engagement, for instance, border negotiations with China and the dialogue with Pakistan, would be more outcome-oriented. Materializing this expectation would however require ensuring that the power play in the background does not get ugly and affect the engagement.

It is equally possible that increased capability may result in India believing that it can do without the ‘give and take’ necessary for amicable solutions to outstanding problems. India must therefore alongside keep up the engagement structures and processes that are already at work on both fronts. Yet, these are not enough in the new post-reform circumstance. Additionally, a joint forum for strategic dialogue can be forged with both separately, that would mutually arrive at and implement conflict avoidance measures, confidence-building measures and over time, when greater trust is available, create security architecture conducive for cooperative security.

The advantage of this innovation would be in mitigating the security dilemma. Each state can be expected to respond materially and physically as necessary, since in the realist logic, capabilities are of consequence, not intent. However, the psychological effects of security-related movements by one on the other are amenable to amelioration in case dialogue is in place where concerns can be ventilated. Essentially, the forum could serve to present and explain respective strategic doctrines as non-threatening to the other side. For instance, China’s infrastructural developments in Tibet, presence in and water-related initiatives in the east have perhaps instigated the defence reforms in India. The forum could serve to bring future such concerns to each other’s attention. The idea is not to substitute reforms but to complement them.

India is likely to settle for deterrence with an offensive bias. Ensuring that it is not mistaken for compellence is the challenge.

Compellence, Deterrence Or Defence?: Saxena Task Force And India
 
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India present along with big players in the Gulf of Aden

Conceding that the task of tackling piracy was not easy, Defence Minister A. K. Antony has said that greater international effort under the United Nations would be required to put an end to it.

Stating that besides the presence in the Gulf of Aden of navies of big players — including the United States, United Kingdom, France and China — to combat piracy, India too was present conducting [a] similar mission, but it would not be possible to defeat the scourge without a combined effort.

Mr. Antony told journalists on the sidelines of a Defence Ministry function that on account of action by the naval forces present there, Somali pirates were moving towards the Indian coast. In the past one year, there had been some attempts by the pirates mostly in the Lakshadweep area. Since then, the Navy and Coast Guard had increased surveillance in the region.

The issue would figure in the talks Mr. Antony would have with Filipe Jacinto Nyussi, Mozambique Minister of National Defence, later this week. Both sides are expected to discuss cooperation in training and maritime patrolling in the wake of piracy off the east coast of Africa.

CONCERN OVER EX-SERVICEMEN

Earlier, presiding over a meeting of the Kendriya Sainik Board, the apex body of the Central government and States/Union Territories for ex-servicemen welfare, the Minister said the country could not afford to waste a vast reservoir of a disciplined workforce bearing skills in a wide range of trades.

With around 50,000 to 60,000 service personnel either retiring/released from service every year, he urged all State governments to take steps to ensure reservation in jobs for ex-servicemen.

“They possess hands-on work experience in about 300 trades and are a young, disciplined workforce that can be of immense benefit for the society and nation. We cannot afford to waste such a young and vastly trained reservoir of workforce,” Mr. Antony said.

The Minister also expressed concern over jobs earmarked for ex-servicemen lying vacant for long.

The Hindu : News / National : Combined effort needed to defeat piracy: Defence Minister
 
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NEW DELHI: The government has finally cleared the appointment of Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha, who had filed a statutory complaint against some adverse remarks made in his annual confidential report, as the new chief of integrated defence staff (CISC).

This comes almost two months after the last CISC, Vice Admiral D K Joshi, took over as the Western Naval Command chief at Mumbai on April 30. Along with Vice Admiral Sinha's statutory complaint that he should be considered for a commander-in-chief's post, the validity of which was upheld by the defence ministry on the law ministry's advice, sources said another reason for the delay was that another naval officer's name "was being pushed by some higher-ups" for the post.

But the fact also remains that the government pays mere lip-service towards promoting "jointness" in the armed forces. The Army, Navy and IAF, of course, also constantly engage in their own petty turf wars to further muddy the waters.

The CISC post, incidentally, was only supposed to be an interim measure in the aftermath of the 1999 Kargil conflict till a full-fledged chief of defence staff (CDS) or General No 1 was appointed.

But, over a decade later, the CDS is nowhere in sight and the tri-Service integrated defence staff (IDS) remains a half-baked organization. The GoM report in 2001 on "reforming the national security system" had stressed the need for a CDS to provide single-point military advise to government and manage the country's nuclear arsenal.

Moreover, a CDS was supposed to bring much-needed synergy among Army, Navy and IAF, which often pull in different directions, by resolving inter-Service doctrinal, planning, procurement and operational issues.

But successive governments over the last decade have taken the specious plea of the need to consult different political parties to keep the all-important CDS proposal on the backburner.

Vice admiral Sinha made defence staff chief - The Times of India
 
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INDIA stands ready to share its experience of parliamentary democracy with Myanmar, the country’s foreign minister, Mr S M Krishna, told President U Thein Sein and other senior members of the government last week.

A statement released by the Indian embassy in Yangon following Mr Krishna’s three-day visit, which ended on June 22, said the external affairs minister also relayed his government’s “support for the cause of national reconciliation and democratic progress in an inclusive manner”.

“He also informed that India stands ready to share its wealth of experience in parliamentary democracy through exchange of parliamentary delegations [and] training,” the statement said.

The visit was the first by a senior Indian official since Myanmar’s new government was sworn in on March 30. Mr Krishna, who was accompanied by foreign secretary Ms Nirupama Rao, met President U Thein Sein, Vice President Thiha Thura U Tin Aung Myint Oo, the speakers of the national legislatures, Foreign Affairs Minister U Wunna Maung Lwin and Minister for Electric Power 1 U Zaw Min in Nay Pyi Taw.

The statement said talks focused on “matters of bilateral and regional importance”, including exchange of visits, security and neighbourly ties, trade and economic cooperation, cooperation in developmental projects, agriculture, energy, health, education and training.

Mr Krishna also handed over ownership of 10 500-tonne rice silos collectively valued at US$2 million, which have been constructed in Yangon and Ayeyarwady regions, and provided $750,000 for the reconstruction of seven schools destroyed in the Tarlay earthquake in March.

However, just one memorandum of understanding was signed – for an Indo-Myanmar training centre based at Myingyan in Mandalay Region – and the visit took place against a backdrop of growing economic and political ties between Myanmar and China.

In the 2010-11 fiscal year China overtook Thailand to be Myanmar’s largest trade partner and source of foreign investment, pledging almost $14 billion for a raft of energy projects.

Dr Marie Lall, a South Asia analyst based at the University of London, said China had been able to gain the ascendancy in Myanmar because of “a lack of common vision” among different ministries that make up the Indian government.

Little progress had been made on major agreements signed in early 2009 and India was “uncomfortable to see so much Chinese influence in Myanmar”, particularly in the Bay of Bengal.

“I suspect that India’s foreign minister is visiting in order to see how the agreements can be moved forward. I also believe that it is India’s aim to establish closer links with the new government and to see how much structural change has actually taken place,” she said.

One project on which India has failed to make progress is the $3 billion, 1200 megawatt Tamanthi hydropower plant in Sagaing Region, which is being constructed by India’s National Hydroelectric Power Corporation. The likelihood of the dam not being completed on time reportedly prompted the Indian ambassador to Myanmar to suggest the project be aborted rather than go ahead and harm the image of Indian companies but many see it as vital to India’s interests here.

In a recent commentary, the New Delhi-based Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses called on the Indian government to “press ahead” with the project “in order to enhance its economic and strategic reach in the East”.

“The Tamanthi dam should not be perceived as a project meant for mere generation of electricity,” researcher Shivananda H wrote in the June 15 piece. “It has many strategic implications for India both from economic and security perspectives in enhancing the bilateral relationship with Myanmar.”

Dr Lall agreed the Tamanthi project was “vital” and said it was “India’s challenge to establish closer ties with the new Myanmar government”.

India looks to reset ties with Myanmar
 
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14:16 GMT, June 27, 2011 Mr. Filipe Jacinto Nyussi, Minister of National Defence of the Republic of Mozambique, arrives in New Delhi on Monday, June 27, 2011 on a five day visit to India. He will be accompanied by a five member high level delegation.

During his stay, Mr.Nyussi will hold talks with the Defence Minister Shri AK Antony and the Service Chiefs. He will visit key defence installations including the Western Naval Command in Mumbai, National Defence Academy and Armed Forces Medical College in Pune besides the prestigious Army Research & Referral Hospital in New Delhi.

Cooperation in training and maritime patrolling are expected to dominate the talks between the two sides. The issue of piracy off the East Coast of Africa will figure prominently during the talks between the two ministers.

India and Mozambique have enjoyed traditionally close and friendly relations. In March, 2006 the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Defence Cooperation. Subsequently, two meetings of the Joint Defence Working Group were held in 2008 and 2010.

The scope of the MoU covers all the three Services, envisaging cooperation in the field of military technical cooperation, logistic support and training. It also deals with joint activities include maritime patrolling of the Mozambican coast, mutual training in military institutes, supply of defence equipment/services and establishment of partnership and transfer of knowhow and technology for assembling and repair of vehicles, aircraft and ships as well as rehabilitation of military infrastructure.

defence.professionals | defpro.com
 
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New Delhi, June 27 (IANS) Vietnam's navy chief and deputy minister Vice Admiral Nguyen Van Hien Monday met his Indian counterpart Admiral Nirmal Verma here when the two sides discussed security challenges in the Indian Ocean region, apart from the scope for expanding defence cooperation between the two countries.

Nguyen, who arrived in India June 24, also discussed possibilities of India's help to build capacities of the Vietnamese naval force, which is small and growing, when compared with the Indian Navy.

The Vietnamese navy chief had already completed his visit to Mumbai, where he visited the Indian Navy's Western Command and defence public sector shipbuilder Mazagon Dock Limited before reaching New Delhi.

Apart from interacting with the Western Naval Command chief, Vice Admiral D.K. Joshi, the Vietnamese navy chief had also got to take a look at Indian warship building capacities and functioning of the defence shipyard, the officials said.

He is scheduled to meet Indian Defence Minister A.K. Antony, air force chief Air Chief Marshal P.V. Naik and army chief General V.K. Singh, as part of his bilateral talks.

Nguyen will go to Visakhapatnam on Wednesday where he will visit the newly-acquired defence public sector shipbuilder Hindustan Shipyard Limited, apart from visiting naval formations.

Mangalorean.Com- Serving Mangaloreans Around The World!
 
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The inherent buoyancy of the US-India relationship has again become evident from the US Congress’ recent attempt to jump-start flagging defence ties. Concerned over the drift, the pivotal Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC) has asked the Pentagon to submit by November 1, 2011, a detailed assessment of the current state of US-India security co-operation; and a five-year plan for enhancing that. Noteworthy in itself is the bipartisan belief within the Committee that “it is in the national interest of the US, through military-to-military relations, arms sales, bilateral and multilateral joint exercises, and other means, to support India’s rise and build a strategic and military culture of cooperation and interoperability between our two countries, in particular with regard to the Indo-Pacific region”. But far more substantive is the SASC’s call on the Pentagon for “a detailed assessment of the desirability and feasibility… [of] a potential US partnership with India to co-develop one or more military weapon systems, including but not limited to the anticipated program to replace the US Air Force T-38 trainer jet”.

This is the first time that the US Congress has officially demanded a report from the Pentagon on the US-India security relationship. It raises the possibility that Congress might end up discussing the trickiest issues that dog US-India defence cooperation: viz. India’s wish for jointly developing military equipment rather than buying over-the-counter from the US; the tough US export control laws that stand in the way of joint development; and the building of trust through successful development programmes for high-technology platforms like the proposed trainer jet, which can only be named the Indus (given the rivers tradition set by the Indo-Russian cruise missile, the Brahmos, an amalgam of the Brahmaputra and the Moskva).

Both New Delhi and Washington understand that, given America’s technology safeguard regimes, joint development programmes can encompass high-technology equipment but not cutting-edge technology. The limits to what the US is prepared to pass on to India were signalled when Washington held back Boeing and Lockheed Martin from a contract floated by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA) – the Indian developers of the Tejas Light Combat Aircraft – for a development consultancy. That caused bad blood between the two countries and ADA eventually brought in European aerospace corporation, EADS, as consultants. Given that history, the proposal for a trainer aircraft as a joint US-India development project is a sensible one. A trainer is a high-technology platform, but it does not incorporate the cutting-edge aerospace technologies that set red lights flashing over a fighter development project.
Why then should India work with the US when Russia is willing to partner India in jointly developing a Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA), which incorporates not just cutting-edge but even bleeding-edge technologies? The fact, which top officials in the ministry of defence (MoD) ruefully admit in private, is that Russia will not pass on any key technologies to India. Sukhoi, the Russian partner in the FGFA project, has already developed the single-seat flying prototype that Moscow says meets the demands of the Russian Air Force. The work that remains mainly involves avionics and electronics systems and will fall largely into India’s share. The best that the Indian partner, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, can hope to gain from this “joint development” is a level of expertise in project management.

Besides, the US is bound to gradually change its go-it-alone attitude towards developing weaponry. Facing an economic slowdown and expectations of a post-Afghanistan peace dividend, even the mightiest defence spender in the history of mankind will be required to share costs wherever possible. While US aerospace corporations could theoretically pick from a range of partners, working with India provides an assured market that is the largest outside China.

A US-India basic trainer would replace some 450 T-38s currently flying in the US Air Force. Add to that an assured market of at least 200 trainer aircraft in India and there is an excellent business case for partnering India in developing the T-38’s successor.

The SASC has hit a home run with its proposal, even though the US administration has not yet signalled any acceptance of joint development. Over the preceding years, Washington has wasted much political effort in fruitlessly persuading India to sign the three agreements that the US considers essential for enhanced defence cooperation: a Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement; a Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-spatial Cooperation; and a Logistics Support Agreement. Though not needed immediately, all may eventually come about once Indian mistrust dissipates. The perception of drift was also enhanced by the Antony MoD’s way of doing business: entirely ignore contentious issues, effectively pretending that they do not exist. Finally, New Delhi appeared to have hit the US exactly where it hurts – i.e. in the pocketbook – by the unceremonious ejection of Boeing and Lockheed Martin from the $11 billion competition to sell India 126 medium multi-role combat aircraft.

All this had seemingly set back the relationship. Mid-ranking US bureaucrats were suggesting that India-related proposals would now be given far less attention. Visiting US officials were complaining about a “hesitation within the Indian MoD (Ministry of Defence) about working too closely with the US”. Washington’s apparent reneging on the terms of the US-India agreement on civil nuclear cooperation, by changing the rules on enrichment and reprocessing technology, has further dampened the mood. It is time for a game-changing initiative and Washington has been presented with the idea and the opportunity for a meaty joint development programme that, especially from India’s perspective, would add real meaning to the relationship.

Ajai Shukla: Indo-US jet trainer - the Indus moment
 
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Two militants including a divisional commander of Hizbul Mujahideen militant outfit were killed and two Indian army troopers were wounded in a fierce gunfight Monday in Indian-controlled Kashmir, officials said.

Hizbul Mujahideen (HM) is the region's leading indigenous militant group.

The gunfight broke out late Sunday in village Koel-Shikargah of Tral town in district Pulwama, 50 km south of Srinagar city, the summer capital of Indian-controlled Kashmir.

Officials said the gunfight broke out after contingents of army and police cordoned the area on specific intelligence inputs, to carry out searches.

"Two militants of HM including a divisional commander were killed in a gunfight today," said a police official. "The militants were holed up in a residential house."

The slain militants were identified as Muzaffar Malla and Suhail Khan. Malla was stated to be divisional commander of HM, while Khan was a local cadre of the outfit.

"Our two soldiers also suffered minor wounds in the gunfight," said Brigader J.V. Prasad to the reporters near the gunfight site.

A residential house belonging to Mohammed Yosuf Bhat was also damaged in the exchange of fire between militants and contingents of police and army. Police said the militants were firing from inside the Bhat's house.

Militant commander, associate killed in gunfight in Indian-controlled Kashmir - People's Daily Online

Police and Defence officials maintain most of the times the operations triggering gunfights are carried out on prior information about presence of militants in specific areas.

Police also claims recovery of two assault rifles and one UBGL from the encounter site.

A guerrilla war is also going on between militants and the Indian troops stationed in the region since 1989. Gun fighting between militants and Indian army troops in Indian-controlled Kashmir took place intermittently.
 
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COIMBATORE, JUNE 28:
ABG Shipyard Ltd has signed a first of its kind contract with Indian Navy for the construction of two cadet training ships valued at Rs 970 crore.

The two cadet training ships are for providing basic training to the Naval cadets and trainees to carryout disaster relief, search and rescue operations with the capability to carry light helicopter. The vessel will be approximately 110 metres in length and will be designed to achieve a maximum speed of 20 knots.

With latest infrastructure in place at its Surat and Dahej yards and having delivered more than 140 vessels worldwide, ABG Shipyard is now fully geared to build all kinds of ships for the Indian defence sector. With this order, the total order book of the company stands at about Rs 14,890 crore.
 
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Indian Navy awards Rs 970 crore order to ABG Shipyard

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NEW DELHI (PTI): ABG Shipyard has received a Rs 970 crore order from the Indian Navy for construction of two cadet training ships.

The two ships will be used for providing basic training to the naval cadets and trainees and carrying out disaster relief, search and rescue operations, with the capability to carry light helicopters, ABG Shipyard said in a communique to the Bombay Stock Exchange (BSE).

"The vessels will be approximately 110 metres in length and will be designed to achieve a maximum speed of 29 knots," it added.

ABG Shipyard said it would build the ships at its Dahej and Surat yards, which are fully geared to construct all kinds of ships for the Indian defence sector.

The total order book of the company currently stands at Rs 14,890 crore.

Indian Navy awards Rs 970 crore order to ABG Shipyard - Brahmand.com
 
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India hopes to join top nuclear clubs

Against the backdrop of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) tightening regulations for the export of sensitive technologies, India has underlined its "impeccable non-proliferation record" and hopes to join the elite nuclear clubs that control the global flow of atomic material and equipment.

"Over the recent years, our Civil Nuclear Initiative has resulted in international civil nuclear energy cooperation with various international partners, including the US, France, UK, Russia , Canada, etc," Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao said Monday in a speech titled "Key Priorities for India's Foreign Policy" at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), a London-based think tank.

"This has reflected recognition of India's impeccable non-proliferation record and its contributions to global non-proliferation objectives," she said.

Rao also focused on India's "strict and effective controls over the export of sensitive items in line with the best international standards".

Rao renewed a pitch for India's bid to multilateral atomic regimes like the NSG, the Wassenaar Arrangement, the Australia Group and the Missile Technology Control Regime.

"India has expressed interest in the full membership of the four multilateral export control regimes which we believe will be mutually beneficial," she said.

"We are engaged with the regimes and regime members and hope to make progress in that direction with the support of our partners, including the UK," Rao added.

The 46-nation NSG met in the Netherlands last week and "agreed to strengthen its guidelines on the transfer of sensitive enrichment and reprocessing technologies." The nuclear cartel discussed the NSG relationship with India and considered "all aspects of the implementation of the 2008 Statement on Civil Nuclear Cooperation with India".

The new guidelines have caused much disquiet in India, with some seeing in it a move to question the "clean waiver" granted by the NSG to India in September 2008 that re-opened the doors of global nuclear commerce for New Delhi after a gap of over three decades.

In the wake of these controversial guidelines, the government has made it clear that any "unilateral" decision by the NSG cannot supersede the clean waiver granted to India by the group and the India-specific arrangement it worked out in 2008.

India has also reached out to key NSG countries like the US, France and Russia, with whom it has signed bilateral civil nuclear cooperation agreements and hopes that these countries will abide by their obligations to implement full civilian nuclear cooperation as envisaged in the bilateral pacts.

The US has assured that the new NSG guidelines will not impact its commitment to full civil nuclear cooperation under the 123 agreement it has signed with India.

Rao also reiterated New Delhi's commitment to the goal of global, universal and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament and said that India was willing to engage in a meaningful dialogue among all states possessing nuclear weapons to reduce the salience of nuclear weapons in international affairs and security doctrines.

India supports negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament towards a universal, non-discriminatory and verifiable FMCT (Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty) that bans the future production of fissile materials for weapons purposes, she said.

Alluding to Japan's Fukushima nuclear disaster in March, Rao said India was undertaking a technical review of safety of its plants and strengthening the safety regulatory framework.

Unfazed India hopes to join top nuclear clubs - The Economic Times
 
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We need a stable Pakistan that acts against terror: India

Describing her recent talks in Islamabad as "productive and positive", India's Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao has said a stable Pakistan which acts as a bulwark against terrorism is in the interest of the region.

"With Pakistan, we have consistently made efforts to go back to the negotiating table to solve difficult issues. We have striven to promote better relations with Pakistan," Rao said Monday in a speech on "Key Priorities for India's Foreign Policy" at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), a London-based think tank.

Rao stressed that during talks with her Pakistani counterpart Salman Bashir last week, she made it clear "such relations can only grow in an atmosphere free of terror and violence".

"The trajectory of our relationship over the last few decades has been distorted and adversely impacted by the factor of cross-border terrorism," she said.

"A stable Pakistan which acts as a bulwark against terrorism and extremism is in its own interest and also in the interest of our region," she said, adding that she had "just returned from a productive and positive round of talks with Foreign Secretary Bashir in Islamabad".

Rao and Bashir held talks in Islamabad on June 23-24 during which the two sides agreed to expand trade and travel across the Line of Control to sustain the dialogue they had resumed only in February, more than two years after the Mumbai terror attack froze engagement between the two neighbours.

Raising alleged links of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) with Mumbai terror, Rao pressed Pakistan for a "satisfactory closure" of the 26/11 trial and reminded that complex issues like Kashmir can't be resolved under "the shadow of the gun".

In her speech, Rao underlined that India was placed "in an extremely complex neighbourhood which has seen rapid, and often turbulent, change in the last thirty years" and emphasised a peaceful periphery as a key goal of India's foreign policy.

We need a stable Pakistan that acts against terror: India - The Economic Times
 
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India, New Zealand talks to boost trade and defence ties

India and New Zealand today discussed a host of international, regional and bilateral issues with a focus on boosting trade between the two sides and working towards the early conclusion of a Free Trade Agreement.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his counterpart Johan Key held talks during which the two deliberated upon the enhanced engagement across a range of trade and economic sectors, including science and innovation, education and defence.

The two sides also inked two pacts -- Audio-Visual Co- Productions to build on existing film industry links and Science and Innovation Protocol for Cooperation.

"India welcomes increased trade and investment flows between India and New Zealand and would like to expand our trade significantly beyond current levels. The Prime Minister and I reviewed the status of our negotiations on the bilateral Free Trade Agreement. These are proceeding well and in the right direction," Singh told reporters after the meeting.

He said New Zealand, like India, has a stake in ensuring the safety of sea lanes of communications and combating piracy and "we have agreed to explore possibilities for greater cooperation in these areas."

Key, who was accompanied by Trade Minister Hon Tim Groser, Member of New Zealand Parliament Kanwaljit Singh Bakshi and a high level business delegation, is on a three-day visit to India.

India, New Zealand talks to boost trade and defence ties | mydigitalfc.com
 
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New norms on N-tech export won't affect India: New Zealand PM

NEW DELHI: In 2008, New Zealand led the opposition against the Indian nuclear exemption from the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). On a state visit to India this week, New Zealand prime minister John Key said the new guidelines on export of enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) technology did not mean India would be denied access to it.

In an exclusive conversation with TOI, asked whether the new NSG guidelines would mean India could not access this technology, Key said, "I don't think we can come to that conclusion." Pressed, he said, "These are early days. There will be more discussions on this (among the NSG members)." Key's remarks are significant, because New Zealand adheres to some of the toughest positions on non-proliferation.

New Zealand is a member of the NSG troika that had its most recent meeting with India where foreign secretary Nirupama Rao cautioned against "diluting" India's "clean exemption". Key said, "New Zealand has a well-defined position on nuclear issues. We've spent the last few years talking on the international stage about these issues. We also acknowledge other countries have other perspectives due to a variety of reasons. In the case of India, we've been both pleased and keen to engage in dialogue with Indian government, particularly Manmohan Singh."

The focus of Key's visit is a free-trade agreement with India that aims to treble the modest bilateral trade figure from its current $1 billion. Citing the exponential growth in New Zealand's trade with China post an FTA with that country, Key wants a similar outcome with India.

Key said, "We've made good progress. There's a lot of goodwill on both sides to complete the free trade agreement. From New Zealand's point of view, we see huge opportunities in Indian market."


He added, "We've had 4-5 rounds of negotiations so far. And we expect there to be at least another four rounds before a deal. We hope to complete it by early 2012, but I think we need to acknowledge that these things sometimes take a little bit longer."

The distinctive aspect of the FTA will be the inclusion of agriculture. "This is important for both countries. One of the big challenges you have is of food supply. New Zealand can be important for your market. We're seeing an increased demand for dairy products from India. And if you think of the inflation component, this makes eminent sense."

On Monday, Key accompanied his wife Bronagh went to Agra to see the Taj Mahal, which he said was "more than I expected". On Tuesday, Key will meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his officials and travel to Mumbai the next day.

The MEA spokesperson, briefing journalists on the visit said, "The thrust of PM John Key's visit will revolve around economic and commercial aspects. Both sides see good prospects for enhanced engagement in sectors like education, agriculture, dairy farming, food processing, besides of course learning from, benefiting from New Zealand's expertise and world-class technologies in various sectors including industries."

New norms on N-tech export won't affect India: New Zealand PM - The Times of India
 
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