2017 WAS A GOOD YEAR FOR INDIA-RUSSIA TIES, 2018 CAN BE BETTER

[Sankpal]

2017 WAS A GOOD YEAR FOR INDIA-RUSSIA TIES, 2018 CAN BE BETTER
29.12.2017

© Sputnik / Sergey Mamontov
Nandan Unnikrishnan
However successful the defence relationship between India and Russia, it is not enough in the modern world to sustain a truly strategic partnership – one that provides each other with greater strategic space to deal with the challenges of the new emerging geopolitical world order.


The Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin’s recent visit is further evidence of the growing upward momentum in Indo-Russian relations. This was the third trip to India this year by the Russian official in-charge of the Military-Industrial Complex. However, Rogozin’s visit this time was related more to the Indo-Russian Joint Commission meeting than military matters, although these undoubtedly would have been discussed in his meetings with India’s national security Advisor Ajit Kumar Doval. Rogozin along with Sushma Swaraj, India’s Foreign Minister, is a co-Chair of the India-Russia Joint Commission. During his visit, Rogozin also met India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman.



The Co-Chairs of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC-TEC) met in New Delhi on December 23. The Co-Chairs reviewed the current state of Indo-Russian relations with particular focus on economic matters.

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The official statement at the end of the meeting stressed that the two leaders noted “the impressive growth of 22% in bilateral trade” in the past six months. Apart from that, the two sides considered the progress on issues concerning the most significant aspects of our bilateral economic cooperation such as trade, economy, investment, industry, energy, transport, agriculture and space.



The two leaders also agreed on some action points that included:



• Raising the level of the Joint Working Group on Trade and Economic Cooperation to that of Deputy Minister level.

• Creating a mechanism to discuss and remove any barriers to trade.

• Creation of a Working Group on Agriculture.

• Creation of a Working Group on Pharmaceuticals.

• Agreement to actively promote inter-regional cooperation, which has a significant untapped potential for cooperation.

• The decision to expedite implementation of the Green Corridor for the exchange of pre-arrival data between Customs Administrations of the two countries.



It is interesting that Rogozin’s visits this year are akin to bookends for a year of intensive political exchanges – he was the first high-level Russian official to visit in January and the last to visit in December this year. In all, there have been a dozen high-level visits to India by Russian leaders and over two dozen visits to Russia by Indian ministers and officials. The significant boost to bilateral exchanges can be gauged from the fact that this is probably the first time in many years that the Indian Foreign Minister, Defence Minister and National Security Advisor have visited Russia twice each in the same calendar year.



But these dry statistics of increased trade, investment and bilateral high-level visits while significant in themselves are also signs that the two countries have begun taking energetic steps to revitalise the relationship. This is probably a reflection of the view that however successful the defence relationship, even if indirectly backed up with a deep engagement in civil nuclear energy, it is not enough in the modern world to sustain a truly strategic partnership – one that provides each other with greater strategic space to deal with the challenges of the new emerging geopolitical world order.



The two sides also appear to comprehend that even the “main pillar” of the relationship the military-technical relationship faces many challenges. The Russian side is deeply concerned with the direction of India’s efforts to diversify its military procurements and collaborations. The Indian side has its set of grievances about some high-profile joint development projects and the “never-ending problem” with the supply of spares.



However, if the potential for development of defence ties is fully harnessed, then these impediments pale into insignificance. Russia could contribute to India’s development story if it would help India significantly expand its manufacturing capabilities advanced defence platforms including submarines, particularly nuclear-powered. The two countries could also consider joint manufacturing of weapons systems for export to third countries.



Meanwhile, the discussions during Rogozin’s visit would have stressed with satisfaction the progress in bilateral ties made in 2017. But the leaders of the two countries would have also noted that there is a need not only to boost the current positive momentum in ties but that there is potential to significantly enhance the tempo.

http://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/good-year-for-india-russia-ties/

 

[Sankpal]

THE BUZZ
Russia Could Soon Sell the S-400 Air Defense System to India: Report

Zachary Keck

December 29, 2017

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Russia is on the cusp of signing a deal to sell India its S-400 air and missile defense system, according to a senior Russian official.

Recently appearing on Russian television, Vice-Premier Dmitry Rogozin said the two countries were nearing an agreement. "We hope that the S-400 deal will be signed with India soon," Rogozin said, TASS reported.


His comments come on the heels of a similar statement from Viktor N. Kladov, director for international cooperation and regional policy of Rostec, a massive Russian conglomerate. Speaking to Indian media outlets earlier in December, Kladov said that negotiations between India and Russia had reached a “very profound stage.” When asked when a formal agreement would be inked, Kladov answered, “As soon as they prepare the contract it will be signed … I cannot give you the time as I don't know but anytime in future because the two teams are working very hard.” While indicating that the talks at this point were mostly focused on technical issues, Kladov also said the two sides were still discussing issues relating to “pricing, training, transfer of technologies, [and] setting up of command and control centers.”

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India’s interest in acquiring the S-400 is nothing new. At the October 2016 BRICS summit in Goa, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi and Russian president Vladimir Putin announced a $5 billion deal for Delhi to acquire the S-400 Triumf air defense system. The agreement was reportedly for five different variants of the system. Around that time, NDTV, a local Indian media organization, speculated that “the five missiles India is acquiring will likely provide defense for a large area around high-value installations including nuclear power plants and key government centers. They are also expected to provide India with a missile-shield for protection against Pakistani or Chinese nuclear-capable ballistic missiles.”

The S-400 is Russia’s fourth-generation air and missile defense system. It is currently Moscow’s most advanced deployed system, although a fifth-generation version, the S-500, is under development. The S-400 is a mobile system that is designed to counter a number of different aerial threats, from unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and aircraft to short and medium range ballistic missiles. Each system is armed with numerous missiles to engage different threats. As Robert Farley has explained:

An S-400 battery has three kinds of missiles, each intended to engage aerial targets at different ranges. The longest ranged SAM [surface-to-air missile] can engage at 400 km, with shorter-ranged missiles compensating with enhanced capabilities for killing fast, maneuverable targets. The S-400 can also engage ballistic missiles.

S-400 is reportedly able to engage thirty-six targets simultaneously. According to some sources, every unit comes with eight launchers, each one of which is equipped with thirty-two missiles.

Still, a number of observers have questioned some of the S-400’s purported capabilities. For instance, the CSIS Missile Threat project notes that it is unclear if the 40N6 missile—which is the interceptor that has a range of 400 kms—is even deployed. The same source also questions whether the S-400’s radar capabilities were sufficient for the 40N6 missile to reach its 400 km range. In the end, the CSIS Missile Threat project assesses that: “The S-400’s mission set and capabilities are roughly comparable to the U.S. Patriot system. Unlike some Patriot interceptors today, however, the S-400 does not currently employ hit-to-kill ballistic missile defense technology.” Russia is seeking to develop a new interceptor that uses hit-to-kill capabilities.
http://nationalinterest.org/blog/th...sell-the-s-400-air-defense-system-india-23856