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Understanding the uprising
One of the main challenges this situation poses is to have serious thinking over the future course of action
Dr. Aijaz Ashraf
Srinagar | Posted : Aug 27 2016 1:07AM | Updated: Aug 26 2016 10:45PM
2 0 0
File Photo
With protests continuing unabated the state seems to be waiting for this uprising to subside on its own. There are arguments made that Kashmiris are not going to achieve anything out of this uprising, either it will be quelled or will peter out. The reference points obviously are 2008 and 2010 uprisings. Up till now , the first possibility has failed, and now the only one left is the second one. However, this is a very flawed strategy as it has always, at the most, pushed the problem a bit back only to resurface more strongly. Let us presume that ultimately, and we may have to do that, routine resumes after some time without making any tangible gins from this agitation. Does that mean Kashmiris achieved nothing? That the sacrifices of people went waste? Absolutely not. If few months of hartal and few hundred killings would get you freedom, then every second state of every second country would launch such agitation, and Kashmir itself would have got it way back. Movements like these are long drawn battles in which such uprisings, organized or spontaneous, play an important role. What these intermediate popular uprisings—weapons of the weak—do is strengthen people's movement and take it forward.
What 2008 and 2010 did to Kashmiri could well be understood if one makes an analysis of the situation in Kashmir prior to 2008. Yes these uprisings did not get azadi to Kashmir but they transmitted it to new generation and kept it going in a new form. However, we may argue how far we should have taken these movements; what could have been more viable strategies and what could have been more dignified ways of calling them off. But to make such uprisings as reference point for failure is absolutely wrong. What is, however, needed is to draw strategies in order to minimize human loss during such uprisings and to ensure that we revisit our strategy before it reaches a saturation point and carry forward the positives from it. For example the biggest achievement of 2016 uprising is the sense of unity it has created and the biggest collective challenge for Kashmiris is to carry forward this unity.
In order to benefit from present movement it's important to make an in-depth analysis of present uprising, take out positives from it, and carry them forward. And at the same time give serious thought to what should have been avoided as well as what could have been done in a better way, something that was not done in case of earlier uprisings. Most importantly it needs to be done before the conspiracy theories set in. And here-in the role of resistance leadership is very crucial.
While street protests, stone pelting and participation in militant funerals in not completely new to Kashmir, the nature, scope and intensity of present uprising is unique in many respects. Such massive response to the killing of militant is unprecedented. 2008 protests were against land transfer order and the demand was to revoke it. The origins of the protests in 2010 were in the Machil fake encounter and demand for justice. Today, there are no demands and no expectations. It is spontaneous; from the below and even Hurriyat leadership has a difficult task of steering this movement.
Secondly, the centre for 2008, and 2010 uprisings was Srinagar and other towns. It was mostly an urban phenomenon, with some support from villages. Present uprising is an all-Kashmir phenomenon with a slight tilt in favour of rural areas. If one goes by the account of protest marches, killings and injuries, it is for the first time since 1989 that Srinagar seems to be playing a supporting role whereas rural areas are playing lead role. To keep this sprit up post-uprising in these areas will be a challenge, because let us not forget that these are the areas that also vote in bulk.
Thirdly, and very significantly over a period of time the use of violence, especially gun, was being rejected even by Hurriyat leadership. In the changed atmosphere both within Kashmir as well as outside the role of militancy was seen as receding. Violence seemed to be unacceptable means for perusing even legitimate goals. Even hard-line Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani constantly made appeals for peaceful resistance and even against stone pelting. 2008 and the subsequent uprisings were seen in this context. Kashmir resistance movement moved from violent to non-violent mode. While street protests and to some extent even stone pelting became acceptable means of resistance, however, militancy was not much favoured. However, the present uprising has brought the element of militancy back. Sayed Ali Shah Geelani announced Tangha-i-Azeemat (Medal of Resolve) to Burhan.
In fact, initially we saw militants making regular appearances during protests and address people who would make sure that they are protected till they reached back to safe places. A rally on 31th July 2016 at Kareemaabad, Pulwama is a clear example of this changed mood. Held in honour of martyred militants of the area, this really was attended by around 50, 000 people from different areas. The photographs of slain rebels, graffiti in honour of militants, pro-freedom, pro-militant and anti-India slogans could be seen across this area and in fact became a regular feature everywhere. Besides the family members of militants, militants also addressed the people during these gatherings, before their high command ordered them to stay away from public gatherings. This is a completely new trend in Kashmir. One of the main challenges that this situation poses is to have serious thought on the future course of action—do we go back to 1990s or move for a more peaceful means of protests. Also what needs to be reminded constantly is that the new-age militancy was able to generate public support primarily due to its discipline and clean image. And the most important reason for this was its limited number. People at large need to look for more and more non-violent modes of resistance.
Fourthly, this uprising has transmitted the sentiment of azadi to ‘third’ and ‘fourth’ generation. A new generation within the age group of 12 to 20 forms substantial proportion of the massive protests across Kashmir. This age group also forms substantial portion of those who got martyred during these protests. This generation is absolutely fearless and motivated. It was in this backdrop that even Union Minister Kiran Rijiju stated on 28th July that “highly motivated people who are out of national mainstream were making it difficult for government to improve situation”(Greater Kashmir, July 30). In fact, on 29th July, more than 20 days after protests started, The IGP Syed Javid Mujtaba Gilani, stated that situation continues to be same as on 8th July (Greater Kashmir, July 31). To be correct it continues to be same even now.
Besides stone pelting, graffiti, poetry, folk songs in favour of militants, raising azadi slogans through mosque loud speakers, prayers on roads and observing blackout are extensively being used as means of resistance against Indian state. Omar Abdullah in an interview said that, “Since the return of an elected government in 1996, this kind of a situation was never witnessed. So while there are similarities in protesters dying, everything else that we see today is different”. In fact, security agencies argued that poems in praise of Burhan are becoming major security challenge. Finding more and more such methods will be very helpful.
Fifth, the Pakistan sentiment has made a strong comeback. While feelings towards Pakistan is nothing new in Kashmir, however, fact remains that over a period of time due to various factors (changed nature of Kashmir resistance, Pakistan’s internal problems etc.) there was a sort of drift away from Pakistan, though surely not towards India. 2016 has changed that. The support in favour of Pakistan that we are witnessing and the stance that Pakistan has taken is quit remarkable. The more India keeps raising Pakistan bogie for happenings in Kashmir, the more Kashmiris have inclined towards Pakistan.
Finally, this time the support both from within and outside is remarkable. The support for azadi is such that people living in far-flung areas, which usually are perceived to follow state discourse, like Kalarus, Gurez, Kargil, Drass and other border areas this time witnessed consistent protests and complete shutdowns, which has not happened before. For example, Qazigund which has acquired the name of ‘Gurdaspur of Kashmir’ due to indifferent attitude of people of this area towards Kashmir cause, showed exemplary support this time—defying curfew and taking out massive protests resulting in loss of lives due to firing by Army. The participation of all the sections of society (especially female participation) also defines the unique character of this movement.
Externally, never before in recent history has there been such outcry in response to happenings in Kashmir. In many parts of India and the world over protest rallies were organized in solidarity with Kashmiris and against the state brutality. Intellectuals, Politicians, academicians and common masses in India cutting across regions highlighted the rising violence and human rights violations in the valley. Students at Ashoka University called for plebiscite for Kashmir. Prof. Radha Kumar, one of the interlocutors sent to Valley after 2010 uprising, stated that ‘never before has India been under pressure from its own people to solve Kashmir’ Hundreds of academicians, including people like Noam Chomsky, world over signed an on-line petition against killings of Kashmiris and called for resolution of Kashmir issue as per wishes of Kashmiris.
United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-Moon more than once, while expressing regret over the loss of lives and injuries in Kashmir, called on India and Pakistan to address all issues through peaceful means. The US also voiced concern over the on going violence in Kashmir Valley, and called upon India and Pakistan to resolve it amicably. Norway offered mediation between India and Pakistan to resolve Kashmir issue. Even New York Times this time came out with an editorial to highlight the plight of Kashmiris. Peaceful protest marches were also held in many countries like England, France, Japan against killings spree in Kashmir by forces. Convincing world community and garnering more and more public support world over is surely the biggest challenge now.
While it is being argued that Delhi, along with other measures, must start dialogue process once again with the separatist leadership, and other stakeholders, and it must open up all the communication channels which will help to resume talks with the people of the valley and also with Pakistan, but the real questions remain; is anybody in Valley, except for mainstream parties, ready to talk to New Delhi anymore? What will New Delhi offer? Can Separatists take the risk to talk? For common masses out in streets it hardly matters if AFSPA remains or not, if Delhi starts dialogue process or not, if Delhi makes any concessions or not; they are out for a final solution. That is way neither there were expectations from Home Minister's visit nor reactions on his silence, from the common Kashmiris. Same was the case with debates in parliament as well as all-party meeting. For the first time it seems that it is for Delhi to convince people of Kashmir and the resistance leadership for dialogue, to make offers and concessions rather than the other way round. The more New Delhi gets into denial mode, the tougher Kashmiris get. After all, how do you fight a people who have no fear of death?
Dr. Aijaz Ashraf teaches at the Department of Political Science, KU.
http://m.greaterkashmir.com/news/opinion/story/226808.html
One of the main challenges this situation poses is to have serious thinking over the future course of action
Dr. Aijaz Ashraf
Srinagar | Posted : Aug 27 2016 1:07AM | Updated: Aug 26 2016 10:45PM
2 0 0
File Photo
With protests continuing unabated the state seems to be waiting for this uprising to subside on its own. There are arguments made that Kashmiris are not going to achieve anything out of this uprising, either it will be quelled or will peter out. The reference points obviously are 2008 and 2010 uprisings. Up till now , the first possibility has failed, and now the only one left is the second one. However, this is a very flawed strategy as it has always, at the most, pushed the problem a bit back only to resurface more strongly. Let us presume that ultimately, and we may have to do that, routine resumes after some time without making any tangible gins from this agitation. Does that mean Kashmiris achieved nothing? That the sacrifices of people went waste? Absolutely not. If few months of hartal and few hundred killings would get you freedom, then every second state of every second country would launch such agitation, and Kashmir itself would have got it way back. Movements like these are long drawn battles in which such uprisings, organized or spontaneous, play an important role. What these intermediate popular uprisings—weapons of the weak—do is strengthen people's movement and take it forward.
What 2008 and 2010 did to Kashmiri could well be understood if one makes an analysis of the situation in Kashmir prior to 2008. Yes these uprisings did not get azadi to Kashmir but they transmitted it to new generation and kept it going in a new form. However, we may argue how far we should have taken these movements; what could have been more viable strategies and what could have been more dignified ways of calling them off. But to make such uprisings as reference point for failure is absolutely wrong. What is, however, needed is to draw strategies in order to minimize human loss during such uprisings and to ensure that we revisit our strategy before it reaches a saturation point and carry forward the positives from it. For example the biggest achievement of 2016 uprising is the sense of unity it has created and the biggest collective challenge for Kashmiris is to carry forward this unity.
In order to benefit from present movement it's important to make an in-depth analysis of present uprising, take out positives from it, and carry them forward. And at the same time give serious thought to what should have been avoided as well as what could have been done in a better way, something that was not done in case of earlier uprisings. Most importantly it needs to be done before the conspiracy theories set in. And here-in the role of resistance leadership is very crucial.
While street protests, stone pelting and participation in militant funerals in not completely new to Kashmir, the nature, scope and intensity of present uprising is unique in many respects. Such massive response to the killing of militant is unprecedented. 2008 protests were against land transfer order and the demand was to revoke it. The origins of the protests in 2010 were in the Machil fake encounter and demand for justice. Today, there are no demands and no expectations. It is spontaneous; from the below and even Hurriyat leadership has a difficult task of steering this movement.
Secondly, the centre for 2008, and 2010 uprisings was Srinagar and other towns. It was mostly an urban phenomenon, with some support from villages. Present uprising is an all-Kashmir phenomenon with a slight tilt in favour of rural areas. If one goes by the account of protest marches, killings and injuries, it is for the first time since 1989 that Srinagar seems to be playing a supporting role whereas rural areas are playing lead role. To keep this sprit up post-uprising in these areas will be a challenge, because let us not forget that these are the areas that also vote in bulk.
Thirdly, and very significantly over a period of time the use of violence, especially gun, was being rejected even by Hurriyat leadership. In the changed atmosphere both within Kashmir as well as outside the role of militancy was seen as receding. Violence seemed to be unacceptable means for perusing even legitimate goals. Even hard-line Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani constantly made appeals for peaceful resistance and even against stone pelting. 2008 and the subsequent uprisings were seen in this context. Kashmir resistance movement moved from violent to non-violent mode. While street protests and to some extent even stone pelting became acceptable means of resistance, however, militancy was not much favoured. However, the present uprising has brought the element of militancy back. Sayed Ali Shah Geelani announced Tangha-i-Azeemat (Medal of Resolve) to Burhan.
In fact, initially we saw militants making regular appearances during protests and address people who would make sure that they are protected till they reached back to safe places. A rally on 31th July 2016 at Kareemaabad, Pulwama is a clear example of this changed mood. Held in honour of martyred militants of the area, this really was attended by around 50, 000 people from different areas. The photographs of slain rebels, graffiti in honour of militants, pro-freedom, pro-militant and anti-India slogans could be seen across this area and in fact became a regular feature everywhere. Besides the family members of militants, militants also addressed the people during these gatherings, before their high command ordered them to stay away from public gatherings. This is a completely new trend in Kashmir. One of the main challenges that this situation poses is to have serious thought on the future course of action—do we go back to 1990s or move for a more peaceful means of protests. Also what needs to be reminded constantly is that the new-age militancy was able to generate public support primarily due to its discipline and clean image. And the most important reason for this was its limited number. People at large need to look for more and more non-violent modes of resistance.
Fourthly, this uprising has transmitted the sentiment of azadi to ‘third’ and ‘fourth’ generation. A new generation within the age group of 12 to 20 forms substantial proportion of the massive protests across Kashmir. This age group also forms substantial portion of those who got martyred during these protests. This generation is absolutely fearless and motivated. It was in this backdrop that even Union Minister Kiran Rijiju stated on 28th July that “highly motivated people who are out of national mainstream were making it difficult for government to improve situation”(Greater Kashmir, July 30). In fact, on 29th July, more than 20 days after protests started, The IGP Syed Javid Mujtaba Gilani, stated that situation continues to be same as on 8th July (Greater Kashmir, July 31). To be correct it continues to be same even now.
Besides stone pelting, graffiti, poetry, folk songs in favour of militants, raising azadi slogans through mosque loud speakers, prayers on roads and observing blackout are extensively being used as means of resistance against Indian state. Omar Abdullah in an interview said that, “Since the return of an elected government in 1996, this kind of a situation was never witnessed. So while there are similarities in protesters dying, everything else that we see today is different”. In fact, security agencies argued that poems in praise of Burhan are becoming major security challenge. Finding more and more such methods will be very helpful.
Fifth, the Pakistan sentiment has made a strong comeback. While feelings towards Pakistan is nothing new in Kashmir, however, fact remains that over a period of time due to various factors (changed nature of Kashmir resistance, Pakistan’s internal problems etc.) there was a sort of drift away from Pakistan, though surely not towards India. 2016 has changed that. The support in favour of Pakistan that we are witnessing and the stance that Pakistan has taken is quit remarkable. The more India keeps raising Pakistan bogie for happenings in Kashmir, the more Kashmiris have inclined towards Pakistan.
Finally, this time the support both from within and outside is remarkable. The support for azadi is such that people living in far-flung areas, which usually are perceived to follow state discourse, like Kalarus, Gurez, Kargil, Drass and other border areas this time witnessed consistent protests and complete shutdowns, which has not happened before. For example, Qazigund which has acquired the name of ‘Gurdaspur of Kashmir’ due to indifferent attitude of people of this area towards Kashmir cause, showed exemplary support this time—defying curfew and taking out massive protests resulting in loss of lives due to firing by Army. The participation of all the sections of society (especially female participation) also defines the unique character of this movement.
Externally, never before in recent history has there been such outcry in response to happenings in Kashmir. In many parts of India and the world over protest rallies were organized in solidarity with Kashmiris and against the state brutality. Intellectuals, Politicians, academicians and common masses in India cutting across regions highlighted the rising violence and human rights violations in the valley. Students at Ashoka University called for plebiscite for Kashmir. Prof. Radha Kumar, one of the interlocutors sent to Valley after 2010 uprising, stated that ‘never before has India been under pressure from its own people to solve Kashmir’ Hundreds of academicians, including people like Noam Chomsky, world over signed an on-line petition against killings of Kashmiris and called for resolution of Kashmir issue as per wishes of Kashmiris.
United Nations secretary general Ban Ki-Moon more than once, while expressing regret over the loss of lives and injuries in Kashmir, called on India and Pakistan to address all issues through peaceful means. The US also voiced concern over the on going violence in Kashmir Valley, and called upon India and Pakistan to resolve it amicably. Norway offered mediation between India and Pakistan to resolve Kashmir issue. Even New York Times this time came out with an editorial to highlight the plight of Kashmiris. Peaceful protest marches were also held in many countries like England, France, Japan against killings spree in Kashmir by forces. Convincing world community and garnering more and more public support world over is surely the biggest challenge now.
While it is being argued that Delhi, along with other measures, must start dialogue process once again with the separatist leadership, and other stakeholders, and it must open up all the communication channels which will help to resume talks with the people of the valley and also with Pakistan, but the real questions remain; is anybody in Valley, except for mainstream parties, ready to talk to New Delhi anymore? What will New Delhi offer? Can Separatists take the risk to talk? For common masses out in streets it hardly matters if AFSPA remains or not, if Delhi starts dialogue process or not, if Delhi makes any concessions or not; they are out for a final solution. That is way neither there were expectations from Home Minister's visit nor reactions on his silence, from the common Kashmiris. Same was the case with debates in parliament as well as all-party meeting. For the first time it seems that it is for Delhi to convince people of Kashmir and the resistance leadership for dialogue, to make offers and concessions rather than the other way round. The more New Delhi gets into denial mode, the tougher Kashmiris get. After all, how do you fight a people who have no fear of death?
Dr. Aijaz Ashraf teaches at the Department of Political Science, KU.
http://m.greaterkashmir.com/news/opinion/story/226808.html
