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Conflict and people of Chittagong hill tracts of Bangladesh.

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“A study of Bangladesh Society for the Enforcement of Human Rights (BSEHR) revealed that some 61.44 percent of indigenous people still face discrimination, 41.86 percent are victims of corruption and 18.67 percent have been evicted from their ancestors´ land.”

People who live in CHT are culturally distinctive indigenous communities like the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Tanchangya, Mro, Lushai, Khumi, Chak, Khyang, Bawm and Pankhua, who often have kin-communities on the other side of the international border. They are Buddhist, Hindu, Christian or animist for the most part. Since 1971, state-run projects as well as the crush of population in other parts of Bangladesh have brought Bengalis to settle in this area.

by A. K. Zaman akz5153@gmail.com

CHTs is the integral part of Bangladesh. Its total area is 5 thousand and 93 square miles. The three hill districts Rangamati, Bandarban and Khagrachari cover the one-tenth area of the country. CHTs was under the rule of Bengal during Mughal dynasty. It was included with East Bengal during British era and was within East Bengal during Pakistan period. And now naturally CHTs is the inseparable part of Bangladesh. CHTs was considered as barren hilly region. Its administrative authority was also under control of Chittagong during British period though it was upgraded as a district in 1860.

Once this mountainous land was a sparsely populated area. Some minority communities like the Lushai or the Reang temporarily resided in CHTs. Such hunting-loving communities settled here by means of hunting to earn their livelihood. Occassional clash took place between these tribals and the British forces as the dominance of British government was expanding. The British government brought the Nepalese Gurkhas and the warriors of Assam Rifles to curb these disturbing tribal elements. Later the Gurkha-originated Ahomias stayed and settled in the hilly region.

Some of them came from the footstep of the Himalayas via Arakan, somebody came from hilly Tripura, Lushai and, Chin hill and Arakan region of Myanmar. They took legality of settlement here by providing cotton as tax. The British government gave them opportunity to reside and subsequently the tribals of different communities including Chakma, Marma, Tripura and Lushai those who migrated from Myanmar, Arakan, Tripura , Lushai hills etc settled there. Later gradually tribal people of different countries led by their leaders started to infiltrate in groups in the hilly region.

In 1860, the area was given the status of a separate district which was under the control of superintendent of Chittagong. It was done so that the Bengalis and the tribal communities live in peaceful co-existence in. In order to maintain dominance, leadership and to gain control as protectorate, the British government enacted the CHTs Rules Act (Hill Tracts Manual 1900) in 1900, identifying CHTs as excluded area. Britain introduced the system of king/circle chief for their own interest. The post of headman/karbari was created to establish mass communication and to realize tax from the tribal villages. Basically the nominated representatives were in charge of their respective communities. According to CHTs Rules Act-1900, people who migrated from Burma, Arakan, Assam, Tibet and Tripura, and the Bengalis of adjacent districts those who settled in the hills were recognized as native.

The Hill Tracts Manual which is hundred years old can not be applicable for a democratic state. Besides, legal contradiction developed frequently as different unequal laws were formulated in different times. Different small tribal communities and Bengalis in large number lived in co-existence in CHTs. None but the Bengalis are majority community. Such diversified life-style, culture, harmony, co-existence have created unique atmosphere in our national arena. Conspiracy has been continuing for a long time to strike on harmony and peace prevailing in CHTs.

Separatist activities

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Leadership of some hard-liner tribal leaders were opposed during partition of India in 1947. Those so-called leaders continued activities to alienate CHT from the then East Pakistan. They demanded to merge CHTs with India. The secessionist activities started from that very period.

The rebels took initiative to form ‘Chakma Land’ by establishing Parbattya Janasamiti. In 1973, Shanti Bahini, the armed wing of Jana Shanghati Shamiti, activated their efforts to establish ‘Chamatri’ state ( I.e , Chakma, Marma, Tripura state). Conspiracy to establish ‘Chamatri’ state was omitted in the face of extreme opposition in the eighties. Later conspiracy was hatched to establish ‘Jhumma Land’ which is still continuing.

Government took initiative to quell rebellion as the armed insurgency flared-up in CHT to establish a separate Jumma Land in the name of right of self-determination. Since 1974, every government took steps to face jungle war to protect common people from terrorism. About thirty thousand innocent Bengalis and security forces and more than twelve thousand tribal villagers ware brutally killed by the armed insurgents of Janashanghati Samiti since 1974 to 2005. The tribal terrorists of Janashanghati Samiti led by Shantu Larma are involved in criminal activities which include murder, rape, arson, abduction, realization of ransom, massive toll collection and arms deal. The tribal terrorists often attack and loot Bengali-inhabited areas. Even they create anarchy by attacking government installations also.

They are continuing such activities to compel the Bangalis to the leave the area. Extreme tension and uncertainties gripped CHTs. Law and order situation deteriorated further due to exposure of fanatic communal attitude for a long time. Thousands of unarmed tribal families have been victim of atrocities committed by tribal terrorists.

This trend is still continuing. Human rights have been violated to a great extent including spread of communalism in the CHTs area masterminded by Shantu Larma and his JSS.

President Ziaur Rhaman initiated a new chapter in the hill area by establishing Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Board in 1976. He formed tribal convention in 1978 to start dialogue with tribal insurgent leaders. Regimes in different times continued meeting and dialogue with tribal leaders.

The previous government took efforts to bring the rebels back to normal life since 1980 to 1989. During the tenure of Ershad regime in 1989, Local Government Council Act-1989 was pmulgated in three hill districts to ensure the return of the rebels back to normal life and to establish a terror-free CHTs. Extensive administrative power of the hill districts were handed-over to tribals in district level which is similar to limited autonomy. Yet the rebels did not shun the path of terror. On the other hand the Bangalis have been turned into second class citizen by enacting this Act.

Fresh dialogue restarted in 1992. This talk continued upto 1995 to solve the problem. On 02 December, 1997 the then Awami League government signed a treaty bypassing the opinions of Parliament and the minority communities including the Bengalis. Extreme opposition was observed against this discriminatory accord. The Bengalis and all the tribal communities except the Chakmas demanded the repeal the black treaty. They forged a intense movement against it.

The then opposition leader Begum Khaleda Zia went to Khagrachari leading a long march expressing solidarity with the movement. She declared to amend the anti-constitutional clauses of the treaty if voted to power. But she did nothing when she was in office. Besides an organization of the tribals’ named United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF) was formed in 1997 opposing the peace treaty.

By signing treaty Shantu Larma along with the activists of Janashanghati Samity pledged to establish peace They surrendered arms and took over the responsibility of Regional Council. In 1998, government nominated Shantu Larma as the chairman of Regional Council. The post is equivalent to the status of state minister. It is a grim reality that he and his associates being the part of the government and enjoying all facilities provided by state have been instigating anti-treaty activities. They are hatching conspiracy by disseminating confusing information at home and abroad in order to create embarrassing situation for the country. Armed groups have been reorganized with the help of remaining terrorists.

From time immemorial, the majority Bengalis living in CHTs including a number of small tribal communities are facing serious problem in terms of right of franchise, human rights, land rights and economic rights due to discriminatory peace treaty which is contradictory to constitution. The hill Bengalis and minority tribal communities are badly affected due to the treaty. The present government is keeping mum conveniently forgetting their previous election pledge that if voted to power they would scrap or amend the treaty.

In order to implement the discriminatory peace treaty, Shantu Larma is creating anarchy in the pretext of movement. He is tarnishing the image of Bangladesh by disseminating confusing and false information to different countries and donor communities. He is demanding the withdrawal of the army with a view to establish Jummaland by seceding CHTs from Bangladesh. But the common tribals are not in favour of this trend. They can not raise their voice due to intimidation of the armed tribals.

Contradiction between Treaty and Constitution


The peace treaty is formulated by changing, amending, linking and deleting different clauses of Hill District Local Government Council Act-1989. Terming the Bengalis as non-tribals in the treaty i mentioned that the person who has a piece of valid land and live in a specific address will be considered as non-tribal dweller of CHTs. If any Bengali fails to meet the criteria, he will not be considered as permanent resident of CHTs. If it is so, the person who has been living successively for years together, he will not be able to be a permanent resident of CHT. Is CHT a constitutionally-excluded area or any other country? The constitutional rights of the hill Bengalis have been lessened and opportunity has been created for illegal migration of the tribals from neighbouring countries.

According to constitutional Law, the terms of eligibility of being a voter: If he is a citizen of Bangladesh, age not below 18 years, declared not abnormal by any court, deserves the right to be a voter. Additional terms and conditions have been incorporated besides the existing clauses of the constitution to be the voter of the CHTs area according to clause 17 of peace treaty. A Bengali will have to be a permanent dweller if he intends to be a voter. Such clauses are not applicable for remaining districts of the country.

By amending clause 64 of Parbattya Districts Local Government Council Act, it has been incorporated in the peace treaty of 1997 under clause 26.-“Without prior approval of District Council, any piece of land including land held in demesne (Khas Land) under Jurisdiction of settlement of CHTs area, will not be allowed for leasing, settlement, purchasing, selling or handing over land will not be allowed . Any land, hill and forest area which is under control and purview of Hill District Council, will not be handed over by the government without discussion and consent. Now the question arises, is the land management of CHTs beyond the control of the state? Constitution does not support this.

Common people have been deprived of purchasing and sale of personal property, mutation, right of having settling of land misusing the clause of the treaty.

To rehabilitate the activists of JSS and those who took shelter as refugees in India due to volatile situation of CHTs, to ensure the land-ownership of the landless or land-owner tribal people those who possess less than two acres of land, to write off the debts of the tribal refugees to those who have taken loans from government organizations but failed to repay or utilized the borrowed money due to confronting situation. To continue quota system in government service and educational institutions for tribals, to exempt the bank loans of the indebted JSS activists, to appoint the tribals for the post of officers at all levels and different classes of employees in various govt, semi-govt and autonomous establishments on priority basis to give priority for the activists of JSS or their dependents.

It has been enunciated in the preface of peace treaty – “To uphold political, social, cultural, educational and economic rights and to expedite the socio-economic upliftment process for all citizens of CHTs area in maintaining total and unflinching loyalty of the territorial sovereignty and integrity of Bangladesh under purview of the constitution of peoples’ republic of Bangladesh. And in order to preserve and promote equal rights for all citizens of Bangladesh, national committee on behalf of Bangladesh government and Parbattya Chattagram Janashanghati Shamity on behalf of the inhabitants of CHTs area reached to formulate a treaty containing four volumes which is mentioned below”.

Though it is enunciated in the preface of peace treaty for providing all facilities and protection of right for the citizens of CHTs, which is enshrined in the jurisdiction of constitution, but the sub-clauses of peace treaty is totally contradictory. It is natural to raise question regarding peoples’ confidence of the treaty. Parbattya Chattagram Janashanghati Samity does not represent the people of CHTs. They did not have any mandate to preserve the right of all the people. Besides, JSS leader Shantu Larma does not represent all the tribal communities and hill Bengalis. He is not an elected peoples’ representative. That is why no community gave him mandate in signing the treaty. No provision was maintained for the presence of peoples’ representative and the representative of hill Bengalis during signing of the treaty.

Peace treaty is contrary to uni-centric spirit of state which is enshrined in the constitution. The deprivation of the Bengalis has been increased intolerably due to signing of the peace treaty.

Dissenting opinions were observed among tribal communities immediately after signing the peace accord in 1997. Proshit Bikash Khisa emerged as UPDF leader challenging the leadership of Shantu Larma, the JSS leader. JSS started its destructive activities to uproot the very existence of UPDF. As a result, both the tribal organizations are now engaged in armed clash. Dominance of the concerned groups are noticed in different areas of the three hill districts. Incidents related to attack, counter-attack, abduction, toll-collection, murder are going on. Common people have become hostage to their mercy.

The aim of JSS and UPDF is similar though different outlook in organizational and leadership perspective. Both the outfits are making negative propaganda at home and abroad. They are publicizing false information in the websites. But the truth is that massive development activities have been executed for the improvement of the hilly people. Different overseas organizations are also continuing development works.

We opine that government and the conscious citizens of the country, intellectuals, journalists, politicians irrespective of all concerned need to play an active role from their respective position in order to stand against all sorts of conspiracies. The people of CHT want to get rid of all discriminatory laws. They want guarantee for execution of constitutional rights, human rights, suffrage and equal right. Growing up in the light and air of same environment, the hill Bengalis want balanced development, equal recognition and right too.
 
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The Peace Accord had been poorly implemented. It is highly unlikely that they'd get any land.
 
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Hill area is under the conspiracy of India. They are trying to make it like as timur . Still now they are doing conspiracy . Those who are living in hill area they are divided. One is those who are bangali and another is chakma. This clash is stable. recent Govt. just put a lill agreement , what has no value. Poor agrrement has been singed. Even army cantonment withdrew from that area. this is poor method. for making a stable situation, Army needs that area. But BAL govt . with concern did a false step .
 
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I would fundamentally contest the claim of indeginious population. They are no such thing. Very very recent arrivals and have no claims greater than any one else in the country.

I am fundamentally against the CHT accord.

Bengalies settled in the CHT long before the likes of Chakma arrived.... these guys claims descent from Arakan in Burma and champaknagar in India.... as such not from CHT whatsoever....

These so called adibhashies arrived in the 1600s onwards ....

Saying all that as they existed in CHT in 1947 they are citizens of east Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh. They must have equal rights to any other Bangladeshi and must bear the same responsibilities
 
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The Chittagong Hill Tracts situation raises complex questions of land use, ownership, settlement and regional autonomy in Bangladesh. Justifiable government efforts to utilize natural resources effectively, create conflict between politically dominant ethnic groups and cultural minorities with historical and legitimate claims to these resources. Given history to date, the future of the latter is not optimistic.
 
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Terrorism in the CHT


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Monday, March 10, 2014



Shanti Bahini was sheltered, trained and armed by India. Why and How? Read the Article.

Genocide in the Chittagong Hill Tracts- CHT (Pics) - 1
Who is Shantu Larma?
Issues Of Dispute And The Contemporary Developments In Chittagong Hill Tracts

Chittagong Hill Tracts, which is one tenth of the total size of the country, with its enormous natural resources and strategic geographic location is vital for the existence of Bangladesh. Taking advantage of geographic proximity to its Tripura state and the desire of the local Chakma tribes for greater autonomy with an ultimate goal of creating Jummaland, an independent state for Chakmas.

India's Policy of supporting secessionist movements in Bangladesh

India used its military and intelligence resources to provide help and support to Shanti Bahini.

The surreptitious Indian involvement in providing money and weapons to tribal insurgents (Shanti Bahini) in the Chittagong Hill Tracks since 1976 was acknowledged by Bimal Chakma, a Shanti Bahini official in an interview with The New York Times in June 11, 1989. [http://www.nytimes.com/1989/06/11/world/bangladeshi-insurgents-say-india-is-supp]orting-them.html]

India used the insurgents against Bangladesh as a tool to gain political and economic concessions which she would not otherwise be able to extract from the government of Bangladesh.

Finally, Bangladesh entered into a peace agreement with Shanti Bahini in 1997 to end insurgency and restore law and order in Chittagong Hill Tracks, but the security and intelligence agencies of the Bangladesh are still convinced that a lot of ex-Shanti Bahini members and other terrorists are still getting help from Indian security agencies and are hiding in the North East states of India.

Why India sheltered secessionist movements of Shanti Bahini?

Because of India’s step motherly attitude towards its landlocked North Eastern states, a growing sense of deprivation, exploitation and insecurity is prevalent among the people of this region, which has contributed to give birth to a number of insurgent groups who have taken up arms against their own government for self-determination.

India’s myopic decision to crush insurgency through military means without finding the root causes to better understand the problem and the absence of a mature policy of providing economic and social incentives to remove inequalities have created myriad of problems causing further alienation of indigenous people. India in an attempt to portray itself as a victim of terrorism is now trying to find a scapegoat in Bangladesh to blame for the insurgency to conceal its failure to contain insurgencies in the North East and disprove its own involvement in secessionist movement in Chittagong Hill Tracts.

Some References on how India sheltered Shanti Bahini

Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) is part and parcel of Bangladesh since time immemorial. Bangladesh is not an occupation power in CHT. But India being a friendly country since 1973 strives to cede CHT from Bangladesh. With this end in view India motivated Manibendu Larma to float a separatist group Parbatiya Chhotogram Jano Shanghati Somity (PCJSS) and its military wing Shanti Bahini (SB).


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A huge number of Shanti Bahini terrorists were sheltered, trained and, armed by India : Pic Taken in 1997 during peace accord signing

Later India provided money, shelter, training, arms to SB to fight against Bangladesh. Asoka Raina, an Indian journalist in his book Inside RAW Today: The Story of India’s Secret Services (Bikas Publishers, New Delhi, India, 1981, pp. 86-87) presented relevant documents in this regard. He wrote, the RAW operatives closely assisted the Chakma guerrillas. The Chakmas after the change of the government in 1975 contacted the RAW. They offered to infiltrate among the Mizo rebels and pass information to the Indian government in lieu of asylum. This offer was accepted by the then Indian government.

Ashoke Biswas in an article published in The New Nation (August 31, 1994) of Dhaka wrote: The RAW was involved in training the rebels of Chakma tribes and Shanti Bahini to carry out subversive activities in Bangladesh.

In this context let me quote an Indian journalist and BBC Correspondent Mr. Subir Bhaumik. In an interview to Dhaka-based fortnightly news magazine Probe (Vol. 1, issue 4, September 1-15, 2001), he said, “You will see in my book, Arom 1975-1990, the RAW backed Shanti Bahini. …… In 1976 after Shanti Bahini went underground, their people had gone for training in India. Mind you, the rank and file was trained in India. —— There was a clear indication given to Mr. Larma that India was prepared for up to 50,000 guerrillas. Train them, arm them and equip them.”

With this end in view India opened in Tripura and Mizoram, even at Chakrata near Dehradun. Tribid Chakma, a SB cadre, disclosed at a press conference held at National Press Club of Dhaka in September 1994 informed that SB terrorists opened 25 camps of which he could recollect the names of nine sites viz., Sabrum, Silachari, Boyal Para, Kadamtoli, Dayek, Barachari, Ralma, Trimagha and Ratannagar. He informed that some most trusted ones were trained at Dehradun.

A defunct English Weekly of Dhaka Friday (June 3, 1998) informed, “The attempt of M. N. Larma to negotiate a settlement with the Ziaur Rahman government failed as the armed wing of the PCJSS was compelled to initiate armed operation under Indian pressure in 1976.” It was also disclosed later that India out of apprehension developed anti-Larma faction in PCJSS and on December 10, 1983 gunned down him along with his eight other comrades outwardly by Pritikumar faction. Indian government took no action against Pritikumar Chakma, rather allowed him to stay in India even after the signing of the so-called peace treaty.

Mr. Samiran Dewan, the Chairman of Khagrachari Hill District Local Government Council in a press conference, held India responsible for providing shelter, money, training and arms to the SB. He alleged the inner motive of SB was not to gain political and financial concession but to materialize India’s geo-political designs. (The Daily Inqilab, Dhaka, November 12, 1989).

Last, but not least, India in a bid to internationalize the CHT issue financed and manipulated so-called Chakma conferences in Amsterdam (1968), Hamburg (1987), New York (1992) and The Netherlands, Kolkata and Bangkok (1997) where Indian tribals were branded as the dwellers of CHT.

To create international pressure on Bangladesh India using its stooges persuaded about 70 thousand CTH tribal people to India. These so-called refugees when tried to flee away from India were detained in camps under BSF supervision. (For further information regarding India’s role in CHT, interested readers may go through to my book: The Chittagong Hill Tracts: A Victim of Indian Intervention, Eastern Publications, 16 Silvester House, London, EI 2JD, UK, 2003).
India imposed an undeclared war on Bangladesh violating the Indo-Bangladesh Cooperation and Friendship Treaty signed on March 19, 1972 by Bangladesh Founder Sheikh Mujibur Rahman & Indira Gandhi what clearly guaranteed that one country would neither allow the terrorists of the other to use its territory nor encourage any activity subversive to the internal peace and security and territorial integrity.

By: Shahnawaz Ahmad Mantoo and Mohammad Zainal Abedin
India and the Strategic importance of Bangladesh
In-Depth 12India 4RAW Activities 2Shanti Bahini 4Terrorism 10

http://cht-terrorism.blogspot.com/2014/03/Shanti-Bahini-were-trained-armed-by-India.html

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Genocide in the Chittagong Hill Tracts- CHT (Pics) - 1

Wednesday, March 12, 2014

Exclusive Photo archive of CHT Genocide, Committed by barbarous Shanti Bahini : Part 1

Who is Shantu Larma?
Issues Of Dispute And The Contemporary Developments In Chittagong Hill Tracts
Ending terrorism, establishing Human Rights and Peace in CHT

The conventional propaganda process refers not only to distorted facts but also to avoidance to show what people deserve to see. Every successful propaganda campaign has had its own unique tactics. But what made propaganda relating the CHT and its insurgency different than others? A generally understood propaganda technique is depriving people from truth or feeding them one-sided story to manipulate public perception. Propaganda campaigns related to the CHT have long exploited the manipulation technique and took it to a new height.
In the case of the CHT, according to Humayun Azad, one of the prominent humanist writers in Bangladesh, Shanti Bahini, the insurgent group, was badly beaten up by the Bangladesh Army in terms of battle power, but the group defeated the latter in terms of propagation.
A lifelong critic of military’s power abuse and malpractice in state affairs, Mr. Azad, wrote on his book namely Sabuj Paharer Buke Hingshar Jharandhara, that there might be exaggeration in describing Army’s involvement in mass killing in the CHT. The force, after all, is revered by the international community and the United Nations for its contribution in maintaining peace in conflict affected areas around the world.
A number of Bangladeshi media outlets – especially those who promote corporate and NGO culture – have long been exaggerating about Army’s role in the CHT, while the rebels – that is to say, the Shanti Bahini – involved in massacres of the Bengalee population, as well as of tribal population who refused to obey them, in the CHT were never held account. Press in Bangladesh tends to not ask or raise bitter questions about rebel led atrocities which, to some extent, can be termed as ‘genocide’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’.
No records of the brutality the Shanti Bahini committed in the name of ‘rights movement’ were preserved for future generation. A well-funded and well-organized gang of activists constantly worked to cover up all the footprints the separatists left behind.
However, some people who did bother to preserve some of those photo evidences have given us some remembrances of how brutal the force was. In addition, we collected some newspaper cuttings to show how the Shanti Bahini performed biggest ever mass killings in Bangladesh after its inception in 1971. These pictures can be called 'a tiny fleck' of what the SB in fact did, because the documentation of atrocities committed by the SB has never been rich.

Current scenario: Despite the Shanti Bahini signed a so-called ‘Peace Accord’ with the government, its leader Shantu Larma transformed the SB into the PCJSS, which was formerly the political or maternal wing of the SB, and the latter continued the former’s dirty, brutal businesses – hidden killings, extortion, intimidation, torture and kidnapping.
Furthermore, after the treaty had been signed, a faction of the SB cadres established another organization – the UPDF – opposing the treaty, with even more extreme demands.
The UPDF is currently led by Prashit Khisha, who was formerly a member of the SB. Now both the parties – the PCJSS and the UPDF – routinely engage into armed clashes and are involved in a competition to take as much territories as possible in control. The fate of the victims – both Bengalee and the tribal communities – has not since changed significantly.

Old newspaper cutting says: 'What did the girl do wrong? Why did the Shanti Bahini murderers kill her?'

Who is Shantu Larma?

0 Sunday, March 9, 2014

Who is Shantu Larma? Shantu Larma is The Leader of Shanti Bahini, PCJSS - The brutal rebel group of Chittagong Hill Tracts. Shantu Larma led Shanti Bahini and later PCJSS while they were committing massacres in CHT.

Genocide in the Chittagong Hill Tracts- CHT (Pics) - 1
Issues Of Dispute And The Contemporary Developments In Chittagong Hill Tracts
Ending terrorism, establishing Human Rights and Peace in CHT

Who is Shantu Larma?
Shantu Larma is the chief of a Chakma Buddhist communal organization called Parbatya Chattagram Janasamhati Samiti (PCJSS). He also chairs the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council.
He led an armed separatist group called Shanti Bahini, which was the armed wing of the PCJSS and initiated by his brother Manabendra Narayan Larma aka MN Larma, during the period from early 70s to late 90s in the CHT.
According to a 'peace accord', signed between Bangladesh government and the PCJSS, Shanti Bahini was officially dissolved. However, its political parent-wing PCJSS, unofficially, has retained armed terrorism in the CHT till now.
He instructed and carried out massive warfare in the CHT with support from outside the border. Even Shanti Bahini was fully patronized and armed by neighboring India.
Mr. Larma maintained several camps outside Bangladesh border, mostly in Tripura state of India. Despite the fact that he signed a 'peace accord' with then-ruling Awami Lague-led govt. on 2 December 1997, he has not abandoned his separatist ideology at all.
He has transformed once-dissolved Shanti Bahini into the PCJSS. The PCJSS have been fighting against another Chakma-led armed organization UPDF. PCJSS and UPDF have been clashing against each-other to occupy hilly zones to expand their de facto rules.
Shantu Larma, recently, has admitted on a live TV interview that his party maintains a number of armed members, while maintaining that he had taken up arms again 'to fight against the UPDF', because govt does nothing.


Shantu Larma who was behind the genocide and armed terrorism in the CHT

Shantu Larma’s hand is wet with blood of more than 32000 CHT people, most of whom were Bengalis. By signing a treaty with the govt in 1997, he secured the powerful post of Regional Council Chairman and is still continuing the post illegitimately, as no election was held contradicting a fundamental article of the treaty since he was assigned to the post, equivalent to a State Minister.
The council was declared illegal by the High Court and the case is now pending in Appellate Division of the Supreme Court.
He continues propagation to ensure withdrawal of all Security Forces from the CHT, paving the way to expand his reign of terror all over the CHT.
He developed a vast network abroad to mislead international community including the UN, while his organization, the PCJSS, and its sister organizations campaign for racial hatred against CHT Bengalis and plan to evict all of them. In the name of full implementation of the accord, Shantu Larma is pressurizing the govt to give him more power and authority.



Shantu Larma’s armed wing extracts tolls from every shopkeeper, contractor and businessman worth hundred crores of Taka per year. He is a mass murderer, a known terrorist, racist whose cruelty does not even spare any tribal; Kina Mohon Chakma, Shantu Larma's former aide, was eliminated by PCJSS for opposing the racial ideology of Shantu Larma.
Kina Mohon Chakma, an ex Shanti Bahini operative, was killed by PCJSS on 1st December 2006 at Rangamati, his body was mercilessly disfigured.

Question is- How far Awami League govt. will allow them to go against the Bangalees and national interest? How long Shantu Larma will be allowed to spread anti-Bengali racist sentiment and dominate CHT by his armed cadres ? The killing of 28 woodcutters at Langadu of Rangamati district by chopping up, mass killings at different Bengali villages bears the testimony of the barbaric terrorism of PCJSS led by Shantu Larma.
Shantu Larma is not a true representative of CHT people
The vital question is- Is Shantu Larma a legitimate representative of all people living in CHT area? Is he an elected person or has he ever participated in any kind of election to show his popularity in CHT ? Do the 7 lac Bengalis living in CHT also support him as their true representative? No. If so, how, in the accord, he was accepted as a representative of all people of CHT? Through this accord Awami League govt surrendered many legitimate rights of the country to PCJSS and deprived Bengalis from all sorts of rights in CHT. Mind it, how many people does Shantu represent? 7 lac Bengalis do not support him, again, out of 5 lac tribals more than 50% do not support him. So, he cannot be imposed on CHT people as their true representative. In any two of the plain area Upazillas of Bangladesh, more people live than the total population of 3 districts of CHT.
Terrorism by Shanti Bahini

By conducting armed insurgency since 1985, achievement of Shanti Bahini was that it killed more than 3,2000 CHT Bengalis, raped hundreds Bengali women, burnt hundreds of Bangalee villages, kidnapped hundreds of Bengalis, tortured thousands, bayoneted pregnant Bengali women and extracted tolls from every person living in CHT by terrorizing people with weapons.
Around 5 hundred thousand Bengalis were internally displaced, some took shelter in Guchcho Gram, more than a 1 hundred thousand fled from CHT. They also succeeded in driving away one lac tribals as refugee to India to create pressure on Bangladesh by showing refugees. After committing those brutal crimes, Shanti Bahini signed an accord with Government led Awami League and made sure that nobody can even file a case against any of their crimes in any Bangladeshi court. By this, threat of terrorism is being grown by reforming Shanti Bahini with PCJSS.



CHT Accord 5Human Rights Violation 4In-Depth 12Shanti Bahini 4Shantu Larma 2Terrorism 10


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http://cht-terrorism.blogspot.com/2014/03/who-is-shantu-larma.html

The Christian Missions in CHT [Bangladesh] & Their Evangelization

Saturday, June 21, 2014

Abstract: Although Bangladesh is the second largest Muslim populated country in the world, there a...

Abstract: Although Bangladesh is the second largest Muslim populated country in the world, there are several Christian missions taking the opportunity of people’s poverty and distress, is evangelizing them through financial assistance and other means. The rapidly increasing number of conversion to Christianity among the tribal population in CHT is alarming. The missionary activities are spreading around the country, chiefly in the intellectual arena, in educational institutions, and in other aspects of life. The influence of it on the culture, education, religion and lifestyle of people results into converting people to the Christian ideology.

Introduction: Bangladesh has the fourth largest concentration of Muslim populations in the world with a population of about 140 billion, of which 88 percent are Muslims. However, majority of the population (74 percent according to 2001 census) reside in rural area with lower economic condition and lowest standards of living. In fact, about half of the population lives below poverty line set by the World Health Organization. This situation paves the way for successful operation of Christian missions through providing financial assistance towards the poverty-stricken people. Khurshid Ahmad has rightly pointed out that the methodology of Christian missions focuses upon influencing the object in a status of weakness and vulnerability. Instead of direct invitation, approaches are made to those who are underprivileged, exploiting their disadvantages for the sake of proselytism. The poor, the sick and the young are made special targets of economic support, medical aid and education.1 The post war period during the independence movement of Bangladesh facilitated for the Christian missionaries to gain the heart of distressed people.

The multidimensional approach adopted by the Christian missions to evangelize people in all nook and corner of the country is being carried out by various churches, agencies as well as through direct espouse by numerous NGOs. Their activities are termed as ‘the revived form of imperialism’ and ‘neocolonialism’ which is obviously the huge threat and challenge for the whole nation in general and Muslims in particular.

Therefore, the Christian Missionaries took this opportunity to evangelize the vulnerable people through various means. As mentioned before, The Christian missionary through a large number of NGOs under the banner of “development partner” working to remove poverty and to bring education, progress and enlightenment to the country are largely engaged in evangelization.

History of Christian Missionary Activities in Bangladesh
Bangladesh has a long history of missionary activities. To deflect the vanquished people from their religion the Christian missionaries descended on the villages of Bangla with the Bible in one hand and the weaponry of voluntary service in the other. When the Muslim entity was facing its great crisis, an impoverished, noble, wise and meditative sage, Munshi Meherullah, began his struggle against the royalty assisted Christian missionaries, and saved the religion of his fellow countrymen and women from them.40 The Protestants launched their missionary assault on the language and culture of Bangladesh with the arrival of William Carey in 1773. His missionary activities were financed by the Baptist Missionary Society of England. He devoted himself to the rendering of the Bible and other Christian literature in Bengali.41 Bengali language and literature were first known and appreciated in Europe through the work of missionaries such as William Carey and his colleagues, who became conversant with the Indian culture and made effort to understand Indian mind in order to translate Scripture.42 William Carey and his colleagues concentrated on the production of Christian literature, published several dictionaries and grammars of the Indian languages, translated the Bible into Bengali and other Indian languages and set up of innumerable schools allover the country.43 He wrote a dictionary named A Dictionary of Bengali Language. William Carey waged a systematic campaign from the Fort William College of Calcutta, the first Anglo-Indian College of the subcontinent and the Sreerampur Missionary Press to de-Islamize Bengali literature by the wholesale replacing of Arabic, Persian and Islamic vocabulary with Sanskritized Hindu religious vocabulary.44 The mission activities then spread to other towns like Dinajpur (1795), Jessore (1805), Dhaka (1816), Barisal (1828), Khulna (1860), Chittagong (1881) and Rangpur (1891). Over the years missionary activities have increased. Missions were established between 1900- 1947 and also between 1947-1971.45 Although promotion of Christianity was one of the objectives of the colonial powers, their most important objective was economic and political exploitation, such as the East Indies Company.46 New Missions have been very successful after the creation of Bangladesh because the Christian involvement in their struggle for freedom changed the attitude of the government towards them. Islam became the state religion of Bangladesh only in 1988. Long before that, during the period 1971-1975, eight new missions entered the country and the government’s attitude has been especially favorable to them by extending to them facilities which help their objectives.47 The churches, missions and Christian agencies have been very happy with their work under such conditions. The objectives of all, apart from helping their own community, have been evangelization.


Various Churches, missions and agencies in Bangladesh
According to David Barrett, the specialist recorder of missionary activity, 420,000 Christian missionaries are involved in trans cultural mission around the world today, and the annual income of global foreign mission amounts to 12 billion U.S. dollars.49 From this we can assume the trick of Christian missions around the world. In the context of Bangladesh, we find Protestant churches, Roman Catholic churches and different other agencies for evangelization. Some of the important Protestant churches are:
  1. All One in Christ,
  2. The Assemblies of God,
  3. The Association of Baptists for World Evangelism
  4. Bangladesh Baptist Union
  5. The Bangladesh Northern Evangelical Church
  6. The Baptist Union of Bangladesh
  7. The Church of Bangladesh
  8. The Church of God
  9. The Churches of God
  10. The Garo Baptist Union
  11. The Evangelical Christian Church
  12. The Khristo Dharmashava
  13. The New Life Centre
  14. Seventh Day Adventists
  15. The World Missionary Evangelism.
Some of the important Roman Catholic churches are:
  1. Congregation of Holy Cross (from USA)
  2. Congregation of Holy Cross (from Canada)
  3. Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions
  4. St. Francis Xavier
The NGO Bureau of Bangladesh Government has identified NGOs as engaged in converting people into Christianity in one way or another, those are:
  1. World Missionary Evangelism,
  2. The Salvation Army
  3. Bangladesh Foreign Mission Board,
  4. Main-Night Central Committee
  5. Seven-Day Adventist Church of Bangladesh
  6. Adventist Development and Relief Agency International
  7. New Zealand Baptist Missionary Society
  8. Bangladesh Luther Mission (Venice)
  9. International Christian Fellowship
  10. Baptist Mid Mission Bangladesh
  11. New Life Center
  12. Baptist Missionary Society
  13. Social and Institution Board
  14. Church of God Mission
  15. Christian Service Society
  16. Community Health Care Project
  17. Finnish Free Foreign Mission
  18. Association of Baptist,
  19. Christian Reform World-relief Committee
  20. World Vision of Bangladesh
  21. Bangladesh Luther Mission (Finnish)
  22. Young Women’s Christian Association of Bangladesh
  23. Bangladesh Bible Society
  24. College of Christian Theology
  25. Christian National Evangelism
  26. The Australian Baptist Missionary Society
  27. World Alliance of YMCA Bangladesh
  28. National Council of YMCA Bangladesh
  29. New Apostolic Church of Bangladesh
  30. Calvary Apostolic Church
  31. Assemblies of God Mission
  32. Santal Mission (Norwegian)
  33. Presbyterian Plebes in Bangladesh
  34. Bangladesh Luther Mission (Norwegian)
  35. Jatio Church Parishad
  36. The Church of Bangladesh Social development Program
  37. Friends of Bangladesh
  38. Rainbow House International
  39. Christian Life Bangladesh
  40. Connie
  41. Life Bangladesh
  42. Christian Commission for Development in Bangladesh (CCDB)
  43. CARITAS Bangladesh
  44. Swedish Free Mission
  45. Hid Bangladesh
  46. BCRS Foundation Homes
  47. Action aid
  48. World-vision Prayer League
  49. Ideas International
  50. Rangpur-Dinajpur Rural Service,
  51. Dip-Shikha, and
  52. World Vision
Methodologies of Evangelization and Target Population

The poor of the world are the great missionary force of the present phase in mission history, and churches are growing with astounding vitality in the world of poverty.53 Since the economy is not self-sufficient, poverty, death and disease plague Bangladesh; precisely this factor attracts missionaries, by using their various skills in education, aid, medical treatment etc. such a society offers many opportunities which they can influence according to their way of thinking. The main thrust of the missionary is also in rural areas because of the concentration of population in these areas.54 Churches are being built in the midst of Muslim villages and rice fields, and in strategic corners of big towns, out of all proportion to the Christian presence in the area.55 Allocation of the development sector funds for various districts involved many areas, such as agriculture, irrigation, fisheries, health, training and scholarship, agricultural repair, education, cottage industries, rehabilitation, etc. Allocation for the welfare sector took care of destitute, the handicapped, orphans, the sick, under-privileged children, assistance to Tribal, youth groups, poor women and widows, etc. The expenditure layout itself suggested that the thrust of the missions was in rural areas and that it was spread and well organized all over Bangladesh.56 In fact, social activity is one of the principal aims of evangelism because it can break down prejudice and suspicion, open closed doors and gain a hearing for the gospel.57 The Christian missionaries followed an even more repugnant policy. There were complaints against them that on the one hand they were helping the Bengalis who had left the country, and on the other hand they were the source of secret information to Pakistan’s military government. Christian missionaries were also accused of assisting in the dispatch of plundered wealth to West Pakistan.58 What is certain, however, is that Christian missions are intensively concentrating on evangelization of Muslims, because the success of their mission in Bangladesh lies in converting its majority population.59 After independence in 1971, War-ravaged Bangladesh provided unprecedented opportunities to the Christian World to come in aid of distressed humanity. Unimaginable devastation and countless deaths in the civil war turned the unfortunate country into a fertile soil for the propagation of the message of Jesus among the hungry masses of the new-born state of Bangladesh.60 They adopted new methodology of propagation of faith through economic development through the NGOs.

Christian Missionary Activities in Chittagong Hill Tracts


The Christian missionaries started to provide funds to the NGOs. In some cases they are directly implicated in the preaching of the Gospel, especially in the rural areas and the tribal belt.62 Professor Ruhul Amin mentions: “According to our survey, by 1984 they have already converted five hundred thousands to Christianity. Their annual target of conversion is 5 million. Its initial symptoms are already manifested in Chittagong Hill Tracts.”63 The Christian missionaries are moving forward and with their assistance, open or tacit, 30,000 NGOs are operating in an area of approximately 54,000 square miles. This concentration of NGOs has resulted in an assault on the customs, culture and religion of the poverty- stricken people of the nation. Society has been destabilized, the social fabric destroyed, families broken up, and religious ideologies subdued in the name of economic liberation, yet the declared objective of poverty alleviation has not been achieved.

No significant improvement due to NGO activity has been recorded in any economic sector. Instead there are reports of increased dependence by the poverty-stricken people on the NGOs.64 Nuruzzaman poses the question: “Could a single Western country show an example of poverty alleviation through assistance to micro-industry and small credit network? What they did not like for themselves, how could they impose it on others under glamorous slogans of economic
development, poverty alleviation, empowering women, and so on?”65 Twenty years of diligence on the part of Christian NGOs and missionaries has resulted in an alarming rise in the Christian population to more than 5 million. The Christian missionaries have chalked out an ambitious plan to convert to Christianity one in every three Bangladeshis by 2015. Bangladeshis are heading towards the worst crisis in their history.

A situation such as that prevailing in Indonesia may engulf the country at any time.66 Deceit, force and financial bait are openly used by the Christian missionaries and their NGOs for the conversion of the Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus to Christianity. An illustration will clarify the ultimate aim of the Christian donor agencies. World Vision of Bangladesh dismissed 500 non-Christian employees for not accepting Christianity.67 Another report has mentioned that the World Vision of Bangladesh has chalked out a plan to convert 100,000 Bangladeshi children to Christianity.68 More than half the population of the Chittagong Hill Tracts is now Christian.

A Christian belt has been deliberately created along the Indian borders.69 It is obvious that the NGOs were assisting the separatist movement in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. Under pressure from the Christian donor nations, missionaries and Christian NGOs, the government of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina signed a peace accord with the tribal insurgents of the Chittagong Hill Tracts on 2 December 1997. By the so- called peace accord, the NGOs have sown the seeds of separatism in one-tenth of the country from the rest.

After the signing of the so-called peace accord, the NGOs are reportedly resorting to the forced conversion of tribal to Christianity. If this trend is not resisted strongly, then CHT will become a Christian homeland.70 The Chittagong Hill Tracts is an important area for Christian evangelization. Regarding the tribes in that area, McNee writes: The greatest gift we can give to Bangladesh is a Christianized Hill Tracts population. The Tribals are under pressure from many directions…

The necessity for this change is near bursting point. Christians now number 5 percent of the population. The Hill Tracts is a top priority for evangelistic effort.71 The Christian missionary converted the tribal people living below the poverty line in the Lama sub-district of Bandarban district. The Christian missionaries also converted the Marma tribe by promising housing facilities and other benefits for them. By giving poor people money, the Christian missionaries have thus destroyed the religion and culture of the aborigines.72 The Christian missions and NGOs work among the illiterate, slum-dwellers and ordinary villagers, and they never hesitate to have meals alongside the half-naked aborigines of the Morong tribe in the thick forest of Bandarban.

To understand the villagers’ mentality properly and to communicate with them, they learn Bengali by attending a short course for three months at the Christian-run institute for the Bengali language in Dhaka and Barisal.73 Conversion among the Muslims is also achieved by taking advantage of their poverty and vulnerability.74 People are accepting Christianity to save them from starvation. Christian missionaries have made a deep thrust into the least- developed areas of the country populated by ultra poor population. Starving illiterate people lose the moral sense of right or wrong and Christian missionaries exploit such painful economic situations. They organize the starving people into different target groups and give them some money. After some time, they openly declare that if the group members become Christian, they will be given jobs, accommodation, more economic benefits, and so on. Finding no alternative, these ultra-poor illiterate people become Christians. Nuruzzaman poses the question: “Is it Christian morality to convert such poor people to Christianity in this way?”

In April 1999, the Home Ministry of the government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh had made strong allegations of large-scale conversion of lower caste Hindu Santals to Christianity by the Christian missionary-run NGOs. The home ministry pointed out that monetary gain was the main reason behind the conversion of 200 Hindu lower caste families in the districts of Nilphamari and Naogaon. The Lutheran Mission (Danish) and sixty other Christian NGOs are spending billions of dollars for converting poor illiterate Bangladeshis to Christianity. There are allegations against the Christian missionaries and their NGOs that they are totally unfit for socio-economic development, that is, the alleviation of poverty.

These organizations are spending charity money collected in the name of the poverty stricken people of Bangladesh for the construction of churches and hostels for the newly converted Christians, and stipends and jobs for the Christian community. They are using the charity money for high salaried consultants and experts with expertise only in the evangelization of poor Bangladeshis.76 Christian missionaries and NGOs are building houses for the newly converted people, arranging jobs for them, digging wells and sanitary latrine, and giving them allowances for health care and education. Muslims have changed their names, their children attend Christian schools, and they attend Sunday prayers in newly built churches.77 The direct or indirect inclusion of Christian missionaries in the economic development of Bangladesh has resulted in many problems.

Since the ultimate objective of the Christian missionary-sponsored NGOs is the ‘evangelization of the people of Bangladesh’, their economic development programs do not aim at benefiting the rural people. To the NGOs and their subsidiary organizations all over the country the economic development of the suffering rural people is not an end in itself, rather it is a means to an end.78 The idea is to create an economically and educationally influential community of converts who would control all the key sectors of power.

The claim of the NGOs for development and the removal of poverty were negated when a case study was conducted in a locality where NGOs had been working for some years and where people still die of diarrhea resulting from malnutrition and eating poor and harmful food.80 The much-publicized participation of NGOs in the development of rural Bangladesh has neither increased the per capita income of the people nor reduced the level of poverty. It highlights the ineffectiveness of the development strategy adopted by them.

From the angle of the economic development of Bangladesh, the NGOs have been a great failure.81 Since the Christian missionary-run NGOs have IIUC Studies, Vol. 4 100 come to Bangladesh with the noble intention of serving humanity in distress by improving economic conditions, the mismanagement, corruption and economic exploitation of people negate their declared aim.

The methods used by those NGOs are corruption, seduction and conversion through many policies, like the policy of employing Muslims last and to favor those who convert.83 The Christian missionaries utilize different strategies, tactics and approaches to facilitate evangelization, some of which are: a) People’s Movement, b) Education, c) Evangelization of women, d) Christian literature, e) Bible correspondence schools and reading rooms, f) Medical services, g) Orphanages, h) Direct preaching, i) Bible reading groups, j) Relief and rehabilitation, and k) Other emergency aid programs.84 In addition to these, they use the opportunity of globalization to achieve their aimed target.

Missionaries today go about their work making use of the globalization process.85 New specialized agencies for Bible translation, broadcasting media, health services or mass evangelism developed in the United States, and their missionary concept and methodologies, which reflected American cultural values and mores, have become influential around the world.86 Rene Padilla affirms: “Gospel has to be distributed among the greatest number of consumers of religion, for twentieth century has provided with the perfect tool – technology. The strategy for the evangelization of the world thus becomes a question of mathematical calculation.”

Success of the Christian Missions
It is evident that the Christian missions are operating effectively and successfully in a Muslim majority country like Bangladesh. They have been able to win the heart of the poor people through various means. They are utilizing the process of globalization to accomplish their goals. They have already converted half of the tribal people in various part of the country. They have great plan for evangelizing Hindu community as well as the Muslims. With the increase of Christian population in the hill regions of this country, problems like Lebanon may be created.88 The following statistics will demonstrate the expansion of Christianity.

A recent media report illustrates that the Christian missionary workers are quite active in their movement. On November 28, 2007, Bangladesh authorities arrested 14 ‘Chin’ Christian missionary workers as some local people complained to local authorities from Rumana village in Bardarban town in Chittagong hill tracts, Bangladesh for distributing Christian Bible tracks (Booklet) in the areas.91 It should be noted that the Chin Christian missionary workers mainly target its mission to Bawn community in Bardarban district. It is easier for those missionary workers to evangelize people as the people from Bawn tribe use the same language that used by Lai tribe in Chin state from Burma and Mizoram state, northeast India.92 Thus, the missionary workers get better opportunity for spreading Christianity among people in that area. Saidul Islam has pointed out three reasons of success of Christian missionaries in promoting Christianity in Bangladesh, those are
  1. Missionaries are incredibly hard working and sincere
  2. They have awful cooperation and collaboration with some powerful NGOs
  3. It is easy to work with the vulnerable and poverty-stricken people. In addition, their collaboration is with the political parties who are not sensitive towards Islam.
Written By
Dr. Md. Yousuf Ali

Abu Sadat Nurullah

Smuggled Marma girls accuse Buddhist monk of sexual assault

Tuesday, March 22, 2016

11 smuggled Marma girls, who returned home Saturday from Myanmar, accused their alleged smuggler Usri Bhikkhu, a local Buddhist monk, of sexual assault.

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11 smuggled Marma girls, who returned home Saturday from Myanmar, accused their alleged smuggler Usri Bhikkhu, a local Buddhist monk, of sexual assault. They alleged that they had been forced to engage in sexual acts with the monk.

All victims aged 11 to 19 years old hail from Rowangchari Upazilla, Bandarban.



Usri Bhikkhu was arrested on 11 March after families of the victims filed a case at a local police station. Victims’ families alleged that Mr. Bhikkhu promised to bring these girls up at an orphanage. He, instead, moved them to Rangamati’s Mitinggachhari Buddhist Bihar, from where smugglers took them to Myanmar.





After the case was filed, Detective Branch of Bandarban Police conducted a three-day long successful rescue operation in Bangladesh-Myanmar border areas. The tribal girls came home on 19 March.

Following their return, smuggled girls said that their captors confined them in a room and regularly tortured them. They said that they were sent to Myanmar in the name of religious studies.




Officer-in-Charge at Bandarban Detective Branch, Manjur Alam, said, “The 11 girls were rescued in a three-day long operation in border areas. Police arrested a person, Uchthowai Marma (37), for his alleged link with the smuggling. He is a resident at Sonaichhari Headman Para, Naikshangchari, Bandarban.”

Bandarban Police Super Mohammad Mizanur confirmed the statement.

Several police sources confirmed that in a questioning the girls alleged that during stay with the monk, he forced them to sleep with him. If they defied, Mr. Usri torture them, victims told interrogators.

http://cht-terrorism.blogspot.com/2016/03/marma-girls-buddhist-monk-sexual-assault.html
Bandarban 2Crimes 10News 12Sex
 
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All these indigenous people does not really care what happens in Bangladesh,they just want to live peacefully in Bangladesh.
 
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BANGLADESH - ARTICLES

#293, 30 November 1999

Shanti Bahini
Zarein Ahmed

Research Scholar, JNU

The people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) in South East Bangladesh have been demanding the revival of the former autonomous status of the region. The movement took a militant colour in the 1970s under the leadership of Manobendra Narayan Larma of the Parbatya Chhatagram Jana Sanhati Samiti (PCJSS) (CHT Hill Tracts United People's Forces) and its military wing, Shanti Bahini.

HISTORY

Historically, the CHT covering the three districts of Rangamati, Khagracherri and Bandarban consisted of independent or semi-independent tribes. The area was annexed by the British East Indian Company in 1785, after 25 years of guerilla war of resistance by the Chakmas. Since the 1950s the tribal people were affected by the nation building strategies and inappropriate development projects initiated by the government and the special status of the CHT got eroded. In February, 1972, the Larma brothers, Jyotindra Bodhi Priya and Manobendra Narayan, established. the PCJS and the Shanti Bahini.

IDEOLOGY AND ORGANIZATION

The PCJSS is a broad based mass organization which identifies feudalism as the main enemy. The organization advocates Marxist guerilla war tactics as the strategy to counter feudalism. The Shanti Bahini consisting of combatant and non-combatant forces is divided into five categories, namely, (1) fighters (2) medical units (3) production teams (4) communication teams (5) technological teams.

For organizational purposes the Shanti Bahini (SB) had divided the hill tracts into six sectors and appointed J.B. Larma its supreme commander. Later, he also set up smaller well-knit command posts to liaise between two sector commands. The smallest unit in the SB is a section, with only eight guerrillas. Four sections make a platoon, the maximum strength of which is supposed to be thirty-five. Four platoons form a company, with a total strength of 150 guerrillas. Four companies comprise a battalion which has 630 guerrillas. Four battalions make a brigade of 2,600 guerrillas. In August 1975, J.B. Larma was arrested by the Bangladesh authorities and Priti Kumar Chakma assumed command of the SB after this.

STRATEGY AND TACTICS

T
he SB followed the essential principles of Maoist guerrilla warfare, which had been explained in terms of local peculiarities by J.B. Larma in his Amader Samar Sanghita (Our Military Manual). He called for a three-stage approach. 1) build up guerrilla units and local militias, then start hit-and-run raids against the enemy, always choosing the ground of battle and avoiding confrontation if the time and terrain of the battle are unfavourable; 2) develop liberated areas and enforce party administration and 3) drive the enemy out of as many areas as possible and declare the existence of a parallel authority.

Initially, it was fairly successful in context of the first two approaches. The hills, valleys and dense vegetation of the tropical rainforests offer ideal terrain for low-to-medium intensity guerrilla warfare. The ability of the guerrillas to fight in the hilly, jungle terrain was much higher than the security forces.

Its main tactic was to attack and collect taxes and extort money from businessmen and transport owners. It targeted developmental activity, members of foreign oil companies or other developmental agencies working in the area. This was primarily intended to discourage all kinds of developmental works in the region from which the government could reap benefits. It also attacked government-sponsored settlements in the CHT. Tactically, the SB takes full advantage of ceasefires to reorganise themselves.

EXTERNAL LINKAGES

The Bahini had linkages across the borders in India and Burma . Initially, it could fall back on the weapons that collaborators had received from the Pakistan army which were mostly of Chinese origin. But, soon it was able to establish contacts and procured arms from Indian Mizo and Naga rebels and from Burmese communist groups. It is believed that training camps for Chakma rebels still exist in Burma . There have also been reports that the SB and United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) have been operating jointly in the jungles along the Indo-Bangladesh border.

The Chakmas established their first contact with Indian intelligence in 1974 in Dhaka but the appeal for help went unheeded. Sheikh Mujib's assassination in August 1975 changed the attitude of the Indian government towards the Chakmas and they were able to obtain some assistance. Since 1975, it is believed that the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) also started assisting the SB with arms supplies, bases and training.

Since 1975, it is believed that the Reaearch and Analysis Wing(RAW) also started assisting the SB with arms supplies, bases and training. Specialised training in the use of explosives and ambushes was allegedly given at the centre at Chakrata near Dehrahun. The insurgents were allowed to operate from bases set up in Tripura in India . The actual deployment of SB units took place after 1975 when hundreds of Indian trained guerrillas equipped with weapons supplied by RAW took their place alongside those who had joined up earlier with captured and collected weapons.


CONCLUSION

By 1978 the Chakma insurgency had become a major problem for Bangladesh and allegations were being made that the SB had the support of India as well as the Soviet Union . Even the Bangladesh security forces were often ambushed by them. On August 4, 1988 SB guerrillas burnt down the 31st Bengal Regiment office in Khagracherri town. The Chittagong area GOC Major General, Abdus Salam, has gone on record saying that, “We are not fighting just a bandit group. The insurgents are really quite deep into their mission and they are organised and motivated." It is also believed that the SB has sophisticated remote control devices in its arsenal. The 1997 Accord signed between the Government of Bangladesh and J.B. Larma of the PCJSS, seeks to bring an end to violent conflict in the area. One of the key features of the Accord is the decommissioning and deposit of arms by the CHT fighters. Though the process of decommissioning had already begun a few years before the Accord, when the PCJSS had declared a unilateral ceasefire, only time will tell if the Accord will be successful.
 
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12:00 AM, December 02, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:08 PM, December 02, 2017
20 years of the elusive CHT Accord
cht_accord_0.jpg

Abul Hasnat Abdullah, MP and Convener of the National Committee, on behalf of the government of Bangladesh and Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, on behalf of the peoples of CHT are seen signing the CHT Accord, 1997. Seated extreme left is Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.
John Tripura
The Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord (CHT Accord), signed in 1997 with the promise to end armed conflict and grant a host of benefits to the indigenous Jumma people in the south-eastern region of Bangladesh, has rather increased tension in the last 20 years.
The accord had ended a decade-long conflict between the Jumma people and the government of Bangladesh. After it was signed, it was hailed by not only the indigenous people and democratic and progressive forces in the country, but also the United Nations, European Union and many democratic governments of the world as well as national and international organisations.

Unfortunately, even after two decades, the accord has yet to bear fruit, while the sufferings, subordination, and exploitation of the Jumma people continue unabated. The region is still unstable and there is growing resentment due to the delay in fully implementing the accord.

That failure has also led to the continuing sufferings of the internally displaced families and India-returned refugees of the Jumma—who were victims of the atrocities and conflicts in the 1980s and 90s. Ironically, in the 20 years since the CHT Accord, many scholars have done their PhD on it but the agreement remains unimplemented to this day.

The main objectives of the 1997 peace accord included protection of the land rights of the indigenous people, revival of their cultural uniqueness, rehabilitation of internally displaced people and refugees who had left the country, withdrawal of the military from the CHT (with the exception of permanent military establishments), and self-government through regional and district councils. The signing of the accord was an important achievement for the then Awami League government and the indigenous representatives of the Parbatiya Chattagram Jana Samhiti Samiti (PCJSS).

The accord greatly enhanced Sheikh Hasina's image internationally, and she was awarded the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization's (UNESCO) Peace Prize in 1999. But it failed to change the life of the people who had fought and shed their blood to make it happen in the first place.

The fact is, political instability and the lack of a firm political commitment have crippled the accord. The costs of failure are high: disruptive activities, armed warfare, violations of human rights, losses of lives and resources, exposing the border regions to external threats—all of which will continue if lasting peace is not achieved.

The failure also resulted in serious consequences for the indigenous people: intra-group rivalry and conflicts, fragmentation within the communities, a dwindling economy and stagnating social and human development due to the poor healthcare and education sectors.

The accord comprises four parts—General; Hill District Local Government Council; the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regional Council; and Rehabilitation, General Amnesty, and Other Issues. It was implemented to some extent in the first couple of years, with the demobilisation of PCJSS, repatriation of Jumma refugees, enactment of the three revised Hill District Council Acts and Regional Council Act, establishment of CHT Affairs Ministry and so on.

But a number of key provisions, such as the withdrawal of temporary military camps, resolution of land conflicts, and making the hill district councils and the regional council functional, remain unimplemented.

Moreover, there is an increasing Bangali Muslim population in the region, in contrast to a declining trend for the Jumma population. Ushatan Talukdar, in a paper presented at the International Conference on Civil Society, Human Rights, and Minorities in Bangladesh, held in Kolkata in 2005, mentioned that the Bangali Muslim population, which was around two percent of the total population of the CHT in 1947, rose to 49 percent in 2003.

On the other hand, the Jumma, who comprised 98 percent of the total population of the hill tracts in 1947, declined to 51 percent in 2003. The Jumma people seem destined to become a minority in their own land if the present trend continues.

The official figures, however, are widely seen in the CHT as being politically motivated and manipulated. Indigenous sources put the Bangali Muslim settler figure at more than 65 percent. It is alleged that the Bangali settlers frequently grab land by force, sometimes with the tacit consent and connivance of the local administration and sometimes by luring illiterate indigenous people and forging documents. The eviction of the indigenous people and land grabbing by the Bangali settlers, in collusion with government officials, are clearly visible in the hill tracts.

In these 20 years, Bangladesh government has undertaken different elusive development projects to evict the indigenous people from their ancestral land. Tourism, for example, is being used to force the Jumma people to leave and to grab their land in the name of development. Settlers have also replaced many Chakma-Marma names of places with Bangali and Muslim names.

The signing of the peace accord had rekindled hope among the Jumma people that they would be able to live in peace and dignity. That desire did not materialise in the last 20 years, as the state failed to implement most of the provisions of the accord. As a consequence, the indigenous people became divided and resumed revolutionary activities. The conflict between the government and the people grew again.

The government of Bangladesh needs to implement the accord fully, and all promised institutions should be established and function properly. It is true that the accord was able to bring peace in hill tracts for some time, but without these elements of a comprehensive solution, the prospects for regional security, stability, and trust between the settlers and the indigenous people will remain distant, and there will never be an end to the violent conflicts in the CHT. It's time to end the waiting and implement the unimplemented conditions of the accord.
John Tripura is associated with the Indigenous Peoples Human Rights Defender.
E-mail: tripurajohn@gmail.com

http://www.thedailystar.net/opinion/politics/20-years-the-elusive-cht-accord-1499134

AL govt takes anti-CHT accord steps : Santu
Staff Correspondent | Published: 00:05, Nov 30,2017 | Updated: 23:20, Nov 29,2017
Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti president Jyotirindra Bodhipriyo Larma addresses a press conference in Dhaka on Wednesday on the occasion of 20 years of signing Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord. — New Age photo
Top PCJSS leader Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma on Wednesday alleged that Awami League government in its nine years in power did not take any effective steps to implement the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord rather took anti-accord steps.

Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti president Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, also known as Santu Larma, at a press conference in Dhaka said time wasting by the ruling class in implementing the accord was creating a complex situation in Chittagong Hill Tracts again.

‘The government will be responsible for any untoward incident in CHT area as people there have their back against the wall and have no alternative,’ Santu Larma warned, addressing the press conference orgainsed to mark 20 years of signing the CHT accord.

The accord between the PCJSS, the political wing of the armed Shanti Bahini, and the government was signed ending 22 years of guerrilla insurgency on December 2, 1997.

‘Sheikh Hasina-led government in nine years did not take any effective steps to implement the accord,’ alleged Santu Larma, who signed the deal with the government on behalf of PCJSS.

‘The government is rather taking one after another step that were against the interest of accord and hill people,’ said Santu Larma.

He said that the Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Resolution Commission remained ineffective although some controversial clauses of the corresponding law were amended one year ago.
‘CHT accord calls for withdrawal of all temporary military camps but there are at least 400 such camps in the area and Operation Uttaran is still there.

‘The government is yet to amend Police Act 1861, police regulation, and Forest Act 1927 in line with CHT accord.’

The government, however, hurriedly amended laws about governing the district councils in the three hill districts and CHT development board for the party interest ignoring protest from the hill people.
‘Land acquisition and hand over of land for CHT regional council complex are pending for 20 years but they have established Rangamati Science and Technology University and Rangamati Medical College bypassing the hill people,’ said Santu Larma, also the CHT regional council chairman.

The accord considered CHT region as a tribe inhabited area and recognised the need of preserving the characteristics of the region. But the government did not take any steps in this regard, alleged Santu.
Moreover, the government is rehabilitating Bengali settlers, expanding cluster villages for settlers, including outsiders into the voters list.

Deputy commissioners are providing permanent residence certificates to outsiders, leasing land to the outsiders and sending more Muslims to make them majority there, violating the accord, Santu alleged.

Regarding the implementation of the accord, the government is spreading falsehood by saying that they have already implemented 45 clauses out of 72, another 15 clauses partially and nine are in the process, said Santu.

The government actually has implemented only 25 clauses, he said.
District councils in the three hill districts have turned into ruling party unit offices and epicenter of corruption, he alleged.

‘If the government was democratic, pro-people and non-communal, they could implement the accord,’ Santu observed.

Oikya NAP president Pankaj Bhattacharya, columnist Syed Abul Maksud, Dhaka University history professor Mejbah Kamal, rights activist Numan Ahmed Khan also attended the press conference.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29415/al-govt-takes-anti-cht-accord-steps-santu
 
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12:00 AM, December 02, 2015 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:00 AM, December 02, 2015
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CHT ACCORD
Why a roadmap is of utmost importance
Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma
It has been 18 years since the CHT Accord was signed by the Government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS). It is most unfortunate that despite the promises made to the Jumma people over the decades, only 25 provisions of the CHT Accord have been realised as of now, with the core issues still unresolved.

The central issues of the CHT Accord include, among others, preservation of tribal inhabited features of the CHT region; transfer of all subjects and functions, as envisaged to be under the jurisdiction of the CHT Regional Council and the three Hill District Councils, and their enforcement thereof; holding of elections to these councils; resolution of land disputes after inserting necessary amendments to the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act 2001 in line with the CHT Accord; rehabilitation of internally displaced persons and India returnee refugees to their respective homesteads with restitution of their lands to their rightful ownership; dismantling of all temporary military camps including 'Operation Uttoran'; cancellation of land leases given to non-residents; appointment of permanent residents to all services available in the CHT on priority basis; effecting necessary amendments to the CHT Regulation 1900, Bangladesh Police Act and all other relevant laws in accordance with the spirit of the Accord and; rehabilitation of the Bengali settlers outside CHT with due honor and dignity.
However, these issues remain unimplemented.

Instead of undertaking effective and visible initiatives to implement the CHT Accord, the government has resorted to empty promises claiming that 'the Accord is being implemented' or that the 'government is sincere in implementing the Accord' or '80 percent of the Accord has already been implemented.'

They have gone as far as stating that '90 percent of the Accord will be implemented during the present term of this government'. In reality, the government continues to maintain absolute indifference as far as the implementation process of the Accord is concerned, thereby stalling its execution.

One of the major obstructions to resolving the CHT issues lies in the government's lack of resolve to bring about necessary amendments to the contravening sections of the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act, 2001.

As a way out, a 13-point amendment proposal of the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act, 2001 was adopted in a meeting attended by Dr. Gowher Rizvi, Advisor to the Prime Minister, Chairman of the CHT Regional Council and representatives of PCJSS and representatives of the Ministry of CHT Affairs on January 9, 2015 at the Chittagong Circuit House.

The 13-point amendment proposal was also approved by the CHT Accord Implementation Committee in its meeting held on January 20, 2015 at the office of the Deputy Leader of Parliament and a high-level inter-ministerial meeting organised by the Ministry of CHT Affairs on January 28, 2015 in Rangamati. It was also decided unanimously that the Amendment Bill of the said Act will be placed before the Parliament during the winter session.

But it is to be noted that even though several sessions of the Parliament, including the budget session were held after the end of the winter session, the Act, in the amended form, could not be passed till today. Despite consensus on the issue, the dilly-dallying tactics of the government in amending the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act is a manifestation of its lack of political will and sincerity in resolving the CHT crisis.

Despite tremendous opposition, the government, by virtue of its sheer majority in the parliament, has amended the Hill District Council Act raising the number of the Interim Council from existing 5 to 15. This unilateral action has allowed the Hill District Councils to engage in supposedly anti-Accord activities and corruption.

To add to the woes, while primary, secondary and college-level education is in doldrums, the rights and existence of the Jumma people is endangered and the political situation is unstable, the government seems bent on advancing its University of Science & Technology and Medical College projects in Rangamati, in spite of popular demand to suspend the project for the time being until a consultation process is initiated to assuage the apprehensions of the local people. But defying popular demand for a dialogue, the authorities of these institutions have started taking classes under 24-hour police and army protection.

Despite strong protests, the government has been implementing directives of the Ministry of Home Affairs that include imposing restrictions on foreigners' visit to the CHT and on persons from foreign/national organisations from talking with the Jumma people without the presence of people from the administration / law enforcing agencies; transferring the Jumma police personnel to the plains from CHT and entrusting the overall responsibility of coordination of law and order upon 24 Infantry Divisions of Chittagong. In recent days, the army has intensified search operations, arrests, detention, political intimidation, etc. in the CHT.

Besides, suppression and oppression of the indigenous peoples and minority communities - including communal attacks, killings, rapes, and abductions aimed at grabbing their lands - are on the rise all over the country. Especially, in recent times, the danger of violence against indigenous women and children has increased at an alarming rate.

A staggering figure of 55 incidents of violence against indigenous women and children has been reported from January to November 2015. There are allegations of involvement of many powerful influential members of the ruling party in forcible grabbing of lands belonging to the indigenous and minority communities.

As is the case with any other nation, the Jumma people do not want to see the extinction of their national identity. They do not want to be evicted from their land and territory. They want to live as proud citizens of this country with their national identities, fundamental rights and self-dignity intact, while living in their ancestral lands and territories.

It is through signing the CHT Accord that the Jumma people have reasserted their willingness to live in the country as citizens with their individual and unique identity. Taking so much time to implement the historic CHT Accord and above all, the ill-conceived activities of the government as well as the ruling class to carry forward the anti-Jumma-interest activities can never yield anything good.

The government is escalating the use of law enforcement and security forces day by day to thwart the Jumma peoples' movement against programmes which are in conflict with the Accord and the Jumma interest. If the government fails to attach importance to the sense of deprivation of the Jumma people, their hopes and inspirations, and instead continues to use state machineries and power to suppress the democratic movement of the Jumma people, there will be no point of return for the Jumma people.

The CHT crisis is both a national as well as a political problem. Hence, for the greatest interest of the nation, there is no alternative but to fully implement the CHT Accord. Merely expressing solidarity with the movement for the implementation of the CHT Accord is not enough; forces that belong to democratic, secular and progressive political parties, organisations and societies should come forward with supportive programmes.

We also call upon the present grand alliance government to ensure speedy, proper and full implementation of the CHT Accord, as well as declare a timeframe based work plan or roadmap aimed at proper implementation of the CHT Accord immediately.

It should give priority to the issue of devolving all powers and functions to the CHT Regional Council and three Hill District Councils, withdrawal of all temporary camps including 'Operation Uttoron' that legitimises military domination over civil administration, resolution of land disputes by amending the CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission Act, rehabilitation of Jumma refugees and IDPs and amendment of concerned laws and regulations, including CHT Regulation 1900 and Bangladesh Police Act.
Finally, it must undertake legal and administrative steps to preserve the Jumma-inhabited features of the CHT region.

The writer is one of the signatories of the CHT Accord and President of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti.
http://www.thedailystar.net/op-ed/politics/why-roadmap-utmost-importance-180817

12:00 AM, May 10, 2016 / LAST MODIFIED: 12:00 AM, May 10, 2016
EDITORIAL
An end to CHT land dispute?
Implement the Accord in full
The announcement by the Prime Minister that she wants to put an end to land disputes in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) gives a glimmer of hope that the most sensitive component of the CHT Peace Accord may be resolved under the PM's leadership. It is hard to understand, however, why even after 18 long years, the Peace Accord has not been fully implemented, especially since it was the PM and her government who had initiated this historic agreement.

During these years the ethnic minorities of the CHT have been living in uncertainty regarding the ownership of the land they have lived on for generations. Influential people have taken advantage of the situation and intimidated these communities in various ways. Allegations of human rights abuses have been regular. The Peace Accord had been a promise to these people that they would be treated as equal citizens and given the dignity of such a status.

The PM has referred to all the development work that has been done in the CHT to improve the lives of the people such as building roads, improving telecommunications and providing power supply, which is commendable. But the fact remains that land reforms are crucial for the stability of the region and unless they take place, taking into account the rights and demands of the ethnic minorities, there will continue to be fear, intimidation and uncertainty.

This will be in contradiction to the spirit of the CHT Peace Accord. We hope that the words of the PM regarding finding a solution through dialogue will be brought to fruition soon – eighteen years is far too long a time for the ethnic minorities of this region to wait for the government's commitments to be entirely fulfilled.
http://www.thedailystar.net/editorial/end-cht-land-dispute-1221241

12:00 AM, December 02, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 04:53 AM, December 02, 2017
Govt keen to develop CHT region: PM
20th anniversary of CHT Peace Accord today
pm_63.jpg

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Star file photo
Unb, Dhaka
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina yesterday said the government was giving more importance to the development of Chittagong Hill Tracts than the country's other areas as it was neglected for over 20 years.
She was addressing a programme through video conferencing from the Gono Bhaban to celebrate 20 years of the signing of the CHT Peace Accord.

The CHT affairs ministry organised the programme at the Rangamati stadium.

The PM said the government was implementing various projects in the CHT which were not included in the accord.

The people of the CHT were deprived of development due to the confrontational situation in the area, Hasina said. “That's why we are implementing special projects under every ministry to develop the area.”

After assuming office in 1996, the previous Awami League government had started hectic efforts to bring peace to the CHT, she told the programme.


She said the then AL government became successful in striking the accord on December 2, 1997.

“It is our responsibility to implement the accord as we have done it. We will, for sure, fully implement the accord, but we need cooperation from all. We want overall development of the area.”

The PM, also the AL chief, said the government has implemented most of the clauses of the accord and a very negligible part of it remains unimplemented.

“We have implemented the most part of the accord. Implementation of the rest of the part is underway. We will gradually implement it.”

According to her, the most complicated part of the accord was about the land problem.

“We have formed a land commission. I hope we will be able to implement that part also if the regional council cooperates [with the government].”

Recalling the opposition from the BNP over signing of the peace accord in 1997, Hasina said the party had called a hartal for that day (December 2, 1997).

The BNP wasted time after assuming power in 2001 as it was not sincere about the implementation of the accord, she alleged.

Citing examples of some peace pacts, she said the rebels didn't surrender all their arms after signing of those treaties, but Bangladesh was an exception.

State Minister for Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs Bir Bahadur Ushwe Sing delivered the welcome speech from the Gono Bhaban while Cultural Affairs Minister Asaduzzaman Noor spoke from Rangamati.
http://www.thedailystar.net/frontpage/govt-keen-develop-cht-region-pm-1499281
 
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Govt unwilling to lose control over land, police in hill districts
Buddhajyoti Chakma, Sadhan Bikash Chakma and Joyanti Dewan | Update: 22:39, Dec 02, 2017
16cf37f20bb017f24c61396bde764936-Chittagong-hill-tracts.jpg

The law stipulates that the land administration and the police department of the three hill districts will be in the hands of the respective district councils. It is clearly stated in the three separate yet almost similar amended laws for the hill districts.

The three laws - Rangamati Hill District Council Act 1989, Bandarban Hill District Council Act 1989 and Khagrachhari Hill District Council Act 1989 - were enacted after the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord 1987.

But, for all practical purposes, these two very important departments of the administration are still under the control of the government. As a result, the three district councils cannot play any role in containing the law and order situation, nor in solving land disputes in the hill districts.

Leaders of the hill people said police from others areas do not know the local languages, culture and topography. According to the district council act, members of the local tribal communities will be given priority in the appointment of district police. If this provision had been followed, it would have been easier to uphold law and order. The local residents would be able to rely on the police more.

Bandarban Hill District Council chairman Kyaw Shwe Hla Marma told Prothom Alo that intruders are grabbing thousands of acres of land in his district. Hill dwellers along with many Bengalis are becoming landless. If the council was assigned to look after the land, according to the hill tract accord, the situation would be different.

Beside this, important departments for the hill areas like forest, local government engineering, roads and highways, are not yet transferred, he added.

State minister for Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bir Bahadur, claimed that the authority of the district councils had been considerably increased.

Talking to Prothom Alo, he said, “Several inter-ministerial meetings were held to solve the procedural flaws in transferring departments to the council. Police and land administration transfer is a lengthy process and this will be done gradually. A few problems that surfaced during the task are being solved.”

Bir Bahadur held a meeting with the finance ministry to enable the hill district councils to receive their development budget allocation directly from the ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts affairs.

According to Section B of the district council act, 23 departments of the government (stated as institution and working council) are to be transferred to the district council. About 33 functions of the district council (including improving the law and order situation, solving social problems in keeping with local customs, expanding education, agriculture development, forest preservation, social services, etc.) are defined in the act. But the section does not include anything on the number of transferring government departments.

According to section 62 of the council law, sub-inspectors and below of the police at Rangamati, Khagrachhari and Bandarban districts, shall be appointed by the councils in a manner laid down by regulations and the respective council may transfer and take action against them. In these functions, police regulations must be followed. In addition, officials and members of the district police will account for their functions to the district police. According to the section 63, any crime committed in the district must be reported to the council chairman. According to sections 64-65, management of land administration is vested with the council.

Nirupa Dewan, former member of the National Human Rights Commission, points to a lack of government’s will, opposition of certain quarters and bureaucratic complications, as the reasons behind the failure to transfer land and police to the district council.

She told Prothom Alo, “Several meetings were held at Rangamati to transfer police department. Certain quarters then call for strikes as soon as any discussion begins. These are instigated by influential persons.”

She added that the district council is rendered institutionally powerless due to several reasons including elections not being held.

The Rangamati hill district council has a chairman and 33 members. Of them, 20 are indigenous, 10 are non-indigenous and 3 are women members of the reserved seats. The council term is 5 years. Khagrachari and Bandarban district councils have the same tenure and number of members including reserved seats for women. But the ratio of the number of indigenous to non-indigenous members is different from Rangamati district council.

Debasish Roy, the king of the Chakma Circle, said the district council was run by unelected persons who were failing to operate the transferred departments and offices properly. He said the council could meet not more than 40 percent of the residents’ demands. He demanded separate voter lists for these three districts and setting an election date soon.

Brisaketu Chakma, the chairman of Rangamati Hill District Council said, there were systematic errors in transferring the departments and because of that they were facing difficulties while working in different sectors. The council pays the officers and staffs' salary and allowances. The council also has the authority to recruit or control the grade-3 and grade-4 staffs of the transferred departments. But they don't have authority over grade-1 and grade-2 government officers. "These officers get their remuneration from the district council but work for the ministry," said Brisaketu Chakma. Different ministries implemented their district annual development programmes through these officers and thus they were not accountable to the district council for their job, he added.

Brisaketu Chakma said, with lump sum allocations from the ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts affairs, the district council undertook some small development initiatives as per the transferred departments' needs. But the concerned ministry does not provide any support for project-based initiatives. Although the district council was formed to ensure equal development for the ethnic people, it did not achieve that target yet.

The ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts affairs allocates an average of 450 to 460 million for development assistance every year. But the ministry neither provided the annual development allocations through the council nor informed them about the total amount of allocations.

Thanjama Lusai, former chairman of Bandarban district council said, there was an imbalance between the capacity of council and ministry including the officers of transferred departments. The council failed to coordinate with the ministry during policy-making and planning of development programs.

Khagrachari district council member Abdul Jabbar thinks the marginalised ethnic people are being benefited by the district council gradually. He said the council has worked to expand classrooms in primary education sector and developed some small roads. But due to lack of coordination of the transferred departments with the concerned ministry, the council could not undertake any big projects.

On the other hand, Goutam Dewan, the president of Chittagong Hill Tracts Citizen's Committee thinks not having specific rules and regulations is the main reason the council is facing difficulties.

He said, no election was held in three district councils for the last 20 years.

The members and activists of ruling parties were selected for the council's different positions which, in the long run, hampered the efficiency and capacity of the council, further said Goutam Dewan.

Retired brigadier general M Sakhawat Hossain, the brigade commander of Bandarban in 1989 during the formation of district council, told Prothom Alo yesterday, "As far I can remember, land sector, local administration and security forces were among the 20 to 22 sectors that were to be handed over to the council at that time. It was said that the district council would not be able to work freely and properly without the control over these sectors. It was also promised that the election would be held every five years. It is sad that the council is yet to be given the responsibilities.”

The former election commissioner feels that the district council should be given all responsibilities as soon as possible, otherwise the councils of three hill districts will not be able to function properly.

*This report, originally published in Prothom Alo print edition, has been rewritten in English by Farjana Liakat and Nusrat Nowrin.
http://en.prothom-alo.com/bangladesh/news/135676/Govt-unwilling-to-lose-control-over-land-police
 
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