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Arab Perceptions of the United States

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Arab Perceptions of the United States

Arab Perceptions of the United States

This website is meant to serve as an educational tool through which people in the United States can learn about Arab opinions of the American government and people directly from individual Jordanians, Palestinians, and Syrians. Currently, much of what Americans believe about people from the Middle East has been determined by US politicians, CNN, and Hollywood. This website creates a space in which Arabs can articulate their opinions about the US to an American audience, in their own words and unfiltered by American politicians or media personnel. I believe that in order to foster true understanding between our regions of the world, we must create avenues for communication between everyday people. My purpose in developing this site was to create one such means for communication.

In November of 2005, while studying abroad in Amman, Jordan, I conducted interviews in which I asked the participants about their perceptions of the United States. The following semester I studied at the University of Damascus and in May of 2006, I interviewed Syrians asking them the same questions. Each interview focused on the following four topics: the events of September 11, 2001, the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, the US relationship with Israel and role in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and finally, American values, culture, and people.

It is important to note that when I originally wrote the questions for these interviews, the only topics I included were September 11 and Iraq. Based upon my experiences in the United States, I thought that those were the two events in recent history which had most impacted Arab-American relations. However, it was only after arriving in Jordan and having conversations with people there that I began to understand that US involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict plays a critical role in determing Arab perceptions of the US. I discovered that it was impossible for me to raise questions about 9/11 or Iraq without encountering responses concerning Israel. For this reason, I added the US relationship with Israel as another topic of discussion.

Some of the interviews contain a fifth topic: the suicide bombings of three American hotels in Amman. I added these questions because the bombings happened while I was in the middle of conducting interviews in November 2005. Al Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility and asserted that the hotel bombings were part of a strategy aimed at fighting American presence in the region. Many journalists suggested that it may have been meant as a warning to King Abdullah for his cooperation with the US government, however I wanted to understand how Jordanians percieved these attacks and whether or not they identified such a connection.


“Why do they hate us?”

May 20, 2007 · 1 Comment
My motivation for undertaking this project is intricately linked to the reasons that I became interested in studying Arabic and traveling to the Middle East in the first place. The events of September 11, 2001 brought the Middle East to the forefront of my consciousness, as it did for many Americans. In the aftermath of those attacks, I became increasingly disturbed by what I saw as heightened levels of racism and ethnocentricity in my country. Perhaps what aggravated me the most was the national debate that emerged under the heading:

“Why do they hate us?” President Bush addressed this question in a speech he gave to the nation on September 20. He said: “Americans are asking, why do they hate us? They hate what we see right here in this chamber — a democratically elected government…They hate our freedoms — our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other. These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life.”

In this speech, Bush was specifically referring to Al Qaeda members; however, it quickly became apparent that in mainstream parlance “they” came to be understood as Arabs or Muslims in general. This transfer in the meaning of the word “they” can be seen clearly in an article written by Fareed Zakari and published in the October 15, 2001 edition of Newsweek. The image displayed on the cover of that week’s edition became ingrained in my mind. It was a photograph of a young Arab man with his fist raised defiantly and his face contorted in an angry scream. The lead story was Zakari’s article entitled: “The Politics of Rage: Why Do They Hate Us?” In it, Zakari wrote the following:

“Only when you get to the Middle East do you see in lurid colors all the dysfunctions that people conjure up when they think of Islam today. In Iran, Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, the occupied territories and the Persian Gulf, the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism is virulent, and a raw anti-Americanism seems to be everywhere. This is the land of suicide bombers, flag-burners and fiery mullahs. As we strike Afghanistan it is worth remembering that not a single Afghan has been tied to a terrorist attack against the United States. Afghanistan is the campground from which an Arab army is battling America.”

This was typical of the messages that were being fed to the American public at that time. The Middle East was portrayed as a region consumed by hatred and peopled by militant enemies of democracy. Anti-American sentiment among Arab and Muslim populations was attributed to their rejection of American values, thanks in part to President Bush’s speech. This led to widespread acceptance of the notion that conflict between the Arab/Muslim Worlds and the West was inevitable. As the Bush administration began to develop its strategies for the war on terrorism, President Bush employed the rhetoric of good vs. evil in order to further convince the American people of the fundamental differences between “us” and “them.” By declaring Muslims inherently evil, these journalists and politicians created the impression among Americans that not only was conflict between us inevitable, but also that dialogue was futile.

I, for one, did not trust these sources. I was certain that there was more to Palestine than “suicide bombers,” more to Syria than “flag-burners” and more to Iran than “fiery mullahs.” I was not convinced that “they,” a term which had come to designate a people rather than a minority of terrorists, hated me. But I wanted to go to the region and learn for myself. I wanted to have human interactions with people from the Middle East and to ask them about their perceptions of the US directly. These interviews provided me with the opportunity to engage in such conversations in a very deliberate way and, in turn, this project represents my attempt to transmit the opinions of seven interviewees to a wider audience. My hope is that this website will serve as an educational tool through which Americans can learn where the actual sources of resentment towards the United States lie, rather than relying on simplistic explanations like “they hate our values.” Additionally, I hope that this site will contribute to wider efforts aimed at undoing the demonization of Arabs and Muslims and restoring the humanity that mainstream media has denied them.

Bush, George W. “Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People.” September 20, 2001. President Declares "Freedom at War with Fear" Accessed on May 24, 2007

Arab Perceptions of the United States
 
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Arab Perceptions of the United States

Arab Perceptions of the United States

This website is meant to serve as an educational tool through which people in the United States can learn about Arab opinions of the American government and people directly from individual Jordanians, Palestinians, and Syrians. Currently, much of what Americans believe about people from the Middle East has been determined by US politicians, CNN, and Hollywood. This website creates a space in which Arabs can articulate their opinions about the US to an American audience, in their own words and unfiltered by American politicians or media personnel. I believe that in order to foster true understanding between our regions of the world, we must create avenues for communication between everyday people. My purpose in developing this site was to create one such means for communication.

In November of 2005, while studying abroad in Amman, Jordan, I conducted interviews in which I asked the participants about their perceptions of the United States. The following semester I studied at the University of Damascus and in May of 2006, I interviewed Syrians asking them the same questions. Each interview focused on the following four topics: the events of September 11, 2001, the US invasion and occupation of Iraq, the US relationship with Israel and role in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and finally, American values, culture, and people.

It is important to note that when I originally wrote the questions for these interviews, the only topics I included were September 11 and Iraq. Based upon my experiences in the United States, I thought that those were the two events in recent history which had most impacted Arab-American relations. However, it was only after arriving in Jordan and having conversations with people there that I began to understand that US involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict plays a critical role in determing Arab perceptions of the US. I discovered that it was impossible for me to raise questions about 9/11 or Iraq without encountering responses concerning Israel. For this reason, I added the US relationship with Israel as another topic of discussion.

Some of the interviews contain a fifth topic: the suicide bombings of three American hotels in Amman. I added these questions because the bombings happened while I was in the middle of conducting interviews in November 2005. Al Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility and asserted that the hotel bombings were part of a strategy aimed at fighting American presence in the region. Many journalists suggested that it may have been meant as a warning to King Abdullah for his cooperation with the US government, however I wanted to understand how Jordanians percieved these attacks and whether or not they identified such a connection.


“Why do they hate us?”

May 20, 2007 · 1 Comment
My motivation for undertaking this project is intricately linked to the reasons that I became interested in studying Arabic and traveling to the Middle East in the first place. The events of September 11, 2001 brought the Middle East to the forefront of my consciousness, as it did for many Americans. In the aftermath of those attacks, I became increasingly disturbed by what I saw as heightened levels of racism and ethnocentricity in my country. Perhaps what aggravated me the most was the national debate that emerged under the heading:

“Why do they hate us?” President Bush addressed this question in a speech he gave to the nation on September 20. He said: “Americans are asking, why do they hate us? They hate what we see right here in this chamber — a democratically elected government…They hate our freedoms — our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other. These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life.”

In this speech, Bush was specifically referring to Al Qaeda members; however, it quickly became apparent that in mainstream parlance “they” came to be understood as Arabs or Muslims in general. This transfer in the meaning of the word “they” can be seen clearly in an article written by Fareed Zakari and published in the October 15, 2001 edition of Newsweek. The image displayed on the cover of that week’s edition became ingrained in my mind. It was a photograph of a young Arab man with his fist raised defiantly and his face contorted in an angry scream. The lead story was Zakari’s article entitled: “The Politics of Rage: Why Do They Hate Us?” In it, Zakari wrote the following:

“Only when you get to the Middle East do you see in lurid colors all the dysfunctions that people conjure up when they think of Islam today. In Iran, Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, the occupied territories and the Persian Gulf, the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism is virulent, and a raw anti-Americanism seems to be everywhere. This is the land of suicide bombers, flag-burners and fiery mullahs. As we strike Afghanistan it is worth remembering that not a single Afghan has been tied to a terrorist attack against the United States. Afghanistan is the campground from which an Arab army is battling America.”

This was typical of the messages that were being fed to the American public at that time. The Middle East was portrayed as a region consumed by hatred and peopled by militant enemies of democracy. Anti-American sentiment among Arab and Muslim populations was attributed to their rejection of American values, thanks in part to President Bush’s speech. This led to widespread acceptance of the notion that conflict between the Arab/Muslim Worlds and the West was inevitable. As the Bush administration began to develop its strategies for the war on terrorism, President Bush employed the rhetoric of good vs. evil in order to further convince the American people of the fundamental differences between “us” and “them.” By declaring Muslims inherently evil, these journalists and politicians created the impression among Americans that not only was conflict between us inevitable, but also that dialogue was futile.

I, for one, did not trust these sources. I was certain that there was more to Palestine than “suicide bombers,” more to Syria than “flag-burners” and more to Iran than “fiery mullahs.” I was not convinced that “they,” a term which had come to designate a people rather than a minority of terrorists, hated me. But I wanted to go to the region and learn for myself. I wanted to have human interactions with people from the Middle East and to ask them about their perceptions of the US directly. These interviews provided me with the opportunity to engage in such conversations in a very deliberate way and, in turn, this project represents my attempt to transmit the opinions of seven interviewees to a wider audience. My hope is that this website will serve as an educational tool through which Americans can learn where the actual sources of resentment towards the United States lie, rather than relying on simplistic explanations like “they hate our values.” Additionally, I hope that this site will contribute to wider efforts aimed at undoing the demonization of Arabs and Muslims and restoring the humanity that mainstream media has denied them.

Bush, George W. “Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People.” September 20, 2001. President Declares "Freedom at War with Fear" Accessed on May 24, 2007

Arab Perceptions of the United States

I have very little knowledge of Arabic countries but I had a few friends in Sydney who were from Arabic countries. Even if countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordon etc are known as close friends of United States, its interesting to know what they really think :coffee:
 
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QUESTION : Why do Muslims hate America ?

ANSWER: Because American imperialism backs every dictatorship from Morocco in the west to Jakarta in the east, launches an illegal war against Iraq for oil and murders over 100,000 muslims [in addition to the deaths attributed to the sanctions regime], targets Islam as a threat to her interests, undertakes illegal abduction/torture/murder of many muslims under the CIA "rendition" programme, continues with the abuse of muslims in Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay, has continued to base her troops in the Muslim World with the consent of unelected/unaccountable dictators.
I am, personally, enraged by the treatment of Dr Aafia Siddiqui and her children. Illegally abducted and detained [to this day] on unsubstantiated allegations of terrorism, facing a military "kangaroo" court and having suffered rape by American military officials . . . many years after her initial abduction. The whereabouts of her children are, still, unknown.

America is a scum nation with a scum culture . . . any pretence that Muslims hate her for her [non-existent] freedoms is the most transparent and lame propaganda of the worst type.

If America wishes to change Muslim opinion towards her, all she has to do is stop waging a war against Islam and the Muslim World.
 
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Saudis faulted for funding terror


By Josh Meyer
April 02, 2008 in print edition A-8

Saudi Arabia remains the world’s leading source of money for Al Qaeda and other extremist networks and has failed to take key steps requested by U.S. officials to stem the flow, the Bush administration’s top financial counter-terrorism official said Tuesday.

Stuart A. Levey, a Treasury undersecretary, told a Senate committee that the Saudi government had not taken important steps to go after those who finance terrorist organizations or to prevent wealthy donors from bankrolling extremism through charitable contributions, sometimes unwittingly.

“Saudi Arabia today remains the location where more money is going to terrorism, to Sunni terror groups and to the Taliban than any other place in the world,” Levey said under questioning.

U.S. officials have previously identified Saudi Arabia as a major source of funding for extremism. But Levey’s comments were notable because, although reluctant to directly criticize a close U.S. ally, he acknowledged frustration with administration efforts to persuade the Saudis and others to act.

“We continue to face significant challenges as we move forward with these efforts, including fostering and maintaining the political will among other governments to take effective and consistent action,” Levey said, later adding: “Our work is not nearly complete.”

Levey was the sole witness before the Senate Finance Committee, which Tuesday ordered an independent review of the efforts to choke off financing used by Al Qaeda and other extremist groups.

Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.), the committee chairman, announced the review at the end of the hearing held to assess the money-tracking campaign by Treasury’s Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, headed by Levey.

The Bush administration created the office in 2004 to spearhead efforts to disrupt the flow of money to extremist causes, primarily from wealthy donors in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere in the Persian Gulf.

However, U.S. officials and counter-terrorism experts have said that international support for the effort has waned while terrorist groups have found ways around the financial restrictions. At the same time, there have been turf battles among the 19 federal agencies that work on the problem.

Senators praised work done by Levey but expressed concerns about the overall U.S. effort. The committee’s Democratic and Republican leaders cited a Los Angeles Times report last week detailing problems undermining the effort.

Sen. Charles E. Grassley of Iowa, the ranking Republican, said extremist groups had adapted to changing U.S. investigative methods: “We are simply not prepared right now to keep up with them and put them out of business once and for all.”

Levey said the campaign has succeeded in disrupting terrorist financing by freezing suspicious assets and in gathering intelligence that could be used to identify extremists and disrupt their activities.

But under questioning by senators, Levey also spoke of difficulty in getting Saudi Arabia to take the steps U.S. officials consider necessary.

Levey said the Saudis had been aggressive in going after terrorist cells. But he said they had not lived up to promises to establish the kind of financial intelligence unit needed to trace the money trails of terrorists. Another problem is that the Saudi government has not set up a charity oversight commission to track whether donations end up in the hands of extremists.

Levey said the Saudi government has not moved to publicly hold accountable those within the kingdom who have been the subject of enforcement actions by the U.S. and other authorities.

Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) said the Saudi failures mean that Americans who pay more than $100 a barrel for oil are in effect bankrolling extremism because wealthy Saudis “back-door” their profits into charities that fund extremist causes.

Nail Jubeir, press attache for the Saudi embassy in Washington, dismissed those concerns, saying the Bush administration has repeatedly praised Saudi Arabia for its efforts to combat terrorism.

“We have been very vigilant in our campaign against terrorism financing,” Jubeir said. “We have come a long way since 9/11 on this issue.”

Jubeir confirmed that Saudi Arabia has not set up the financial intelligence unit or charity commission, but said it was cracking down on the financiers of terrorism in other ways, such as making it illegal for anyone to send money outside the kingdom “without going through official government channels.”

Alleged financiers of terrorism identified by the United States are being investigated, and their assets have been frozen, Jubeir said. “But unless we have evidence to try them … we don’t parade them in public,” he said. “What if it turns out they are innocent?”

At the hearing, senators also expressed concern about disputes among U.S. agencies and other administrative and investigative functions of Levey’s office. Baucus and Grassley asked that the Government Accountability Office review its internal efficiency and effectiveness as well as its cooperation with foreign governments.

Levey said he had not seen the request from Baucus and Grassley, but added: “We welcome any source of advice as to how we can improve.”


Saudis faulted for funding terror - Los Angeles Times
 
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America is prepared to swallow accusations of hypocrisy and double-standards as long as her Arab vassals like the House of Al-Saud remain such an indispensible part of the American Empire.

The relationship between the US and Saudia can be characterized as the same as the 'dog and his dinner' . . . revolting to behold as it is unappetizing to the palate.
 
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Al-Qaida Has Funds Despite Economic Woes

Analysts Say al-Qaida Awash in Funds Despite Global Financial Crisis



Al-Qaida, which gets its money from the drug trade in Afghanistan and sympathizers in the oil-rich Gulf states, is likely to escape the effects of the global financial crisis.

One reason is that al-Qaida and other Islamic terrorists have been forced to avoid using banks, relying instead on less-efficient ways to move their cash around the world, analysts said.

Those methods include hand-carrying money and using informal transfer networks called hawalas.

While escaping official scrutiny, those networks also are slower and less efficient — and thus could hamper efforts to finance attacks.

"It would be inconceivable that large amounts of (terror-linked) money would transit through the formal financial system, because of all the controls," said Ibrahim Warde, an expert on terrorist financing at The Fletcher School at Tufts University.

The question of where al-Qaida and its sympathizers get their money has long been crucial to efforts to prevent terrorist attacks. A 2004 U.S. investigation found that banks in the United Arab Emirates had unwittingly handled most of the $400,000 spent on the Sept. 11 attacks.

After the attacks, the U.S. made an aggressive push to use law enforcement techniques to disrupt terrorist financing networks and worked with allies to improve their own financial and regulatory institutions.

Al-Qaida and the Taliban have benefited from the drug trade's growth in Afghanistan after the U.S.-led invasion in 2001, and the booming business likely will not be affected by the global slowdown.

Opium cultivation has fallen slightly this year but is still about 20 times higher than in 2001, according to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime.

Former U.S. drug czar Gen. Barry McCaffrey, who recently consulted with U.S. and NATO officials in Afghanistan, issued a report in July saying al-Qaida and the Taliban "are principally funded by what some estimate as $800 million a year derived from the huge $4 billion annual illegal production and export of opium/heroin and cannabis."

In addition, wealthy donors and Islamic charities in the oil-rich Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, continue to be "one of the most significant sources of illicit financing for terrorism," said Matthew Levitt, a former Treasury Department terrorism expert now with The Washington Institute for Near East Policy.


The Saudis have long insisted they are doing all they can to rein in terror financing, and U.S. officials have praised their efforts.

But, under a system known as "zakat," wealthy Muslims are required to give a portion of their money to the poor. Much of that is given to Islamic charities, and U.S. officials say at least some of that money continues to be channeled to al-Qaida and other terrorist groups.

Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries have benefited in the last two years from a surge in oil prices from about $60 per barrel at the beginning of 2007 to more than $145 per barrel in the middle of this year. Prices have fallen almost 50 percent in the last few months in response to the global financial crisis, but not before generating hundreds of billions of dollars to oil producers.

Levitt said the covert nature of terrorist financing makes it difficult to determine a direct correlation between rising oil revenues and the amount of cash al-Qaida has on hand.

But "it stands to reason that if there is more oil revenue, there will be more revenue for all kinds of things licit and illicit," he said.

Al-Qaida and other extremist groups have gloated in recent weeks about the West's financial woes, painting the crisis as either divine punishment for supposed wrongs or the last gasps of a dying empire.

An American al-Qaida member, Adam Gadahn, said in a video released this month that "the enemies of Islam are facing a crushing defeat, which is beginning to manifest itself in the expanding crisis their economy is experiencing."

Members of the militant Palestinian group Hamas and hard-liners in Iran also have cheered the economic turmoil.

Iran is thought to be the last major government supporter of terrorist groups. The majority Shiite country is not believed to finance al-Qaida, a Sunni group, but does support the militant Hezbollah faction in Lebanon, which engaged in war with Israel in 2006.

Iran denies the financial crisis is hurting its economy, but falling oil prices will cut into its crude sales, which make up 80 percent of the government budget. It is unclear how that will affect support to Hezbollah.

Despite the apparent glut in potential money for terrorist groups, Levitt believes anti-terrorism efforts have hampered their ability to transfer money where they want.

Levitt points to several messages from senior al-Qaida leaders in Pakistan and Afghanistan intercepted by the U.S. or released by the terrorist group itself, asking Gulf supporters for more help because of funding shortfalls. The al-Qaida leader in Afghanistan, Mustafa Abu al-Yazid, appeared in a May 2007 video saying "the mujahedeen of the Taliban number in the thousands, but they lack funds."

But Warde and other analysts are not convinced al-Qaida is really hurting.

"Anybody who is involved in fundraising of any sort is never going to say we have enough money, so I think it is a silly argument to say that because there is this intercept ... it is proof that everything we've done has succeeded brilliantly," said Warde.

Copyright 2008 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.


ABC News: Analysts: Al-Qaida Has Funds Despite Economic Woes
 
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