khushalkheil
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Salaam Brother
I think u r familier with ISI,
can u help me out to get a postion in ISI??
I hope u will......
may Allah keep u safe
Amin
Thanx
Career in the ISI
- Thread starter mjehan
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Salaam Brother
I think u r familier with ISI,
can u help me out to get a postion in ISI??
I hope u will......
may Allah keep u safe
Amin
Thanx
khushalkheil
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"Terror is a totally different thing. I do not support terror at all, but jihad is our right when a nation is oppressed. According to the United Nations Charter, national resistance for liberation is a right. We call this a jihad."
Lieutenant General Hamid Gul
Lieutenant General Hamid Gul
haseeb awan
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agreed with you.
MarkTheTruth
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Wa Alaikum Asalam mere azeez hum watan aur bhai
If your name is usman nasir and you are currently doing GRADUATION from AUSTRALIA after you F.SC in PRE-ENGINEERING and that is also from LAHORE and (in addition to that) you are also PASSIONATE about joining ISI after completing your GRADUATION but still confused (after F.SC in PRE-ENGINEERING and GRADUATION from AUSTRALIA) about PROPER CHANNELS to joing ISI and ISI JOINING EXAMS. Then
MarkTheTruth
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Mare geeee
yaha to sub hi ISI join kerne k lye qitar me lage hue haaa.
Please note (may be you do not know)
ISI means Inter Services Intelligence NOT Inter Stupids Intelligence.
yaha to sub hi ISI join kerne k lye qitar me lage hue haaa.
Please note (may be you do not know)
ISI means Inter Services Intelligence NOT Inter Stupids Intelligence.
khushalkheil
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Mare geeee
yaha to sub hi ISI join kerne k lye qitar me lage hue haaa.
Please note (may be you do not know)
ISI means Inter Services Intelligence NOT Inter Stupids Intelligence.
Kia ker rahy ho "MarkTheTruth" Bhai
Jis ka jo naseeb hoga usko wahi milay ga chahy qitar 10 logo ka ho ya 10000 ka
Us bichary nay poocha hay tu apka yahi haq bantha hay k ap usko sincier guide line day dain not make fun of him xam tu sab nay daina hota hay but select kuch he log hoty hain
khushalkheil
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This statment is lil bit older about June 2009, by Graham Usher but I think would be the best time for Amercans to learn
America Keep Out
The Pakistan government’s announcement that only 10% of the Swat Valley now remains outside state control is a major military victory. In four weeks the Pakistan army has routed a local Taliban force that had held the valley in thrall for nearly a year. The speed of the Islamists’ collapse has surprised everyone, including the army.
So has the cost. Towns and villages have been reduced to shells. A thousand people have been confirmed killed, with a final toll probably much higher. And 2.4 million have fled their homes, the largest internal refugee displacement since Rwanda.
Most remarkably of all, most Pakistanis have backed their army. Appalled by atrocities that went by the name of the Taliban’s “Islamic” rule in Swat, political parties, the media, even the clergy, came together with the cry that Swat is “Pakistan’s war”, not America’s. Even today many displaced are terrified to go home until the Taliban leaders have been killed or captured.
Washington has stayed in the shadows, wisely. Having originally denounced the peace deal that brought the Taliban indirectly to power in Swat as an “abdication”, the United States is now “impressed” by the army’s counterinsurgency, and no longer so concerned about the safety of the country’s nuclear arsenal. Barack Obama believes Swat may even signal a “shift” in Pakistani perceptions of the enemy away from nuclear India to the east to an insurgent Taliban in the north and west.
And his special envoy Richard Holbrooke hopes (quietly) that the army will now take the war to the tribal areas on the Afghan border: “sanctuaries” for Taliban and al-Qaida militants and source for the flow of guerrillas fighting America in Afghanistan.
Nothing is more likely to drain the Swat operation of its support.
Anti-Americanism is at a zenith in Pakistan, stoked by US drone attacks in the tribal areas that in the last three years have killed 14 al-Qaida commanders and 700 Pakistanis. Islamabad is also bracing for the fall-out later this summer of Obama’s “surge” of 21,000 new troops into Afghanistan: the fear is so far from turning the tide in America’s losing war in Afghanistan it will turn a tide of Afghan Taliban into the tribal areas.
History is always close-by in Pakistan-US relations. The flight of al-Qaida and other Islamic militants into the tribal areas after the fall of Afghan Taliban regime in 2001 created the nucleus of the “sanctuaries”. And, in 2003, it was US-pressured army operations against them that radicalised the tribes and created the Pakistan Taliban, the native Pashtun-Islamist movement that went on to conquer Swat.
Its spread has almost been co-dependent on America. Nek Mohammed was the first Pakistan Taliban leader, with 5,000 tribal militants under arms. In 2004 the first ever US drone attack killed him. Today there are a dozen like warlords, each commanding 5,000 men. Baitullah Mehsud – self-proclaimed leader of the Pakistan Taliban – may have up to 30,000, with cadre stretching from Khyber to Karachi via Lahore.
Nothing – in other words – has fanned spread of Talibanisation in Pakistan faster than American driven moves to curb it. And nothing has helped the Pakistan government build a national consensus for the army’s current operation in Swat than the fact that “the US is not seen to be calling the shots in any pronounced way,” says Maleeha Lodhi, the former Pakistan ambassador in Washington.
On 3 June, in Islamabad, Holbrooke was asked whether he thought US policy was in any way responsible for the situation in Swat. “Not anyone except al-Qaida is responsible for the whole mess,” he said.
There’s only some truth in this. Ordinary Pakistanis are alienated by a Taliban Wahabism that crashes against a popular faith that remains, at heart, tolerant, eclectic, folkloric and Sufi. But the Taliban acquired legitimacy, especially among the young and poor, by opposing American actions not only in Afghanistan but also, increasingly, in Pakistan.
Swat has demonstrated that the Pakistan army can regain state power against the militants. If Washington really wants to help it to take on the rest of the Pakistan Taliban, it should end the drones, call off the surge and lay down a timetable for a withdrawal from Afghanistan.
America Keep Out
The Pakistan government’s announcement that only 10% of the Swat Valley now remains outside state control is a major military victory. In four weeks the Pakistan army has routed a local Taliban force that had held the valley in thrall for nearly a year. The speed of the Islamists’ collapse has surprised everyone, including the army.
So has the cost. Towns and villages have been reduced to shells. A thousand people have been confirmed killed, with a final toll probably much higher. And 2.4 million have fled their homes, the largest internal refugee displacement since Rwanda.
Most remarkably of all, most Pakistanis have backed their army. Appalled by atrocities that went by the name of the Taliban’s “Islamic” rule in Swat, political parties, the media, even the clergy, came together with the cry that Swat is “Pakistan’s war”, not America’s. Even today many displaced are terrified to go home until the Taliban leaders have been killed or captured.
Washington has stayed in the shadows, wisely. Having originally denounced the peace deal that brought the Taliban indirectly to power in Swat as an “abdication”, the United States is now “impressed” by the army’s counterinsurgency, and no longer so concerned about the safety of the country’s nuclear arsenal. Barack Obama believes Swat may even signal a “shift” in Pakistani perceptions of the enemy away from nuclear India to the east to an insurgent Taliban in the north and west.
And his special envoy Richard Holbrooke hopes (quietly) that the army will now take the war to the tribal areas on the Afghan border: “sanctuaries” for Taliban and al-Qaida militants and source for the flow of guerrillas fighting America in Afghanistan.
Nothing is more likely to drain the Swat operation of its support.
Anti-Americanism is at a zenith in Pakistan, stoked by US drone attacks in the tribal areas that in the last three years have killed 14 al-Qaida commanders and 700 Pakistanis. Islamabad is also bracing for the fall-out later this summer of Obama’s “surge” of 21,000 new troops into Afghanistan: the fear is so far from turning the tide in America’s losing war in Afghanistan it will turn a tide of Afghan Taliban into the tribal areas.
History is always close-by in Pakistan-US relations. The flight of al-Qaida and other Islamic militants into the tribal areas after the fall of Afghan Taliban regime in 2001 created the nucleus of the “sanctuaries”. And, in 2003, it was US-pressured army operations against them that radicalised the tribes and created the Pakistan Taliban, the native Pashtun-Islamist movement that went on to conquer Swat.
Its spread has almost been co-dependent on America. Nek Mohammed was the first Pakistan Taliban leader, with 5,000 tribal militants under arms. In 2004 the first ever US drone attack killed him. Today there are a dozen like warlords, each commanding 5,000 men. Baitullah Mehsud – self-proclaimed leader of the Pakistan Taliban – may have up to 30,000, with cadre stretching from Khyber to Karachi via Lahore.
Nothing – in other words – has fanned spread of Talibanisation in Pakistan faster than American driven moves to curb it. And nothing has helped the Pakistan government build a national consensus for the army’s current operation in Swat than the fact that “the US is not seen to be calling the shots in any pronounced way,” says Maleeha Lodhi, the former Pakistan ambassador in Washington.
On 3 June, in Islamabad, Holbrooke was asked whether he thought US policy was in any way responsible for the situation in Swat. “Not anyone except al-Qaida is responsible for the whole mess,” he said.
There’s only some truth in this. Ordinary Pakistanis are alienated by a Taliban Wahabism that crashes against a popular faith that remains, at heart, tolerant, eclectic, folkloric and Sufi. But the Taliban acquired legitimacy, especially among the young and poor, by opposing American actions not only in Afghanistan but also, increasingly, in Pakistan.
Swat has demonstrated that the Pakistan army can regain state power against the militants. If Washington really wants to help it to take on the rest of the Pakistan Taliban, it should end the drones, call off the surge and lay down a timetable for a withdrawal from Afghanistan.
sur
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My cousin's cousin just got selected,,, he started application process 2 years back... He is a civilian (studied Law)...
khushalkheil
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Role of Afzal Khan Lala in Swat Crisis
Afzal Khan Lala began his political career affiliated with National Awami Party (NAP) in opposing the rule of the Wali of Swat. Formally joining the party in 1969 after Swat’s merger into NWFP, he was elected member of provincial assembly in Pakistan’s 1970, first ever national election. A close confidante of Abdul Wali Khan he was one of three NAP provincial ministers appointed in the short lived coalition government of Mufti Mehmud. In 1975, he was arrested by the government as part of general crackdown against the opposition and was charged as part of the Hyderabad tribunal. Released in 1978, he was elected provincial president of the Awami National Party, however in 1990 he along with senior party leaders formed a breakaway party called the Pakhtunkhwa Qaumi Party (PQP), in protest against the Awami National Party’s decision to form an alliance with conservative opponents the Islami-Jamhori-Ittehad (IJI). Allying his group to the Pakistan’s People Party, Afzal Khan was elected to the National Assembly in the 1993 elections. Serving as Federal Minister for the Northern areas and Kashmir from 1993-1996, he withdrew from electoral politics from 1997 onwards. He then allied himself with the Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM) advocating full provincial autonomy for the various ethnicities of Pakistan. In 2005 he rejoined the Awami National Party. [WikePedia]
Afzal Khan is one of those staunch opponents of Taliban who are not in exile or dead. In recent past, there were several attempts made on his live, killing his relatives and body guards. He refused to leave Swat and stayed at home when most of ANP leadership went underground fearing assassination attempts by the Taliban.
On April 30th, Afzal Khan Lala, along with some of his family members, was airlifted by an army helicopter from his village Bara Darushkhela near Swat. He was first moved to Peshawar and then to Islamabad. The News took this as a signal of another operation in the valley (which later turned out to be true).
In Islamabad, Afzal Khan had a field day with media, popping from one channel to another, giving interviews against Taliban and Swat Peace Deal. He also provided fodder to “human rights’ activists by authenticating alleged flogging of a girl in Swat, an issue on which his party’s government in NWFP was not very vocal.
As observed in first week of May, government and its media machinery started exploiting public opinion against Swat Peace Deal. The ‘analysts’ who were so in favor of the peace process few weeks back now saw the deal an opportunity to strengthen Taliban. Within days after Afzal Khan Lala’s arrival in Islamabad, operation in swat started. In fact, it was started at least two days before Prime Minister Gillani’s official announcement of ‘War Against Taliban‘ on May 7.
It is not very clear what Afzal Khan Lala has actually achieved or how crucial is role is in current scenario, however, his importance can be understood by today’s announcement that President Asif Ali Zardari will award him with Hilal-e-Shujaat, second highest civil award for gallantry. For record, this is first official announcement from Zardari after his return from the lengthy foreign tour. If he has to confer awards, why not start with the army personnel who are giving their lives in Swat for Pakistan.
As a rule, announcement of Hilal-e-Shujaat happens on August 14 and the Investiture on March 23 each year. However, according to Farhatullah Babar, spokesman of the President, the President, relaxing the rule, has ordered immediate conferment of the award. A special Investiture ceremony will now be held soon to confer the award on Afzal Khan without waiting for March 23.
Afzal Khan Lala began his political career affiliated with National Awami Party (NAP) in opposing the rule of the Wali of Swat. Formally joining the party in 1969 after Swat’s merger into NWFP, he was elected member of provincial assembly in Pakistan’s 1970, first ever national election. A close confidante of Abdul Wali Khan he was one of three NAP provincial ministers appointed in the short lived coalition government of Mufti Mehmud. In 1975, he was arrested by the government as part of general crackdown against the opposition and was charged as part of the Hyderabad tribunal. Released in 1978, he was elected provincial president of the Awami National Party, however in 1990 he along with senior party leaders formed a breakaway party called the Pakhtunkhwa Qaumi Party (PQP), in protest against the Awami National Party’s decision to form an alliance with conservative opponents the Islami-Jamhori-Ittehad (IJI). Allying his group to the Pakistan’s People Party, Afzal Khan was elected to the National Assembly in the 1993 elections. Serving as Federal Minister for the Northern areas and Kashmir from 1993-1996, he withdrew from electoral politics from 1997 onwards. He then allied himself with the Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement (PONM) advocating full provincial autonomy for the various ethnicities of Pakistan. In 2005 he rejoined the Awami National Party. [WikePedia]
Afzal Khan is one of those staunch opponents of Taliban who are not in exile or dead. In recent past, there were several attempts made on his live, killing his relatives and body guards. He refused to leave Swat and stayed at home when most of ANP leadership went underground fearing assassination attempts by the Taliban.
On April 30th, Afzal Khan Lala, along with some of his family members, was airlifted by an army helicopter from his village Bara Darushkhela near Swat. He was first moved to Peshawar and then to Islamabad. The News took this as a signal of another operation in the valley (which later turned out to be true).
In Islamabad, Afzal Khan had a field day with media, popping from one channel to another, giving interviews against Taliban and Swat Peace Deal. He also provided fodder to “human rights’ activists by authenticating alleged flogging of a girl in Swat, an issue on which his party’s government in NWFP was not very vocal.
As observed in first week of May, government and its media machinery started exploiting public opinion against Swat Peace Deal. The ‘analysts’ who were so in favor of the peace process few weeks back now saw the deal an opportunity to strengthen Taliban. Within days after Afzal Khan Lala’s arrival in Islamabad, operation in swat started. In fact, it was started at least two days before Prime Minister Gillani’s official announcement of ‘War Against Taliban‘ on May 7.
It is not very clear what Afzal Khan Lala has actually achieved or how crucial is role is in current scenario, however, his importance can be understood by today’s announcement that President Asif Ali Zardari will award him with Hilal-e-Shujaat, second highest civil award for gallantry. For record, this is first official announcement from Zardari after his return from the lengthy foreign tour. If he has to confer awards, why not start with the army personnel who are giving their lives in Swat for Pakistan.
As a rule, announcement of Hilal-e-Shujaat happens on August 14 and the Investiture on March 23 each year. However, according to Farhatullah Babar, spokesman of the President, the President, relaxing the rule, has ordered immediate conferment of the award. A special Investiture ceremony will now be held soon to confer the award on Afzal Khan without waiting for March 23.
MarkTheTruth
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Yar, agar koi dil seee poocha aur sache dil se chahta ho to tub ki baat ha na. Ab aik bunda pre-engineering wali ya pata nai wala fsc ker k, australia me graduation kerne betha hua ha. aur dekho swal kya poocha, k isi me bharti kaise hona ha. Isko ye pata tha fsc ka imtahan kaise pass kerna ha, phir farm kaha se lena ha, interview me kya bolna ha, australia me kaha rahna ha, nai pata to isi me bharti ka nai pata.
Kya australia ki info bhi you hi hasil ki ho geeeee is ne?
Ager sachi much sincere hota to yaha hamara sir khane ki bajae, apne aba ko ya ama ko ya kisi aur ko kehta k aba aba mere lye isi phone kere ke unki bharti ka tariqa malloooom kere. isi wale kha to nai jae ge.
jis ne isi me bhartee hona hota ha, wo u darbadar ki thokere nai khate, aiso ka isi me waise bhi koi kam nai.
khushalkheil
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LOLZZZZZZZZZZZ
yaar ap bhi tu bechary ky peechy he par gaye, haaan ye theek hay ke hay Australia may or job ISI may mang raha hay but yaar agar koi abroad rehtha ho or apni life waha per set ker saktha ho tu yahan ISI may job k kia zarort hay khair ye aik alag approach hay but buhut saary logon ko patha nahi hota na mery bhai..............
ab ap mery pechly posted comments ko he diak lijye, lolzzzzzzzzzzz q k muhy bhi nahi patha.................... hahaha
MarkTheTruth
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Can I join ISI too as a spy inside enemy territory ?
Will I get cool gadgets like Chinese made 007 toys ?
Sure why not
Just make a fake announcement in your mohalla friends only that you had converted to Islam. Very simple
Ghost
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Nearly 95% of the information on the World-Wide Web about ISI and how to join ISI is incorrect.
Those who have the correct information will not usually share it for the obvious reasons.
PS: Life in ISI is a tough one so be-careful what you wish for.
Those who have the correct information will not usually share it for the obvious reasons.
PS: Life in ISI is a tough one so be-careful what you wish for.
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