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With the onset of Ramadan, government authorities in the restive western Chinese province of Xinjiang are once again trampling on the rights of their Muslim Uighur population to practice Islam. Hoping to stem a rise in violence in this region of vast oil and mineral deposits, Muslim students and civil servants were ordered on Wednesday to avoid taking part in traditional fasting during the Islamic holy month of Ramadan, which began on June 28. Fasting from dawn until dusk during Ramadan is one of the five pillars of Islam, which are basic acts considered mandatory by believers and considered the foundation of Muslim life.
Throughout Xinjiang province, retired teachers stood guard at mosques to prevent students from entering, civil servants signed pledges to "firmly resist fasting," and government websites in Xinjiang portrayed fasting as detrimental to the physical wellbeing of young students. The restriction on students practicing Islam is also justified by the ruling party as a separation of church and state. Yet the rule is rarely enforced for children of the majority Han Chinese, who, if they do practice religion in what is officially an atheist state, are mostly Buddhist, Daoist or Christian.
Similar bans on fasting have been imposed in the past, but this year is especially significant given the unprecedented security crackdown following a number of attacks the government blames on Muslim extremists. Police killed 13 assailants in Kashgar on June 22, after they had crashed their car into a police building and set off explosives, injuring three officers. On May 22, four people threw bombs into a crowded vegetable market in the regional capital of Urumqi, killing 43. Also in May, six people were stabbed at a train station in Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong Province in southern China. A similar attack was carried out at the end of April at the Urumqi train station — an apparent suicide bombing that killed one other person and wounded 79. The first such attack on a train station occurred in the southwestern city of Kunming in March, when eight assailants, armed with foot-long sabers, set upon men and women in the Kunming Railway Station. Twenty-nine people were killed and another 143 injured. Beijing claims Uighurs were responsible for all of the above attacks.
[SEE: Political Cartoons]
The attacks on train stations followed several scattered incidents all blamed on Uighurs: attacks on policemen in Xinjiang, an alleged plane hijacking and the crashing of a jeep into pedestrians at Beijing’s Tiananmen Gate in November.
In the latest security crackdown, the government has arrested more than 380 suspects, sentenced 113 people to jail terms ranging from 10 years to life, and held public rallies to announce sentences. Last month, Chinese state media reported a public mass sentencing in Yining City, which attracted a crowd of 7,000 at a sports stadium and reminded many of events during China's Cultural Revolution.
While stepping up efforts to locate and punish terrorists is the right thing to do, Beijing must be careful so as to not overstep its mandates and punish innocent Uighurs. Dilxat Raxit, spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress, the largest group of exiled Uighurs, warns that the recent arrests have become a “competitive race." China’s ethnic Uighurs have long complained of restrictions on religion, and not every Uighur who practices his religion faithfully is calling for independence or committing an act of terrorism. In cracking down hard on suspected terrorists, Beijing risks the playing out of personal vendettas, which occurred during the Cultural Revolution when innocent civilians were wrongly accused of acts against the government of Mao Zedong.
[READ: A Collective Win for Asia]
But the recent ban on fasting is only one restriction imposed on the practice of Islam in China. Uighurs traditionally followed a moderate form of Sufi Islam, but in recent years increasingly have adopted practices more commonly seen in Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan, such as burqas. Rights groups claim Beijing has reacted to the increased religiosity by smothering Xinjiang with additional security measures, and imposing restrictions on Uighur travel rights, culture and religious practices. Recent crackdowns have restricted religious teaching for children, and put limits on Uighur-language education.
Beijing would do itself a favor by removing any bans on fasting, and easing other restrictions on the practice of Islam in China. While the go-soft approach may have little effect on those determined to cause violence and innocent deaths, it may help deter the radicalization of future terrorists and could potentially stem another act of violence involving the deaths of innocent civilians.
Beijing also needs to ensure the minority Uighur population has a larger role and more input into local government policymaking and development projects. Many Uighurs feel marginalized after the majority Han Chinese have flocked to their towns and cities in recent years, setting up businesses and competing for jobs. Without greater autonomy for the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region to practice their religion and compete for jobs and business, any increased pressure on the minority Uighurs will continue to spill over into violence.
Ramadan Brings Religious Restrictions for Muslim Uighurs in China - US News
Throughout Xinjiang province, retired teachers stood guard at mosques to prevent students from entering, civil servants signed pledges to "firmly resist fasting," and government websites in Xinjiang portrayed fasting as detrimental to the physical wellbeing of young students. The restriction on students practicing Islam is also justified by the ruling party as a separation of church and state. Yet the rule is rarely enforced for children of the majority Han Chinese, who, if they do practice religion in what is officially an atheist state, are mostly Buddhist, Daoist or Christian.
Similar bans on fasting have been imposed in the past, but this year is especially significant given the unprecedented security crackdown following a number of attacks the government blames on Muslim extremists. Police killed 13 assailants in Kashgar on June 22, after they had crashed their car into a police building and set off explosives, injuring three officers. On May 22, four people threw bombs into a crowded vegetable market in the regional capital of Urumqi, killing 43. Also in May, six people were stabbed at a train station in Guangzhou, the capital of Guangdong Province in southern China. A similar attack was carried out at the end of April at the Urumqi train station — an apparent suicide bombing that killed one other person and wounded 79. The first such attack on a train station occurred in the southwestern city of Kunming in March, when eight assailants, armed with foot-long sabers, set upon men and women in the Kunming Railway Station. Twenty-nine people were killed and another 143 injured. Beijing claims Uighurs were responsible for all of the above attacks.
[SEE: Political Cartoons]
The attacks on train stations followed several scattered incidents all blamed on Uighurs: attacks on policemen in Xinjiang, an alleged plane hijacking and the crashing of a jeep into pedestrians at Beijing’s Tiananmen Gate in November.
In the latest security crackdown, the government has arrested more than 380 suspects, sentenced 113 people to jail terms ranging from 10 years to life, and held public rallies to announce sentences. Last month, Chinese state media reported a public mass sentencing in Yining City, which attracted a crowd of 7,000 at a sports stadium and reminded many of events during China's Cultural Revolution.
While stepping up efforts to locate and punish terrorists is the right thing to do, Beijing must be careful so as to not overstep its mandates and punish innocent Uighurs. Dilxat Raxit, spokesman for the World Uyghur Congress, the largest group of exiled Uighurs, warns that the recent arrests have become a “competitive race." China’s ethnic Uighurs have long complained of restrictions on religion, and not every Uighur who practices his religion faithfully is calling for independence or committing an act of terrorism. In cracking down hard on suspected terrorists, Beijing risks the playing out of personal vendettas, which occurred during the Cultural Revolution when innocent civilians were wrongly accused of acts against the government of Mao Zedong.
[READ: A Collective Win for Asia]
But the recent ban on fasting is only one restriction imposed on the practice of Islam in China. Uighurs traditionally followed a moderate form of Sufi Islam, but in recent years increasingly have adopted practices more commonly seen in Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan, such as burqas. Rights groups claim Beijing has reacted to the increased religiosity by smothering Xinjiang with additional security measures, and imposing restrictions on Uighur travel rights, culture and religious practices. Recent crackdowns have restricted religious teaching for children, and put limits on Uighur-language education.
Beijing would do itself a favor by removing any bans on fasting, and easing other restrictions on the practice of Islam in China. While the go-soft approach may have little effect on those determined to cause violence and innocent deaths, it may help deter the radicalization of future terrorists and could potentially stem another act of violence involving the deaths of innocent civilians.
Beijing also needs to ensure the minority Uighur population has a larger role and more input into local government policymaking and development projects. Many Uighurs feel marginalized after the majority Han Chinese have flocked to their towns and cities in recent years, setting up businesses and competing for jobs. Without greater autonomy for the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region to practice their religion and compete for jobs and business, any increased pressure on the minority Uighurs will continue to spill over into violence.
Ramadan Brings Religious Restrictions for Muslim Uighurs in China - US News
