Time to rethink policies
India file
Jyoti Malhotra
The dramatic return last week of the Northwest Airlines flight from the German airspace to Amsterdamââ¬â¢s Schipol airport, because a multiple ââ¬Ëterrorist threatââ¬â¢ on board targeting 12 Indian nationals ââ¬â all of them Muslim ââ¬â has given a new dimension to the epithet, ââ¬Ëtravelling while Asianââ¬â¢.
Soon after India realised, hand on thudding heart, that the Dutch were not accusing the Indian men of terrorism, the subsequent outpouring of relief included summons to the local Dutch ambassador and the direct accusation that the Netherlands in particular and the West in general, was indulging in ââ¬Ëracial profilingââ¬â¢.
For the Indian government to actually use these words with a foreign nation must constitute a decisive moment in Indiaââ¬â¢s foreign policy. And yet, New Delhi did not summon the American ambassador and tell him off, even though the plane was really an American one and it was two US sky marshals on board that plane who decided that the behaviour of these 12 men was risky.
The truth is that the Dutch were only involved insofar as it was from their territory (Amsterdam) that the plane took off and returned and it was the Dutch police that allegedly handcuffed these men and subsequently interrogated them on their own soil. If anybody needed to be scolded, it was the Americans. And that still hasnââ¬â¢t been done.
So why wasnââ¬â¢t it done? You donââ¬â¢t need a rocket scientist to provide you with the answer. Because, at least for the time being, India doesnââ¬â¢t want to take on a country with which a brand new relationship is in the offing, including a historic nuclear agreement, which will give India a very special place in the international power order.
This very special relationship-in-the-making between India and the US will take its time to become a more normal one, in which both countries can agree to disagree on a number of things, including human rights and hypocrisy.
The invasion of Iraq three years ago is a case in point. More than three thousand people were killed in Iraq in the month of July, and the Bush administration continues to speak about democracy. The invasion of Lebanon by the Israelis, the deliberate shelling of innocent women and children in residential neighbourhoods is a wound that is too fresh to be debated widely.
Enough to say that the photographs of dead children, still in their pajamas, as if they were still asleep, has sent a horrible shudder down the collective spine of the subcontinent. To spare a thought for the families of these children the morning after, these permanently sleeping children, what must they be still going through?
Many in India will argue, and continue to do so, that India cannot take sides between a terrorist group like the Hizbollah and Israel. That there is no place for morality in the world of realpolitik. And now that India is getting a chance to play with the big boys on the high table, it would be stupid if not downright silly, to throw away that chance for the sake of a few score dead children.
Fortunately, at least so far, this completely amoral and cynical group is still a tiny minority. Within the Congress-led government, voices are demanding to be heard that India follow an ââ¬Ëindependentââ¬â¢ foreign policy, independent of the Americans in areas which not only hurts Indiaââ¬â¢s national interest but also goes against the grain of the ideas of the freedom movement.
Interestingly, defence minister Pranab Mukherjee who has been taking such a tough line on the deal with Pakistan over Siachen, is emerging as a major leader who believes in this viewpoint. Mukherjee has already tasked his own ministry with putting together some field hospitals, which the army can put down in Lebanon. He has also asked the foreign office to put together its reconstruction act in that country.
Meanwhile, the biggest indicator of a changing India has been the recent speech in parliament of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, reiterating that India will not bow to changing American demands in the July 18 nuclear agreement between India and the US. Arguing that he will not apologise for his conviction that India needs to be friends with America, Singh also emphasised that if Washington shifts the goalposts, then New Delhi need not be bound by those changes.
In a sense then, the havoc wreaked in Iraq and now Lebanon, the constant threat to that other ancient civilisation, Iran, and the US demand that India, as its new friend and ally, support the Washington idea of ââ¬Ëif youââ¬â¢re not with us, youââ¬â¢re against us,ââ¬â¢ is considerably aiding in the maturing of India in this passionate love affair with America.
If the Iraqi invasion was merely ââ¬Ëcriticisedââ¬â¢ three years ago, the Lebanese invasion was summarily ââ¬Ëcondemnedââ¬â¢. It is said that the Congress government has come around to the view that if America wants too many fundamental changes in the nuclear deal, then India would rather simply walk away from it.
Parliamentarians debating this and many other issues in the parliament session just gone by, say they understand one thing: That they have to go back to their constituencies, and apart from explaining why the prices of potatoes and tomatoes are going up so rapidly, they have to answer why India is turning a blind eye to the suffering of innocent people around the world.
The parliamentarians point out that the foreign policy is no longer only a preserve of the elite in the big metros, and that in a growing economy, a growing middle class is not averse to asking uncomfortable questions.
Ultimately, it is this public opinion that is reforcing a rethink on major issues, such as America, China and Pakistan. Six weeks after the Mumbai bomb blasts, with no arrests on the horizon, people are now beginning to say, that it might, after all, be better if India picks up the thread of the peace process and debates the question of terrorism with Pakistan.
Question is, if Pakistan cooperate on terrorism with the West ââ¬â for example, by putting Hafiz Sayeed under house arrest in Bahawalpur, allowing him to be interrogated by the Americans and tipping off the British about Rauf Ahmedââ¬â¢s nefarious activities ââ¬âwhy canââ¬â¢t India and Pakistan talk about the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed?
The answer to that is one reason why Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Musharraf are more than likely to meet each other on the sidelines of the Non-Aligned Summit, in Cuba next month.
The writer is diplomatic editor of Star News, India. Email: jomalhotra@ yahoo.com
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=21660
India file
Jyoti Malhotra
The dramatic return last week of the Northwest Airlines flight from the German airspace to Amsterdamââ¬â¢s Schipol airport, because a multiple ââ¬Ëterrorist threatââ¬â¢ on board targeting 12 Indian nationals ââ¬â all of them Muslim ââ¬â has given a new dimension to the epithet, ââ¬Ëtravelling while Asianââ¬â¢.
Soon after India realised, hand on thudding heart, that the Dutch were not accusing the Indian men of terrorism, the subsequent outpouring of relief included summons to the local Dutch ambassador and the direct accusation that the Netherlands in particular and the West in general, was indulging in ââ¬Ëracial profilingââ¬â¢.
For the Indian government to actually use these words with a foreign nation must constitute a decisive moment in Indiaââ¬â¢s foreign policy. And yet, New Delhi did not summon the American ambassador and tell him off, even though the plane was really an American one and it was two US sky marshals on board that plane who decided that the behaviour of these 12 men was risky.
The truth is that the Dutch were only involved insofar as it was from their territory (Amsterdam) that the plane took off and returned and it was the Dutch police that allegedly handcuffed these men and subsequently interrogated them on their own soil. If anybody needed to be scolded, it was the Americans. And that still hasnââ¬â¢t been done.
So why wasnââ¬â¢t it done? You donââ¬â¢t need a rocket scientist to provide you with the answer. Because, at least for the time being, India doesnââ¬â¢t want to take on a country with which a brand new relationship is in the offing, including a historic nuclear agreement, which will give India a very special place in the international power order.
This very special relationship-in-the-making between India and the US will take its time to become a more normal one, in which both countries can agree to disagree on a number of things, including human rights and hypocrisy.
The invasion of Iraq three years ago is a case in point. More than three thousand people were killed in Iraq in the month of July, and the Bush administration continues to speak about democracy. The invasion of Lebanon by the Israelis, the deliberate shelling of innocent women and children in residential neighbourhoods is a wound that is too fresh to be debated widely.
Enough to say that the photographs of dead children, still in their pajamas, as if they were still asleep, has sent a horrible shudder down the collective spine of the subcontinent. To spare a thought for the families of these children the morning after, these permanently sleeping children, what must they be still going through?
Many in India will argue, and continue to do so, that India cannot take sides between a terrorist group like the Hizbollah and Israel. That there is no place for morality in the world of realpolitik. And now that India is getting a chance to play with the big boys on the high table, it would be stupid if not downright silly, to throw away that chance for the sake of a few score dead children.
Fortunately, at least so far, this completely amoral and cynical group is still a tiny minority. Within the Congress-led government, voices are demanding to be heard that India follow an ââ¬Ëindependentââ¬â¢ foreign policy, independent of the Americans in areas which not only hurts Indiaââ¬â¢s national interest but also goes against the grain of the ideas of the freedom movement.
Interestingly, defence minister Pranab Mukherjee who has been taking such a tough line on the deal with Pakistan over Siachen, is emerging as a major leader who believes in this viewpoint. Mukherjee has already tasked his own ministry with putting together some field hospitals, which the army can put down in Lebanon. He has also asked the foreign office to put together its reconstruction act in that country.
Meanwhile, the biggest indicator of a changing India has been the recent speech in parliament of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, reiterating that India will not bow to changing American demands in the July 18 nuclear agreement between India and the US. Arguing that he will not apologise for his conviction that India needs to be friends with America, Singh also emphasised that if Washington shifts the goalposts, then New Delhi need not be bound by those changes.
In a sense then, the havoc wreaked in Iraq and now Lebanon, the constant threat to that other ancient civilisation, Iran, and the US demand that India, as its new friend and ally, support the Washington idea of ââ¬Ëif youââ¬â¢re not with us, youââ¬â¢re against us,ââ¬â¢ is considerably aiding in the maturing of India in this passionate love affair with America.
If the Iraqi invasion was merely ââ¬Ëcriticisedââ¬â¢ three years ago, the Lebanese invasion was summarily ââ¬Ëcondemnedââ¬â¢. It is said that the Congress government has come around to the view that if America wants too many fundamental changes in the nuclear deal, then India would rather simply walk away from it.
Parliamentarians debating this and many other issues in the parliament session just gone by, say they understand one thing: That they have to go back to their constituencies, and apart from explaining why the prices of potatoes and tomatoes are going up so rapidly, they have to answer why India is turning a blind eye to the suffering of innocent people around the world.
The parliamentarians point out that the foreign policy is no longer only a preserve of the elite in the big metros, and that in a growing economy, a growing middle class is not averse to asking uncomfortable questions.
Ultimately, it is this public opinion that is reforcing a rethink on major issues, such as America, China and Pakistan. Six weeks after the Mumbai bomb blasts, with no arrests on the horizon, people are now beginning to say, that it might, after all, be better if India picks up the thread of the peace process and debates the question of terrorism with Pakistan.
Question is, if Pakistan cooperate on terrorism with the West ââ¬â for example, by putting Hafiz Sayeed under house arrest in Bahawalpur, allowing him to be interrogated by the Americans and tipping off the British about Rauf Ahmedââ¬â¢s nefarious activities ââ¬âwhy canââ¬â¢t India and Pakistan talk about the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed?
The answer to that is one reason why Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Musharraf are more than likely to meet each other on the sidelines of the Non-Aligned Summit, in Cuba next month.
The writer is diplomatic editor of Star News, India. Email: jomalhotra@ yahoo.com
http://www.thenews.com.pk/daily_detail.asp?id=21660