Comment: Ayub Khan’s appointment

[blain2]

its a long list - i need to refer to Shuja Nawaz's highly acclaimed book 'CROSSED SWORDS' to bring out the details. maybe u can spend 20 quid and read it for yourself. very factual.
cheers!

I think aside from those who experienced these changes, a book that I have found to be invaluable in detailing the changes during the late 50s and 60s, and written years after Ayub's death (sometime around 78-81), is "Pakistan Army - War 1965" by Maj Gen Shaukat Reza.

While some may say these were tactical changes, I would think at least a few of the changes brought about were doctrinal and had a far reaching impact on the way the Army is today.

 

[GUNNER]

The exploits and achievements of Ayub will obviously be debated forever i guess. Though he may be remembered in good esteem for initiating army's evolution and economic progress, there will always be question-marks on how his coup derailed democracy and initiated the role of army in politics.

General Ayub's promotion as the first native C-in-C of PA was a stroke of luck. I remember reading somewhere that he was not in the good books of Mr MA Jinnah and had tried through some seniors to change that perception. I am not sure how correct that is but if it is, then the demise of Quaid-e-Azam, unfortunate though it was for the country, did work in his favour.

Also, the untimely death of Major General Iftikhar in plane crash. BTW, there was another officer with Gen Iftikhar who dies in the same crash. Can anyone name him because i seem to have forgotten it.

I know that Auyb was PA No 10. 'Crossed Swords' made me realize this. Does any know the order of senior officers above Ayub at that time?

Also, someone who posted above, mentioned that Major General Akbar Khan was senior to Ayub. Is this the same Gen Akbar, who led the Kashmir War and was later sentenced in Rawalpindi/Hyderabad Conpiracy case? If yes, then why was he superceded? any grounds that someone is in knowledge of? was it due to Ayub's connection's with Sikander Mirza?

 

[blain2]

I do not have the entire list, but Maj Gen Muhammad Akbar Khan has the honour of being PA-1. Maj Gen Muhammad Iftikhar Khan was PA-2. Maj Gen N. A. M Raza was also senior to Ayub Khan when he was picked over these officers to be made the CinC but I am not sure about the former's PA number.

Another Maj Gen Akbar Khan DSO (not the same as PA-1 Maj Gen Akbar Khan) was booted from the Army for his part in the Rawalpindi Conspiracy in the time of Ayub Khan.

As such Maj Gen Akbar Khan (PA-1) was not superceded, rather it was a case of Akbar himself declining the slot stating he was not competent enough for the job. The next in line was, as you have stated, Maj Gen Iftikhar Khan, Gen Akbar Khan's younger brother (and senior to Ayub Khan).

Upon Gen Iftikhar's untimely death, there was some maneuvering by Iskandar Mirza to get Ayub into the slot.

 

[Joe Shearer]

Interesting reading, great work all the posters. Learnt a lot.

@Joe

Man that was some serious post man, are u a editor for some publication or what?

Dear Sir,

You must be joking, though it was very kindly said.

The heavy hitters on military history are Fatman17, out ahead; you have to read his series on the military of neighbouring South Asian countries to understand why I am so enthusiastic about his notes. Close behind come Niaz and Blain2. Old School is a dark horse, obviously very knowledgeable but never permitting his guard to drop and never allowing us a clue to his background, which is so obviously one that allows him to speak with authority. There are many others, for instance the gentleman who signs himself with four crescents, with offered a startling insight just the other day; startling largely because it had not occurred to me in my rather regimented way of thinking.

What we really need is to get Fatman17 to map the different forces on a map; some startling facts will emerge. But I doubt he will oblige, once he sees the results.

Sincerely,

'Joe S.'

PS: If your question was a preliminary to offering me a job, please go right ahead. Being unemployed and needy, I'll probably say yes! :-D

Sincerely,

 

[indushek]

Dear Sir,

You must be joking, though it was very kindly said.

The heavy hitters on military history are Fatman17, out ahead; you have to read his series on the military of neighbouring South Asian countries to understand why I am so enthusiastic about his notes. Close behind come Niaz and Blain2. Old School is a dark horse, obviously very knowledgeable but never permitting his guard to drop and never allowing us a clue to his background, which is so obviously one that allows him to speak with authority. There are many others, for instance the gentleman who signs himself with four crescents, with offered a startling insight just the other day; startling largely because it had not occurred to me in my rather regimented way of thinking.

What we really need is to get Fatman17 to map the different forces on a map; some startling facts will emerge. But I doubt he will oblige, once he sees the results.

Sincerely,

'Joe S.'

PS: If your question was a preliminary to offering me a job, please go right ahead. Being unemployed and needy, I'll probably say yes! :-D

Sincerely,

Well i wasn't making a joke, that was excellently written post. Well the persons mentioned by you are think tanks and senior members and so it comes as no surprise as they should knowledgeable (with no disrespect). Keep going man, i was really impressed with the quality of the post.

P.S I too was unemployed for a long time yaar but joined a job just a fortnight back so know the pain. On a lighter note if i were to interview u for a post i will never select you because u would outsmart and grow up in career before i even know. I wouldn't like to stick a ticking time bomb behind

 

[GUNNER]

Found this interesting read while searching on internet..

This is an excerpt from an interview of Maj Gen (Retd) S Wajahat Husain;


It may be of interest that in early 1956 on finishing my tenure at the Tactical Wing, I went on leave to England staying with Gen Gracey. Settling down for breakfast at Gen Gracey’s house the first question he asked me was, “When is Ayub taking over the country?” I was flabbergasted and said, “Sir, at my level we have no idea. I cannot see the possibility of such an action taking place.” Upon which he replied, “Wajahat, as you know the biggest problem in Pakistan is the senior officers with ambitions trying to take over the country and Ayub is very ambitious. Mark my words, he will take over the country and is just waiting for the chance.” He further added, “As you know, after the death of Iftikhar we had difficult task in selecting C-in-C. Out of the three, Nasir, Raza and Ayub, I considered Ayub to be the best the only one with some experience of command. Very reluctantly I had to recommend him, but I did warn Liaquat that he had political ambitions, had to be watched. After the death of Liaquat, I do not know who was going to watch him.” These prophetic words came to my mind when two years later. General Ayub took over declaring Martial Law.


Remembering Our Warriors

 

[GUNNER]

“As you know, after the death of Iftikhar we had difficult task in selecting C-in-C. Out of the three, Nasir, Raza and Ayub, I considered Ayub to be the best the only one with some experience of command."

If this is correct, than it is clear that there were three candidates after Gen Iftikhar's death. Nasir Ali Khan, Major General Nawabzada Agha M Raza and Ayub Khan.

Lt Gen Nasir Ali Khan [7 Rajput] became the first native Chief of Staff of Pakistan Army.

Also, i sought out the list of officers senior to Ayub Khan.

PA – 1. Major General Muhammed Akbar Khan. OBE

PA – 2. Major General Muhammad Iftikhar Khan.

- Major General Nawabzada Agha M Raza. Legion d'Honneur (Officier)

- Brig Sher Khan [Died in plane crash along with Gen Iftikhar]

- Brig Fazal-ur-Rehman Kallue

- Brig Faiz Muhammad

PA – 8. Brigadier Ahmed Jan. MBE

PA – 10. Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan. HJ, MBE

I am not sure if Gen Nasir Ali Khan was senior to Ayub or not.

I am missing two officers and also coudn't find the PA Numbers.

Would appreciate help from senior members !

 

[fatman17]

If this is correct, than it is clear that there were three candidates after Gen Iftikhar's death. Nasir Ali Khan, Major General Nawabzada Agha M Raza and Ayub Khan.

Lt Gen Nasir Ali Khan [7 Rajput] became the first native Chief of Staff of Pakistan Army.

Also, i sought out the list of officers senior to Ayub Khan.

PA – 1. Major General Muhammed Akbar Khan. OBE

PA – 2. Major General Muhammad Iftikhar Khan.

- Major General Nawabzada Agha M Raza. Legion d'Honneur (Officier)

- Brig Sher Khan [Died in plane crash along with Gen Iftikhar]

- Brig Fazal-ur-Rehman Kallue

- Brig Faiz Muhammad

PA – 8. Brigadier Ahmed Jan. MBE

PA – 10. Field Marshal Muhammad Ayub Khan. HJ, MBE

I am not sure if Gen Nasir Ali Khan was senior to Ayub or not.

I am missing two officers and also coudn't find the PA Numbers.

Would appreciate help from senior members !

this is just a educated guess

Gen. nawabzada sher ali khan - the rightful claimant to be CinC
Gen - umrao khan.

ayub khan was a major in 1947 and both sher ali khan and umrao khan were Lt-
col in 1947

 

[GUNNER]

this is just a educated guess

Gen. nawabzada sher ali khan - the rightful claimant to be CinC

General Sher Ali Khan was indeed the rightful claimant to be the second C-in-C but as far as i know, he was superceded and the compliant Musa Khan was made the Chief.

 

[fatman17]

General Sher Ali Khan was indeed the rightful claimant to be the second C-in-C but as far as i know, he was superceded and the compliant Musa Khan was made the Chief.

his last posting was CGS and he was a threat to both ayub and iskandar mirza - sher ali khan was a brilliant and couregeous officer who fought the japanese tooth and nail and was present in singapur at the surrunder of japanese troops in 1945

 

[ssshaibi]

interesting information

 

[fatman17]

Pakistan

THE AYUB KHAN ERA

In January 1951, Ayub Khan succeeded General Sir Douglas Gracey as commander in chief of the Pakistan Army, becoming the first Pakistani in that position. Although Ayub Khan's military career was not particularly brilliant and although he had not previously held a combat command, he was promoted over several senior officers with distinguished careers. Ayub Khan probably was selected because of his reputation as an able administrator, his presumed lack of political ambition, and his lack of powerful group backing. Coming from a humble family of an obscure Pakhtun tribe, Ayub Khan also lacked affiliation with major internal power blocks and was, therefore, acceptable to all elements.

Within a short time of his promotion, however, Ayub Khan had become a powerful political figure. Perhaps more than any other Pakistani, Ayub Khan was responsible for seeking and securing military and economic assistance from the United States and for aligning Pakistan with it in international affairs. As army commander in chief and for a time as minister of defense in 1954, Ayub Khan was empowered to veto virtually any government policy that he felt was inimical to the interests of the armed forces. (ditto Kiyani)

By 1958 Ayub Khan and his fellow officers decided to turn out the "inefficient and rascally" politicians--a task easily accomplished without bloodshed. Ayub Khan's philosophy was indebted to the Mughal and viceregal traditions; his rule was similarly highly personalized. Ayub Khan justified his assumption of power by citing the nation's need for stability and the necessity for the army to play a central role. When internal stability broke down in the 1960s, he remained contemptuous of lawyer-politicians and handed over power to his fellow army officers.

Ayub Khan used two main approaches to governing in his first few years. He concentrated on consolidating power and intimidating the opposition. He also aimed to establish the groundwork for future stability through altering the economic, legal, and constitutional institutions.

The imposition of martial law in 1958 targeted "antisocial" practices such as abducting women and children, black marketeering, smuggling, and hoarding. Many in the Civil Service of Pakistan and Police Service of Pakistan were investigated and punished for corruption, misconduct, inefficiency, or subversive activities. Ayub Khan's message was clear: he, not the civil servants, was in control.

Sterner measures were used against the politicians. The PRODA prescribed fifteen years' exclusion from public office for those found guilty of corruption. The Elective Bodies Disqualification Order (EBDO) authorized special tribunals to try former politicians for "misconduct," an infraction not clearly defined. Prosecution could be avoided if the accused agreed not to be a candidate for any elective body for a period of seven years. About 7,000 individuals were "EBDOed." Some people, including Suhrawardy, who was arrested, fought prosecution.

The Press and Publications Ordinance was amended in 1960 to specify broad conditions under which newspapers and other publications could be commandeered or closed down. Trade organizations, unions, and student groups were closely monitored and cautioned to avoid political activity, and imams (see Glossary) at mosques were warned against including political matters in sermons.

On the whole, however, the martial law years were not severe. The army maintained low visibility and was content to uphold the traditional social order. By early 1959, most army units had resumed their regular duties. Ayub Khan generally left administration in the hands of the civil bureaucracy, with some exceptions.

Efforts were made to popularize the regime while the opposition was muzzled. Ayub Khan maintained a high public profile, often taking trips expressly to "meet the people." He was also aware of the need to address some of the acute grievances of East Pakistan. To the extent possible, only Bengali members of the civil service were posted in the East Wing; previously, many of the officers had been from the West Wing and knew neither the region nor the language. Dhaka was designated the legislative capital of Pakistan, while the newly created Islamabad became the administrative capital. Central government bodies, such as the Planning Commission, were now instructed to hold regular sessions in Dhaka. Public investment in East Pakistan increased, although private investment remained heavily skewed in favor of West Pakistan. The Ayub Khan regime was so highly centralized, however, that, in the absence of democratic institutions, densely populated and politicized Bengal continued to feel it was being slighted.

Between 1958 and 1962, Ayub Khan used martial law to initiate a number of reforms that reduced the power of groups opposing him. One such group was the landed aristocracy. The Land Reform Commission was set up in 1958, and in 1959 the government imposed a ceiling of 200 hectares of irrigated land and 400 hectares of unirrigated land in the West Wing for a single holding. In the East Wing, the landholding ceiling was raised from thirty-three hectares to forty-eight hectares (see Farm Ownership and Land Reform , ch. 3). Landholders retained their dominant positions in the social hierarchy and their political influence but heeded Ayub Khan's warnings against political assertiveness. Moreover, some 4 million hectares of land in West Pakistan, much of it in Sindh, was released for public acquisition between 1959 and 1969 and sold mainly to civil and military officers, thus creating a new class of farmers having medium-sized holdings. These farms became immensely important for future agricultural development, but the peasants benefited scarcely at all.

In 1955 a legal commission was set up to suggest reforms of the family and marriage laws. Ayub Khan examined its report and in 1961 issued the Family Laws Ordinance. Among other things, it restricted polygyny and "regulated" marriage and divorce, giving women more equal treatment under the law than they had had before. It was a humane measure supported by women's organizations in Pakistan, but the ordinance could not have been promulgated if the vehement opposition to it from the ulama and the fundamentalist Muslim groups had been allowed free expression. However, this law which was similar to the one passed on family planning, was relatively mild and did not seriously transform the patriarchal pattern of society.

Ayub Khan adopted an energetic approach toward economic development that soon bore fruit in a rising rate of economic growth. Land reform, consolidation of holdings, and stern measures against hoarding were combined with rural credit programs and work programs, higher procurement prices, augmented allocations for agriculture, and, especially, improved seeds to put the country on the road to self-sufficiency in food grains in the process described as the Green Revolution.

The Export Bonus Vouchers Scheme (1959) and tax incentives stimulated new industrial entrepreneurs and exporters. Bonus vouchers facilitated access to foreign exchange for imports of industrial machinery and raw materials. Tax concessions were offered for investment in less-developed areas. These measures had important consequences in bringing industry to Punjab and gave rise to a new class of small industrialists.

Data as of April 1994

 

[T-Faz]

PAKISTAN: To Be Happier & Freer
Monday, Oct. 20, 1958​

Moving with the assurance of a man who knows his mind (and his power), Pakistan's autocratic, stocky President Iskander Mirza declared martial law throughout the land last week, thus snuffed out whatever life was left in the eleven-year-old democracy which had yet to hold its first nationwide election. In Pakistan itself, there were few mourners.

From the first, Pakistan has been divided against itself, its halves separated by 1,000 miles of hated India; it has no common language, no common history as a nation, no adequate economic base for its rapidly growing population, now 85 million. Only its Moslem religion unites it—and most of its politicians have no desire to see a theocratic state run by the mullahs. Corruption and instability compound Pakistan's woes. Food shortages are chronic, and foreign-exchange reserves are at an alltime low. Only last month, in East Pakistan's Provincial Assembly, the Deputy Speaker of the House was fatally injured in a parliamentary brawl (TIME, Oct. 6). Political parties have taken to assembling private armies, and they objected when the government tried to halt them. Cabinets have changed so often that it became a Karachi joke that a minister had to fill his pockets in six months because that was all the time he was going to have.

The Scalawags. Tough, jowly President Iskander Mirza, who once declared himself in favor of "controlled democracy," watched the drift to chaos with mounting disgust. Son of a wealthy Bengal family,*graduate of Britain's Sandhurst, a major general before independence, he had long regarded most politicians as "crooks and scalawags." A Moslem who drinks whisky, smokes, shoots and rides, Mirza has always been blunt about his aristocratic creed: "Democracy requires breeding. These illiterate peasants certainly know less about running a country than I do . . . There has to be someone to prevent the people from destroying themselves."

Along with Mirza, the army's commander in chief, General Mohammed Ayub Khan (another Sandhurst man), had long ago concluded that the army would have to step in. Dressed casually in white cotton slacks, brown loafers, green diamond-pattern socks, the tails of his tan-striped sports shirt hanging out, General Ayub Khan calmly explained: "We both came to the conclusion that the country was going to the dogs ... I said to the President: 'Are you going to act? If you do not, which Heaven forbid, we [the armed forces] shall force a change.' " Mirza waited for the right moment, hoping to prevent "another Iraq." A police battle with Moslem League demonstrators provided "the perfect opportunity" for surrounding the capital with troops. On the chosen day Mirza wrote out his proclamation dissolving political parties and imposing martial law, had it typed under guard. Assured that the troops were in position, Mirza issued his orders. "I have no sanction of law or of constitution," he told reporters. "I have only the sanction of my conscience." At 11 p.m. he sent a personal note to Prime Minister Malik Firoz Khan Noon informing him that his government had been dissolved.

Prices Fall.

The army took over smoothly. Despite the tough commands of martial law (even refusal to give one's correct name and address is punishable by hanging), there was a general sense of relief. "Thank God it's over," said a senior civil servant. "For the first time I feel I can depend on tomorrow. At least I'll know who's boss." Prices of cigarettes, candy, soap and cereals fell 10% to 15% overnight. Penicillin and antibiotics were suddenly available over the counter at honest prices. The black market in currency vanished. General Ayub Khan took over as chief martial law administrator, but left most governmental tasks to Aziz Ahmad, the country's senior civil servant. Several Cabinet ministers and prominent politicians were arrested, one accused of black-marketeering, another of "nefarious and antistate activities," e.g., flirting with Nasser. Promised General Ayub Khan: "This is no witch hunt."

Iskander Mirza left no doubt that Pakistan's alliance with the West would remain unchanged. Of his domestic plans, Mirza said: "I hope to get 20 or 30 good clear chaps together to draw up a new constitution ... I hope eventually it will be passed by people who know what they are doing." As for the canceled election, Mirza said: "I am certain it could never have been a fair, honest election . . . You must remember that Western-type democracy cannot function, here under present conditions. We have only 16% literacy." In a recent Karachi election, he said, only 28% voted, and half the votes were bogus. Then Mirza, who likes a good phrase, summed up: "Democracy without education is hypocrisy without limitation."

Addressing the nation, Mirza said, "The present action has been taken with utmost regret, but . . . I promise you will be happier and freer."

*His own son is now married to a daughter of Horace Hildreth, former governor of Maine, and ex-U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan.



PAKISTAN: To Be Happier & Freer - TIME

 

[T-Faz]

PAKISTAN: And Then There Was One
Monday, Nov. 10, 1958​

It was a jovial scene. President Iskander Mirza and his new Premier, General Mohammed Ayub Khan, sat having tea together for the benefit of newsreel cameramen. Like the good friends they were, they joshed each other, and when Mirza noticed that the general was blinking in the glare of strong lights set up by the cameramen, he chuckled: "You've got to learn to be an actor." Two and a half hours later that evening. President Mirza was stunned to discover that General Ayub Khan was a better actor than he had thought. Three lieutenant generals appeared at the presidential palace, informed Mirza that they had been sent by General Ayub Khan. His message: get out. It was President Mirza's turn to blink, but, nonetheless, he took the blow gamely. "If it is in the interest of the country for me to resign," he said, "I will do so."

Single Helmsman. Next morning, Mirza, who less than a month ago had abolished parliamentary government and decided to rule with the army's help, was off to a holiday spot in the Quetta hills, while servants crated his personal belongings and prepared the presidential palace for its new occupant. At another Karachi mansion, General Ayub (pronounced: eye-yub) strode across the lawn to meet newsmen. Out of uniform, the general was wearing a blue cord suit with a red handkerchief peeping from a breast pocket, a pastel green shirt, a striped tie.

Standing 6 ft. 2 in., with a clipped British mustache and a clipped British accent, he has the look of a slightly heftier (210 Ibs.) Brian Donlevy. Offering the newsmen cigarettes and lemonade, he urged that no one worry about the deposed President because his good friend (and fellow graduate at Sandhurst) was being retired on a double pension and was leaving for Britain, as "it might be too embarrassing for him to stay here." Why had he fired Mirza? "Somehow or other, people felt that he was as much responsible for the political deterioration as anyone else." Besides, the armed farces wanted "a man at the helm that people have complete faith in."
Was democracy dead in Pakistan? "Of course not. Any country which does not have a Communist dictatorship has some form of democracy." What will happen to all the politicians thrown out of office by his coup? ''They should pray a little bit now and ask forgiveness from God for their sins." Pakistan's troubles, said Ayub Khan, arose from the clash of power between the President and the Prime Minister: "I say, after you have elected a man for a fixed period, it is much better to let him have a run instead of pulling his leg every day." Suppose, suggested a reporter, the people did not like all of his new system. Snorted General Ayub Khan: "Lots of people are bloody fools!"

Short War, Long War.

On relations with India over the question of Kashmir and canal waters, he was equally inflexible: "We will endeavor to get a satisfactory solution through peaceful means. If we have to resort to extreme measures the responsibility will be that of India." Did he mean war? Answered Ayub Khan softly: "Yes, certainly, even though it would destroy both countries." Clutching his neck in both hands, he added: "If someone is doing this to you, what would you do? Lie back?"

But Ayub Khan, a Pathan brought up in the unruly North-West Frontier province, has no intention of launching his 200,000-man army across the Indian border. A lifetime military man who commanded a Punjab battalion in Burma during World War II, Ayub Khan is aware that he could not conquer India in a short war, and that, in a long one, the overwhelming Indian superiority in manpower and material would be decisive. Instead, he is using his troops to enforce a much needed sense of order in Pakistan. To the vast mass of the people it seemed apparent last week that the new regime is benign and intelligently run. Already the streets are both cleaner and safer since they have been cleared of pimps, masquerading cripples, and the Karachi version of Teddy boys who were addicted to publicly molesting women.

Ayub Khan has rigidly enforced such elementary rules as 1) hospitals must not turn away anyone who is dying, 2) doctors must charge "reasonable" prices for operations. Price controls must be firmly enforced to reduce high profits. Though this is still the honeymoon period, Pakistan seems revitalized by Ayub Khan's mild martial law. Most wrongdoers are lying low to see whether or not he seriously intends reform and, in particular, whether he has the power and the nerve to tackle Pakistan's entrenched and powerful landlords.

After years of parliamentary fumble and economic chaos, in a nation whose halves are 1,000 miles apart, Pakistan at last has a leader. India's Premier Nehru can no longer sarcastically complain, as he did several months ago, that he did not know "whom to address" in chaotic Pakistan. The man he should speak to is General Mohammed Ayub Khan.

PAKISTAN: And Then There Was One - TIME

 

[T-Faz]

PAKISTAN: Purification Process
Monday, Jul. 20, 1959​

Diogenes going about with his lighted lantern in broad daylight looking for an honest man would find happier hunting in Pakistan today. Under the brisk reforming broom of President Ayub Khan's military regime, corrupt officials of the old, free-spending order are being swept out of office in droves, and newspapers run regular casualty lists, stating name, rank, misdemeanor and punishment. New Chevrolets, once a man's conspicuous mark of distinction in Karachi streets, are now hidden away in garages, and one businessman even painted his fire-engine-red station wagon a dull grey, happy to have it no longer "an eye-catcher." A strolling policeman no longer accepts the gratuitous glass of iced sherbet from the street vendor, under pain of prosecution for them both if he does. Office "peons" no longer demand "tea money" for leading callers to officials. Karachi's once-flourishing café society stays home, has abandoned the nightclubs to foreigners. As one businessman, who has made $2,000,000 in the past four years, put it, sipping his drink in private in his home: "Why provoke the tiger?"

"The tiger"—in the form of screening committees set up in General Ayub's anticorruption campaign—began by putting the government's own house in order. By July 1 more than 2,000 civil service officials, clerks and policemen had been punished: through dismissal, retirement or demotion. Even the top officials heading the screening committees were themselves investigated by a Cabinet committee made up of the Foreign Minister and the Ministers of Law, Interior and Finance. Next in line for a thorough checking of their activities since 1947: Pakistan's politicians. Businessmen, currently operating under a promise of amnesty, have wisely poured into Pakistan tax offices to make a clean breast of their affairs and have forked up an astonishing $6,300,000 in back taxes.

General Ayub's simple ambition: to make Pakistan live up to the literal meaning of its name, Land of the Pure.

PAKISTAN: Purification Process - TIME