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Myanmar General Discussion (non military)

How you guys are dealing with those Bangladeshi alien? What is your settlement proposal. Everyone knows right now that Bangladesh is sinking as well as over populated and illegals have been crossing over to India and Burma.

How you guys are going to step up border patrol?
Yeah, pretty much. The buzzword right now is 'federalism' and they are talking about 'Pinlon 2'; a revised union charter of the one from 1947. In my opinion, a lot of these ethnic leaders prolong the conflict because it adds to their power base. I swear the main reason a lot of these guys are still fighting is so that they can come down to Yangon in their SUVs and patronise the various karaoke parlours during "peace talks". It's a shame the Kachin group started up again after such a long period of peace but once their leaders have enough economic concessions they'll give up. Like I linked at the beginning of the thread, the Rohingya solution has already been decided upon. The rest will eventually form up into a quasi-federalist union and the question of ethnic representation will forever be put to bed.
 
How you guys are dealing with those Bangladeshi alien? What is your settlement proposal. Everyone knows right now that Bangladesh is sinking as well as over populated and illegals have been crossing over to India and Burma.

How you guys are going to step up border patrol?

Beefing up the border and passing control from the Border Guards to the Army.

Rohingya to be given citizenship on condition that they have necessary papers and register themselves as Bengali immigrants. Those that are not to be eventually repatriated to Bangladesh.
 
Burmese neutrality - neither for one nor t'other (from @LeveragedBuyout 's favourite magazine)


Myanmar’s Great Power Balancing Act | The Diplomat
Myanmar’s Great Power Balancing Act
In balancing its relations with China and India, Myanmar is continuing a well-established practice.

By Jacob Goldberg
August 29, 2014
342
68
0
28
438 Shares
13 Comments
Following her recent participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, which included bilateral meetings with counterparts from 11 countries, Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj declared, “I myself feel that the visit was very successful.” Her trip will set the stage for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s upcoming visit to Myanmar in November. These engagements come as public and government opposition to Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar rises, offering India the opportunity to fill the strategic gap left by China’s waning influence in the Southeast Asian country.

While China remains Myanmar’s largest trade partner and supplies the bulk of the Myanmar Armed Forces’ weapons, the Myanmar government seems to be losing interest in Chinese investment in its infrastructure.

On July 18, Myanmar’s Ministry of Rail Transportation announced the cancellation of an agreement with the Chinese government to build a railway connecting Kunming in China to Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state. Ministry director Myint Wai attributed the cancellation to public opposition.

China’s ambassador to Myanmar Yang Houlan exposed Beijing’s discontent when he countered the ministry’s claim, saying in a July 25 press conference that the project would proceed with the support of the Myanmar government and people. He also claimed that opposition to the project has been overstated by the Myanmar government.

The Chinese envoy’s claims have not been corroborated by the Myanmar government.

The 1,215 km Kunming-Kyaukphyu railway, proposed in a 2011 memorandum between the Chinese and Myanmar governments, would have followed the route of an existing pipeline that connects gas fields in the Andaman Sea to refineries near Kunming. The $1 billion pipeline was fully funded by the Chinese government.

A recent Reuters report said the pipeline has been delivering only 15 percent of its intended annual capacity to its destination in Kunming.

Similarly, the bulk of the $20 billion cost of the now-defunct railway project was to be borne by the China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC).

However, in the three years since the memorandum was signed, public opposition to the project has hampered all progress on construction. Political parties and civil society groups in Rakhine state, through which the railway would have passed, have protested the construction of the pipeline as well as the railway, citing environmental and social concerns. Groups in Rakhine state also oppose the practice of exporting local natural resources out of Rakhine territory.

The cancellation of the Kunming-Kyaukpyu railway project follows a growing trend of opposition to Chinese investment in Myanmar’s infrastructure. In 2011, public opposition to the multi-billion dollar Myitsone Dam, another Chinese project, prompted President Thein Sein to suspend the project indefinitely.

Further exposing the vulnerability of Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar was a statement by a Chinese firm that signed deals with Burma’s former military rulers to build hydro dams in the Southeast Asian country. The Power Construction Corp of China recently announced that Myanmar could renegotiate the terms of those deals in order to allocate more power toward domestic consumption, deviating from the initial plan to direct 90 percent of the power generated by these dams to China.

Wasbir Hussain, director of the Centre for Development and Peace Studies in Guwahati, describes China’s engagement with Myanmar as the pursuit of three objectives. First, China seeks to use Myanmar’s natural resources to meet its domestic demand. Second, China wants to expand its access to the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea in order to develop a modern maritime reconnaissance system. Third, China is bent on denying India strategic space across South Asia.

The cancellation of the Kunming-Kyaukpyu railway project, the lackluster performance of the China-Myanmar gas pipeline and the offer to renegotiate dam deals with China endanger all of Beijing’s objectives.

At the same time, New Delhi seems to be achieving its strategic goals in Myanmar with increasing ease, allowing India to fill many of the remaining gaps in its Look East policy.

While Chinese projects Myanmar are consistently falling prey to public disapproval, several infrastructure projects that will connect Myanmar to India’s northeast states appear to be making progress, even in the face of similar local opposition.

The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which will connect India’s Mizoram State to a deep-sea port in Sittwe, is projected to be completed by 2015. The project will expand the capacity of the Sittwe port facility, giving India’s northeast states access to a harbor in the Bay of Bengal and connecting Myanmar to Kolkata port. Another project, the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway corridor, is projected to be completed by 2016. Earlier in July, the governments of India and Myanmar also pledged to proceed with the creation of a highway bus route that will connect Moreh in India’s Manipur state to Mandalay. It is set to be completed in October.

In a recently released report titled “Transforming Connectivity Corridors between India and Myanmar into Development Corridors,” former Indian ambassador to Myanmar VS Seshadri announced that a broad gauge rail line that is supposed to be built in Imphal by 2018 could be extended to Moreh and then on to Kalay in Myanmar’s Sagaing division with international funding, which would be another crucial link in regional connectivity. The report listed several other India-assisted developmental projects in Myanmar, which include industrial training centers in Pakokku and Myingyan and an India-Myanmar Centre for Enhancement of Information Technology Skills.

Groups such as the Kaladan Movement in Rakhine state and the Chin Human Rights Organization have raised concerns about the Kaladan project due to the lack of environmental impact assessments throughout the planning process and the absence of any effort by either the Indian or Myanmar governments to consult with populations living along the route of the project.

Nonetheless, this opposition seems to have had little impact on the progress of the project.

According to Madhurjya Kamar Dutta, program manager for trade and investment facilitation at the Mekong Institute for Development and Cooperation, India-funded infrastructure projects will facilitate the emergence of a new Mekong-India economic zone. The Moreh-Mandalay highway will fill a crucial gap in the Asian Highway network as well as connect India’s northeastern states to the East-West Economic Corridor, which connects Mawlamyine in Myanmar to Da Nang port in Vietnam. Thus, India will achieve a level of connectivity throughout Southeast Asia similar to that which China has enjoyed for centuries.

Myanmar’s apparent new preference for India-sponsored infrastructure projects also positions Naypyidaw to play an active role in the U.S. policy of rebalancing its economic and strategic focus toward Southeast Asia. During a recent visit to India, U.S. Defense Minister Chuck Hagel said, “The United States strongly supports India’s growing global influence and military capabilities including its potential as a security provider from the Indian Ocean to the greater Pacific.” As Myanmar falls further under India’s influence, it also embeds itself in American foreign policy, which is seen as a bulwark against China’s strategic ambitions in the region.

Both Indian and Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar have faced public opposition, but only China’s plans have unraveled as a result, while India’s projects have remained intact. It is possible the Myanmar government has found a new patron in Asia. But it is more likely that these events follow Myanmar’s well-known practice of balancing the great powers against each other. By challenging China’s monopoly, the Myanmar government is opening strategic space to create further competition between India and the United States on the one hand and China on the other, affording the Myanmar government a more comfortable degree of leverage and autonomy in the international arena.

Jacob Goldberg is a Myanmar-based journalist.
 
Indian conquering of North East is a big tragedy for Sino-Tibetan. Indian got that piece of land by playing Hitler. They come inside to conduct rape. Today places like Manipur has the most serious HIV problem in India.
And there are incident where Indian army fired rounds into innocent woman vagina after raping her, to increase their own orgasm. Indian army can rape and walk free just by accusing the victim as terrorist.

That is complete bullshit , you have no understanding of history of Manipur..
@Seaman
 
Burmese neutrality - neither for one nor t'other (from @LeveragedBuyout 's favourite magazine)


Myanmar’s Great Power Balancing Act | The Diplomat
Myanmar’s Great Power Balancing Act
In balancing its relations with China and India, Myanmar is continuing a well-established practice.

By Jacob Goldberg
August 29, 2014
342
68
0
28
438 Shares
13 Comments
Following her recent participation in the ASEAN Regional Forum in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, which included bilateral meetings with counterparts from 11 countries, Indian External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj declared, “I myself feel that the visit was very successful.” Her trip will set the stage for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s upcoming visit to Myanmar in November. These engagements come as public and government opposition to Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar rises, offering India the opportunity to fill the strategic gap left by China’s waning influence in the Southeast Asian country.

While China remains Myanmar’s largest trade partner and supplies the bulk of the Myanmar Armed Forces’ weapons, the Myanmar government seems to be losing interest in Chinese investment in its infrastructure.

On July 18, Myanmar’s Ministry of Rail Transportation announced the cancellation of an agreement with the Chinese government to build a railway connecting Kunming in China to Kyaukpyu in Rakhine state. Ministry director Myint Wai attributed the cancellation to public opposition.

China’s ambassador to Myanmar Yang Houlan exposed Beijing’s discontent when he countered the ministry’s claim, saying in a July 25 press conference that the project would proceed with the support of the Myanmar government and people. He also claimed that opposition to the project has been overstated by the Myanmar government.

The Chinese envoy’s claims have not been corroborated by the Myanmar government.

The 1,215 km Kunming-Kyaukphyu railway, proposed in a 2011 memorandum between the Chinese and Myanmar governments, would have followed the route of an existing pipeline that connects gas fields in the Andaman Sea to refineries near Kunming. The $1 billion pipeline was fully funded by the Chinese government.

A recent Reuters report said the pipeline has been delivering only 15 percent of its intended annual capacity to its destination in Kunming.

Similarly, the bulk of the $20 billion cost of the now-defunct railway project was to be borne by the China Railway Engineering Corporation (CREC).

However, in the three years since the memorandum was signed, public opposition to the project has hampered all progress on construction. Political parties and civil society groups in Rakhine state, through which the railway would have passed, have protested the construction of the pipeline as well as the railway, citing environmental and social concerns. Groups in Rakhine state also oppose the practice of exporting local natural resources out of Rakhine territory.

The cancellation of the Kunming-Kyaukpyu railway project follows a growing trend of opposition to Chinese investment in Myanmar’s infrastructure. In 2011, public opposition to the multi-billion dollar Myitsone Dam, another Chinese project, prompted President Thein Sein to suspend the project indefinitely.

Further exposing the vulnerability of Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar was a statement by a Chinese firm that signed deals with Burma’s former military rulers to build hydro dams in the Southeast Asian country. The Power Construction Corp of China recently announced that Myanmar could renegotiate the terms of those deals in order to allocate more power toward domestic consumption, deviating from the initial plan to direct 90 percent of the power generated by these dams to China.

Wasbir Hussain, director of the Centre for Development and Peace Studies in Guwahati, describes China’s engagement with Myanmar as the pursuit of three objectives. First, China seeks to use Myanmar’s natural resources to meet its domestic demand. Second, China wants to expand its access to the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea in order to develop a modern maritime reconnaissance system. Third, China is bent on denying India strategic space across South Asia.

The cancellation of the Kunming-Kyaukpyu railway project, the lackluster performance of the China-Myanmar gas pipeline and the offer to renegotiate dam deals with China endanger all of Beijing’s objectives.

At the same time, New Delhi seems to be achieving its strategic goals in Myanmar with increasing ease, allowing India to fill many of the remaining gaps in its Look East policy.

While Chinese projects Myanmar are consistently falling prey to public disapproval, several infrastructure projects that will connect Myanmar to India’s northeast states appear to be making progress, even in the face of similar local opposition.

The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which will connect India’s Mizoram State to a deep-sea port in Sittwe, is projected to be completed by 2015. The project will expand the capacity of the Sittwe port facility, giving India’s northeast states access to a harbor in the Bay of Bengal and connecting Myanmar to Kolkata port. Another project, the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway corridor, is projected to be completed by 2016. Earlier in July, the governments of India and Myanmar also pledged to proceed with the creation of a highway bus route that will connect Moreh in India’s Manipur state to Mandalay. It is set to be completed in October.

In a recently released report titled “Transforming Connectivity Corridors between India and Myanmar into Development Corridors,” former Indian ambassador to Myanmar VS Seshadri announced that a broad gauge rail line that is supposed to be built in Imphal by 2018 could be extended to Moreh and then on to Kalay in Myanmar’s Sagaing division with international funding, which would be another crucial link in regional connectivity. The report listed several other India-assisted developmental projects in Myanmar, which include industrial training centers in Pakokku and Myingyan and an India-Myanmar Centre for Enhancement of Information Technology Skills.

Groups such as the Kaladan Movement in Rakhine state and the Chin Human Rights Organization have raised concerns about the Kaladan project due to the lack of environmental impact assessments throughout the planning process and the absence of any effort by either the Indian or Myanmar governments to consult with populations living along the route of the project.

Nonetheless, this opposition seems to have had little impact on the progress of the project.

According to Madhurjya Kamar Dutta, program manager for trade and investment facilitation at the Mekong Institute for Development and Cooperation, India-funded infrastructure projects will facilitate the emergence of a new Mekong-India economic zone. The Moreh-Mandalay highway will fill a crucial gap in the Asian Highway network as well as connect India’s northeastern states to the East-West Economic Corridor, which connects Mawlamyine in Myanmar to Da Nang port in Vietnam. Thus, India will achieve a level of connectivity throughout Southeast Asia similar to that which China has enjoyed for centuries.

Myanmar’s apparent new preference for India-sponsored infrastructure projects also positions Naypyidaw to play an active role in the U.S. policy of rebalancing its economic and strategic focus toward Southeast Asia. During a recent visit to India, U.S. Defense Minister Chuck Hagel said, “The United States strongly supports India’s growing global influence and military capabilities including its potential as a security provider from the Indian Ocean to the greater Pacific.” As Myanmar falls further under India’s influence, it also embeds itself in American foreign policy, which is seen as a bulwark against China’s strategic ambitions in the region.

Both Indian and Chinese infrastructure projects in Myanmar have faced public opposition, but only China’s plans have unraveled as a result, while India’s projects have remained intact. It is possible the Myanmar government has found a new patron in Asia. But it is more likely that these events follow Myanmar’s well-known practice of balancing the great powers against each other. By challenging China’s monopoly, the Myanmar government is opening strategic space to create further competition between India and the United States on the one hand and China on the other, affording the Myanmar government a more comfortable degree of leverage and autonomy in the international arena.

Jacob Goldberg is a Myanmar-based journalist.

Thanks for the article. My takeaways:

1). It's always a good sign when great powers are fighting for the right to build infrastructure for you, especially if they assume most or even all of the cost.
2). The rapid build out of instrastructure bodes well for your economy, which in turn will make Myanmar even more desirable.
3). In many aspects, Myanmar already behaves like a Western country. Protests to block infrastructure projects over environmental and social issues? Is this Myanmar, or San Francisco?

I hope the US is clever enough to get in on the action. If Myanmar can at least be kept out of China's sphere of influence, it provides both of us good options in the future. I disagree that Myanmar's growing relationship with India provides an opening for the US, however. India has made clear, for decades, that it does not regard an alliance with the US as desirable, so I wonder at the journalist's reasoning behind that assertion.
 
Thanks for the article. My takeaways:

1). It's always a good sign when great powers are fighting for the right to build infrastructure for you, especially if they assume most or even all of the cost.
2). The rapid build out of instrastructure bodes well for your economy, which in turn will make Myanmar even more desirable.
3). In many aspects, Myanmar already behaves like a Western country. Protests to block infrastructure projects over environmental and social issues? Is this Myanmar, or San Francisco?

I hope the US is clever enough to get in on the action. If Myanmar can at least be kept out of China's sphere of influence, it provides both of us good options in the future. I disagree that Myanmar's growing relationship with India provides an opening for the US, however. India has made clear, for decades, that it does not regard an alliance with the US as desirable, so I wonder at the journalist's reasoning behind that assertion.

- Concern for the environment and its conservation is not the sole preserve of the West. But, yes, it is quite a progressive stance by the government to allow these protests to hold influence. IMO it was both an electioneering strategy to win favour for Thein Sein (which in itself is promising as it signals that the next election in 2015 will not be outright crooked) and as a way of showing China that we are not a client state.

- I agree that it was quite bizarre of the article to suggest that better relations with India is an opening for the US but as a rejoinder I would say that America's Asian proxies (Japan and Korea) are the channels through which the US is engaging indirectly with Myanmar under the radar of official sanctions. Japan's policy in Myanmar has been long regarded as being influenced by the US. Here is an interesting article on the subject:

What Myanmar Means for the U.S.-Japan Alliance - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Here is an article about the nascent income/wealth gap that liberalisation has brought:

http://online.wsj.com/articles/meet-the-new-richin-myanmar-1409756369

YANGON, Myanmar—On this balmy Saturday evening at Yangon's Wardan jetty, dock workers have momentarily stopped loading and unloading crates from rickety fishing boats. Vegetable sellers that line the dusty road by the Yangon River are sitting quiet, and trishaw drivers, too, have stopped shouting out at passersby to offer them rides.

Instead, they are watching amused—and confused—as socialites from Hong Kong, London and beyond hike up their flowing skirts and gingerly tread on the dirt track, careful that their heeled shoes stay clear of potholes and muddy patches. Avoiding the oversize rats burrowing through garbage nearby, this sampling of the world's beautiful people is heading to Transit Shed 1, a rusting industrial warehouse whose corrugated iron roof and green exterior blends in seamlessly with the ramshackle jetty that surrounds it.

Yet the scene inside Transit Shed 1—or TS1, as its creators prefer it be called—is a world away from the rest of Myanmar, the poorest country in Asia after Afghanistan and Nepal. Contemporary art work featuring children with Burmese mythical dragons lines one wall, while a Who's Who of Myanmar society—everyone from former political prisoners to ambassadors—sip champagne with a host of young, wealthy, globe-trotting compatriots.

It is opening night at the venue, part exhibition space and part retail venture. The brainchild of Ivan Pun, the 29-year-old Oxford-educated youngest son of one of Myanmar's richest tycoons, TS1 hopes to inject a new hip glamour to this decaying city that has undergone a celebrated political and economic transition in recent years after almost six decades of military rule.

And with hip, comes some eye-opening price tags. In an adjoining room, a bench made of teak from Myanmar's Shan state sells for $2,500. Blouses and other gifts carry labels for TS1's signature brand, MyanmarMade. Coming soon: The retail space will host a high-fashion showcase including designers like Proenza Schouler, purveyor of thousand-dollar satchels, and Prabal Gurung, the Nepalese-American fashion designer whose designs have been worn by the likes of Michelle Obama and Kate Middleton.

"We want to see if Myanmar is ready for something like this," Pun said later after the event, dressed in a black T-shirt and skinny jeans. "There is a thirst in consuming and buying that is not being satisfied."

Pun's vision is just the beginning of a new Myanmar, featuring glam and glitz that is funded, spearheaded and enjoyed by repatriates that escaped the country during its days under brutal military control. That dictatorship ended in 2011, when a new, nominally civilian government assumed power, and since then its leaders have loosened restrictions on public gatherings and opened the doors to foreign investment, leading Western governments to lift most economic sanctions. Now that Myanmar is embracing Western-style consumerism for the first time in more than a generation, Pun and his compatriots are playing tastemakers.

It doesn't seem to deter them that the country's gross domestic product per capita works out to only $1,700 a year, compared with $62,400 in Singapore or $52,800 in the U.S., according to the CIA World Factbook. Just behind the TS1 retail space, children prowl through garbage looking for toys to play with.

People in Myanmar "have not yet developed taste as consumers," Pun says. It's like starting from scratch, he says. "Some markets are set in their preferences—like India and Indonesia—but here we can curate our offerings and bring designers that are interesting to fashion editors in London, New York and Paris rather than what is commercially available."

“This vision is just the beginning of a new Myanmar, featuring glam and glitz that is funded and enjoyed by repatriates that escaped the country.”

CUT OFF FROM the outside world for so long, tropical Myanmar is following a trail blazed earlier by countries such as Russia, Vietnam and China that unlocked new wealth when they embraced elements of capitalism after decades of isolation. Their openings spawned scores of first-generation millionaires and billionaires—some through legitimate businesses, others through corrupt or illegal means—and experts expect Myanmar to be no different.

The country's economic reforms are creating big new opportunities as authorities issue licenses for everything from banking to oil-and-gas exploration to mobile-phone networks. Wealth-X, a consultancy that specializes in tracking the rich, says there are currently only about 40 individuals considered ultra-high-net worth in Myanmar, with a net worth of over $30 million. But it says this number could grow by more than seven times in the next decade—the fastest such pace of growth anywhere in the world, the consultancy says.

Signs of a New Money boom are already appearing. After prohibiting imports of foreign vehicles for years except for top generals, the government has eased restrictions, and now showrooms boast black Rolls Royce sedans and Jaguar sports cars. Residents see Ferraris, Bentleys, Porsches and even a Bugatti Veyron—the fastest street-legal car make in the world—alongside rusty taxis that would look more appropriate on a scrapheap.

Prices for prime real estate in Yangon, Myanmar's commercial capital, are skyrocketing. A modest two-story, four-bedroom house in the exclusive Golden Valley neighborhood rents for as much as $10,000 a month, real-estate agents say. Families with older colonial-era bungalows are tearing them down and replacing them with colonnaded mansions, while their 20-something kids gather in nightclubs ordering Johnnie Walker blue label whisky.

Myanmar also is popping up on the radar screens of private wealth managers and luxury-goods brands hungry for a new source of growth at a time when China is slowing down. Myanmar residents spent only about $1.9 million on wine last year, according to consumer-market research firm Euromonitor International, but sales are expected to more than double by 2018. After that, the sky's the limit. Myanmar is "the last economic frontier in Asia with significant growth potential," Euromonitor says.

"Even I did not realize how much wealth there was here," says the young Pun, whose father, a property and banking entrepreneur named Serge Pun, has seen his estimated net worth swell by $100 million to $600 million over the past year, according to Forbes magazine. "When you look at mass gatherings, weddings especially, and see the lines of Ferraris and BMWs outside—people are not shy to show off."

A big question is whether Myanmar can absorb this new wealth without seeding the kind of class tensions that at times have threatened to destabilize other emerging markets, including some of those—like Russia and China—that eschewed displays of wealth in earlier times. Just a few years ago, Myanmar's leaders frowned upon conspicuous consumption, and the few families that held significant financial assets mostly tended to squirrel them away in overseas bank accounts rather than flaunt them at home.

“A big question is whether Myanmar can absorb this new wealth without seeding class tensions.”

Now, locals say benefits from the country's opening are accruing often to elites with ties to the former military junta. Some Myanmar business leaders are still targeted by Western economic sanctions because of alleged ties to drug trafficking, corrupt government contracts or wasteful extraction of natural resources.

"All the black money that people were hiding is now coming out," says Cheery Zahau, a democracy activist from Myanmar's Chin state whose work with the United Nations has been recognized by the George W. Bush Institute. For the rich, Zahau argues, it is a competition—one buys a Ferrari, and the other buys a Bentley, one builds a five-story mansion, and the next family, a six-story mansion. "It is sick. We don't need the World Bank or the IMF, we need these people—these very, very rich people—to spend money in a way that is not ignorant."

The country's newly-rich say the picture is a little more complicated. After all, they say, can people be blamed for wanting to splurge a little after so many years of privation?

Brazil for the World Cup. In the U.S., he says, he will have the opportunity to check in on a pop-up shop in the East Hamptons, where products from his MyanmarMade brand are being sold all summer.

Pun says he has "a certain level of taste" from his time around the world that allows him to bring a variety of concepts to Myanmar. Growing up almost entirely in England, he was educated at the Cranleigh School, a boarding school in the county of Surrey, until he was 18. After making his way into Oxford University to major in Oriental studies, he dropped out in 2007—the major "didn't quite interest" him, he says—to pursue fashion and music. This brought him to Condé Nast in midtown Manhattan, where he worked on special editorial projects at Vogue magazine and another, now-defunct publication run by Anna Wintour.

He returned to Asia in 2009, working for a while in Beijing on a menswear line with some friends. Eventually he was lured back to his homeland of Myanmar in 2011, working for his father's conglomerate, which also has interests in manufacturing, retail and virtually every other major sector in the country. His last gig was in corporate development, before he broke off to set up Pun+Projects.

Last year, he hosted a private screening of the "Great Gatsby" in Yangon attended by his friend, Baz Luhrmann, the movie's director. Next, he says, he might consider inviting Wes Anderson for a similar private screening of his latest movie, "Grand Budapest Hotel," or organize a larger film festival.

When W Magazine staffers made a trip to the country last year to produce a 20-photo spread by photographer Tim Walker, Pun was, of course, in the loop. The series, titled "Gilt Trip," featured model Edie Campbell wearing Lanvin-label clothes near the sacred Golden Rock, a Buddhist pilgrimage site south of Yangon, and jumping with Kayan tribal "long-neck" women with brass rings around their necks.

Later in the day, Pun rides in a large white Toyota 7203.TO -1.61% minivan to TS1, replying to emails on his phone in the back seat—an impressive feat considering that Myanmar's primitive telecom system doesn't support such services in most places. It's OK, though, because the van is kitted out with its own Wi-Fi.

At TS1, he inspects products from its new retail offering, including furniture from the avant-garde, Chinois-style luxury brand Lala Curio, a Hong Kong-based interior designer. He sits on a $3,600 couch and picks up a decorative item of peacock feathers stuck on a wooden block, checking its retail price. It is $65.

His hope, he says, is that he helps create an environment that "isn't just for Yangon, but is about what we believe is cool, and are bringing here to Yangon." And it certainly doesn't feel out of place in such a rough-hewn country, he says.

"It is not too early to start thinking about this" in Myanmar, he says, leaning back in his chair. "Wages are increasing, wealth is increasing—we don't know how long this is going to take, but it will happen.

Write to Shibani Mahtani at shibani.mahtani@wsj.com

Corrections & Amplifications

A new restaurant to be opened by Myanmar entrepreneur Ivan Pun will be called Port Autonomy, and the price of a couch he was sitting on during an interview was US$3,600. A previous version of this article incorrectly said the restaurant would be called Port Authority, and that the price of the couch was US$16, 500. Also, Mr. Pun went to Cranleigh School, a boarding school in the county of Surrey. A previous version of this article referred to Surrey as a town. Additionally, the consultancy Wealth-X considers ultra-high-net-worth individuals to be those with a net worth of over US$30 million. A previous version of this article said that those individuals needed to have over US$30 million of investible assets. [Sept. 4/5]

Quite why the WSJ is making judgements on how people should be spending their money is beyond me but it does raise a point about the growing trend I'm seeing w.r.t the proliferation of the nouveau riche in Yangon. When the wealth/income gap not only increases but noticeably increases then it tears apart the social fabric leading to higher rates of crime and the deterioration of traditional values.

Yangon’s murder rate surges past last year’s level, police say - Eleven Myanmar | Eleven Myanmar

Yangon’s murder rate surges past last year’s level, police say
Published on Tuesday, 14 October 2014 22:04

Crime rates are surging in Yangon Region, with the number of reported murders and robberies already surpassing the numbers for all of last year, according to the Yangon Region police.
From January to September this year 148 murders were reported, compared to 130 for all of last year. The number of robberies is also up, though it is believed this crime is vastly under-reported. Thirty-seven robberies were reported in the January to September period compared to 33 last year.
Police said that 125 of the 148 murder cases are before the courts, while 23 remain under investigation. Half of the robbery cases are now before the courts, they added.
The number of reported rapes in the first nine months of the year was 110, police said. They did not provide a figure from last year. Twenty home burglaries were also reported during the first nine months of the year, they said.
Although arrests have been made in most cases, the perpetrators of at least two double homicides remain at large, including one in Mingalardon Township last year, on November 19. The killer of a 36-year-old woman and her nine-year old child has also yet to be apprehended. Both victims had their throats slit.
More than 2,600 criminals have yet to be apprehended for crimes. The Yangon Region Police Force aims to arrest half of them within six months time, according to Lt-Colonel Myint Htwe.
Crime rates are rising because more people are living in abject poverty and struggling to survive, Myint Htwe said.
 
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The Irrawaddy Magazine - Burma, Myanmar News


For students who interest in Myanmar, I suggest you bookmark the above link and read most of the articles, old and new, to get an in depth understanding of the country. The ethnic issues are the most intrigue for people who are keen on these areas.

There are many reader replies that give you the street knowledge of all Myanmar.
 
The Irrawaddy Magazine - Burma, Myanmar News


For students who interest in Myanmar, I suggest you bookmark the above link and read most of the articles, old and new, to get an in depth understanding of the country. The ethnic issues are the most intrigue for people who are keen on these areas.

One thing I will say is that the Irrawaddy is a very biased media source. The owner of the magazine is well known to push his own agenda hence I stopped reading it. A better source, in my opinion, is Mizzima which is another exile newspaper but is quite fair and balanced in its approach.

www.mizzima.com

The English version of the former government venture, The Myanmar Times, is also quite balanced and the editors can push through a number of articles in the English version that don't get translated in to the Burmese version.

The Myanmar Times
 
The first census in 31 years took place earlier this year in Myanmar and turned up some startling results. The most pressing one being that the official estimate and actual number for the population diverged by about 8 million. It was thought that the population was around 60 million but it was closer to 52 million. The first thing to note is that it pushed the GDP per capita figures up by about 15% which puts us above Bangladesh (this is in keeping with my observation that wages for labourers are actually higher in Myanmar as we can't compete with Bangladeshi sweat shops). The second thing is that this reveals a substantial labour shortage. So much of our unskilled/semi-skilled labour is in other Asian countries like Malaysia and Thailand and we need to bring them back with focused policy that promotes and subsidises labour intensive industries. If we can do that, I am sure that a lot of these guys will want to come home where they belong. This will have the effect of pushing up the price of labour up even higher in Thailand, and with the already discriminatory practices in Thailand towards its migrant labour force, it will precipitate the process. Firms lower down the value chain will probably then start to move their industries to Myanmar. The third problem is that it means the Myanmar market is a little smaller than first thought which might affect investment but if we can show that betting on Myanmar is a winning bet then it should be OK. So far it seems to be a winning bet.

Myanmar's missing millions: The leftovers | The Economist

Myanmar's missing millions
The leftovers
Sep 4th 2014, 10:21 by T.J. | BANGKOK
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MYANMAR has just found out that 9m-odd people it had thought were living within its borders actually do not. In fact most of them don’t live anywhere at all. The first census in three decades puts Myanmar’s population at just 51.4m, not 60m.

The dearth of real data always made a nonsense of economic planning. Until recently not knowing the size of the population—the denominator for almost every development index—did not matter. The sad fact was that the dictatorship did not care much at all about such indices. Freshly snatched from China’s orbit, Myanmar has been reconnected to a steady flow of aid and investment from Western countries—whose governments are happy to regard it as a rare and precious example of political and economic development gone right.

Losing 9m people overnight has a nice side-effect or two. On paper the country’s GDP per capita is suddenly 17% higher, breaking $1,000 for the first time. Myanmar’s progress towards a host of the UN’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) looks correspondingly better—though in plenty of other cases, it looks worse. More meaningfully perhaps, across the board this census makes plain just how dark a statistical shadow was cast by the country’s half-century under a military dictatorship.

The newest snapshot shows that 15m people, or 29.6% of the total population, live in urban areas. The average household size is 4.4. Some 7.4m people live in the commercial capital, Yangon—a couple of million more people than there used to be, according to the best guess from the past decade.

The headcount has also revealed that there are 1.7m more women than men. The sex ratio of 0.9 speaks to a reasonably favourable status of women. This roots Myanmar firmly in mainland South-East Asia, home to countries where women outnumber men. By contrast, all of South Asia, and China too, produce too few girls relative to boys, a sad consequence of sexism in those societies.

The census was ill-considered in many ways. It cost $75m and its biggest achievement was probably to underscore the fragility of a political transition in Myanmar, an ethnically diverse country with a long history of internal conflict. The 51.4m figure includes 1.2m people whom the government could count or chose not to count. About 100,000 live in bits of Kachin and Kayin states whose territory the central government does not control. But by far the larger number are to be found in northern Rakhine state. There the new census figures revealed a new 1.1m people, most of them Rohingya Muslims. (In Kayin people were asked to count themselves; in Kachin calculations were based on “the demographics of surrounding villages”; and the estimate for northern Rakhine was based on maps made before the census was taken.)

In the past the government has excluded the Rohingyas from the census, for fear of having to acknowledge their existence. The government, like much of the ethnic-Burmese majority, regard the Rohingya as being illegal “Bengali” immigrants and keeps them in an effective state of ethnic segregation. Still to come is the dreaded moment at which new figures will reveal the actual ethnic and religious affiliations of the total population. The fear is that it will trigger violent outrage among Buddhist nationalists if the data turn out to show, as many people expect, a doubling of official estimate of the Muslim population. On the old figures, there are only 4m Muslims in Myanmar today, only a minority of them being Rohingyas. Tallying them, and other minorities too, will be a tricky affair.

Thankfully recalculating the population of Myanmar as a whole poses questions that are relatively academic. How to explain those missing millions? Most countries expect any census to result in an “undercount” of 2-3%. In addition, the official figure of 60m, everyone knew, was a wild guess. It was based on the outcome of a flawed 1983 census which put the population at 35.4m, updated with subsequent guesses about rates of fertility and mortality, in the absence of meaningful data. The initial estimate, or the rates used to update it—or both—might have been wildly off. And those are not the only ways Myanmar’s millions have made themselves scarce.

Janet Jackson, the country representative of the UN’s Population Fund, says factoring in people who were abroad at the time of the census will have to be kept as “the subject of a separate research enquiry”. In part the missing millions may be well be an illustration of the fact that in political systems that forbid basic freedoms and economic opportunities, citizens head for the exit. The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) has estimated that there are between 2m and 4m Burmese workers in Thailand, perhaps another half-million in Malaysia, more than 100,000 in Singapore, a few thousand in Japan and South Korea, and then a totally unknown number in India and China. Fully 10% of the population may be living abroad—that is, if an estimate made in 2009 is to be believed. But as the census shows, when it comes to Myanmar, estimates about the population can be wildly off base.
 
Apologies if I posted something behind a paywall (i.e. The Economist) but I think everyone can have limited access to their articles.
 
One thing I will say is that the Irrawaddy is a very biased media source. The owner of the magazine is well known to push his own agenda hence I stopped reading it. A better source, in my opinion, is Mizzima which is another exile newspaper but is quite fair and balanced in its approach.

www.mizzima.com

The English version of the former government venture, The Myanmar Times, is also quite balanced and the editors can push through a number of articles in the English version that don't get translated in to the Burmese version.

The Myanmar Times


Sometimes bias views can give one more understanding of the issues as long as one is mature enough to hold a neutral view. What I most interest in are the readers' comments, ofcource most of them are probably bias too, of which I can't get them anywhere else.

I just begin to study ethnic groups around this side of Himalayas and your first link would be a great help. I do read Myanmar Times frequently. Thanks.
 
Sometimes bias views can give one more understanding of the issues as long as one is mature enough to hold a neutral view. What I most interest in are the readers' comments, ofcource most of them are probably bias too, of which I can't get them anywhere else.

I just begin to study ethnic groups around this side of Himalayas and your first link would be a great help. I do read Myanmar Times frequently. Thanks.

Are you Burmese (your username suggests you might be)? If not, can you read Burmese?
 
@alaungphaya any development news ?

There was actually an article in The Economist the other day which suggested that Myanmar should turn itself into a sweatshop like Bangladesh before trying to bridge the gap with our old rivals Thailand but seeing as I can't seem to cut and past from there you'd have to look it up yourself. Quite a ridiculous notion seeing as both our GDP growth rate and per capita GDP are above Bangladesh.

Generally speaking, all the development news coming out of Myanmar is currently positive so I don't feel posting them all would contribute to the discussion.
 
There was actually an article in The Economist the other day which suggested that Myanmar should turn itself into a sweatshop like Bangladesh before trying to bridge the gap with our old rivals Thailand but seeing as I can't seem to cut and past from there you'd have to look it up yourself. Quite a ridiculous notion seeing as both our GDP growth rate and per capita GDP are above Bangladesh.

Generally speaking, all the development news coming out of Myanmar is currently positive so I don't feel posting them all would contribute to the discussion.
ahaha yes you have about $100 above per GDP capita, but your GDP size is less than half of our GDP size.
 
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