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A Dungeon horrible, on all sides round
As one great Furnace flam'd, yet from those flames
No light, but rather darkness visible
Serv'd onely to discover sights of woe...
Chaudhry America
By A.G. Noorani | From the Newspaper
(14 hours ago) Today
PRIME MINISTER Syed Yousuf Raza Gilanis remarks on the US Secretary of State Hillary Clintons views on a leadership role for India are understandable: We do not want any chaudhry, in the region.
But Indias response to her plaudits was subdued. India neither aspires, nor has the clout, to perform such a role; least of all under a power of attorney from the US.
It was, however, a major policy speech which Hillary Clinton delivered on July 20 at Chennai. Analysed carefully, it confirms the impression that the only chaudhry that struts about the region is the United States of America. It presumes to decide, for instance, what kind of relations other countries should have with Iran, a regional player of consequence.
Flattering rhetoric (Indias growing leadership role in the world) is followed by prescriptions for a subordinate role. And what does it mean for the relationship between the two of us? What indeed? For starters, it means that we can work more productively together on todays most complex global challenges. Precisely, in the Middle East and North Africa, Indias dissent on Libya regardless. Next, first our work together in the Asia-Pacific [read: on China] and, second, our shared interests in South and Central Asia [read: on Afghanistan]. Then there are the waters from the Indian to the Pacific Ocean where India is, with us, a steward of these waterways. This is sheer nonsense. India has a vital stake in the freedom of the seas. It has never claimed, nor has the might to assert, a stewardship role. The US recently intervened in the disputes on maritime boundaries in Southeast Asia.
These were some bricks in the regional architecture for the Asia-Pacific region which she ambitiously sketched. The East Asia Summit is envisaged as Asia-Pacifics premier forum for dealing with political and security issues. Since President Barack Obama will participate in the summit, due to be held later in the year in Indonesia, Clintons speech provides a clue to the policies he will then unfold.
The proposed pipeline from Turkmenistan to India, through Afghanistan and Pakistan, is lauded. The US has exerted every venue to block a pipeline from Iran to India, through Pakistan. While trying to create barriers between Iran and the countries of the region, a grand scenario is painted Lets work together to create a new Silk Road because some day, that entrepreneur here in Chennai should be able to put her products on a track on a truck or a train that travels unimpeded, quickly, and cheaply through Pakistan, through Afghanistan, to the doorstep of her customer in Kazakhstan. A Pakistani businessman should be able to open a branch in Bangalore. An Afghan farmer should be able to sell pomegranates in Islamabad before he drives on to New Delhi. Or as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh put it so beautifully, I dream of a day, while retaining our respective identities, one can have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul. That is how my forefathers lived. That is how I want our grandchildren to live.
But, Dr Manmohan Singhs vision encompassed a political settlement between India and Pakistan on which he has set his heart ever since he became prime minister in May 2004. Clintons plan has three fatal flaws. It is divisive. Iran and China are unilaterally excluded. It lacks the underpinning of political rapport; and it rests on the dream of a Pax Americana in the Asia-Pacific region.
Americas consistent support to dictators did not inhibit her from asking India to prod the junta in Myanmar towards democracy. Obama loftily lectured to India on this in New Delhi last November.
He would do well to reflect on the fate of a similar scheme drawn up by the Soviet prime minister Alexei Kosygin in May 1969.
It was for an Asian highway between the Soviet Union and India through Afghanistan and Pakistan, besides other countries.
Kosygin had first made it as a mediator between Pakistan and India at Tashkent in January 1966. It was revived in 1969 as part of Brezhnevs Plan for Asian Security which he propounded soon after on June 7, 1969.
Both were aimed at sidelining China. India rejected it despite its strained relations with China and close links to the Soviet Union. President Yahya Khan rejected both the Kosygin and the Brezhnev plans during his trip to Moscow in June 1970.
The US, likewise, faces a trust deficit. It views Chinas rise with alarm. As a correspondent reported on July 15 at the end of the US chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Adm Mike Mullens visit to China: One might never have suspected that each side bases its military planning on the prospect that the other might be the enemy.
But on two occasions, the US and China presumed to oversee the course of relations between Pakistan and India; on June 27, 1998 after their nuclear tests and on Nov 17, 2009 when Obama and Hu Jintao agreed in Beijing to cooperate on bringing about more stable relations in all of South Asia.
Chaudhries get ideas when villagers squabble among themselves. Riaz Mohammad Khan is a rare diplomat with a capacity for sober reflection. His book Afghanistan and Pakistan is not only an able work of scholarship, it is also thoughtful and objective in the policy prescriptions it offers. Both India and Pakistan must overcome the intellectual crisis, settle Kashmir and forge a common stand on a peace process in Afghanistan.
The writer is an author and a lawyer.