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The West and Russia
Less chilly
A slightly warmer relationship between the West and Russia
GEORGE BUSH'S planned missile-defence system in eastern Europe was always contentious: would it provoke Russia into an arms race, was the threat of Iranian missiles real and would the proposed shield even work? But President Barack Obamas decision to scrap it, arguably his biggest break yet with the foreign policy of his predecessor, is proving controversial too.
Allies in eastern Europe and Republican critics at home have been quick to cry treason and appeasement. Betratyal! The USA has sold us to the Russians and stabbed us in the back, screamed one Polish tabloid, Fakt. Senator John McCain, who lost the presidential race to Mr Obama last year, called the move seriously misguided. John Bolton, Americas tough ambassador to the UN under Mr Bush, declared: Russia and Iran are the big winners. I just think its a bad day for American national security.
In the view of Mr Obamas critics, America retreated in the face of Russian bullying, and its threats to aim nuclear missiles at eastern Europe. Allies who took the risk to back the project, and tried to convince their sceptical publics of its value, have been left exposed. The potential costs of Mr Obamas move are apparent. But what might he get in return? For now, little that is concrete: the hope that the gesture would help improve relations with Russia and unlock a host of foreign-policy issues, from arms-control agreements to enhanced sanctions against Iran and co-operation over Afghanistan.
President Dmitry Medvedev said there was no primitive bargain with America, but he dropped a tantalising hint: The fact that they are listening to us is an obvious signal that we should also attentively listen to our partners, our American partners. Yet Mr Medvedevs may not be the voice that matters. Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister and still the real power of the land, suggested that he wants more concessions. I do anticipate that this correct and brave decision will be followed by others, Mr Putin said, pointing in particular to the joint bid by Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan to join the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
An early chance to gauge Russias response will come on October 1st, at talks in New York between Iran and the permanent members of the UN Security Council (including America, which is seeking to engage Iran) as well as Germany. Iran has steadfastly refused to halt its nuclear-enrichment programme, which it says is to make fuel for civil reactors but which the West and others suspect is a cover to develop nuclear weapons. Russia and China have been most resistant to tightening economic sanctions against Tehran. Sanctions will not be on the agenda next month, but Western diplomats will be looking for signs of a change in Russias mood music, particularly whether it shares the same sense of urgency about the need to stop Irans nuclear work quickly.
What I would expect is that Russia will join us in putting maximum political and diplomatic pressure on Iran to stop Irans nuclear aspirations, declared NATOs Secretary-General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen on Friday. He said that the world may be at a nuclear tipping point. Irans unchecked enrichment work, along with North Koreas nuclear test this year, means that many other countries could soon seek to acquire nuclear weapons.
Still, the Obama administration has been at pains to say there was no bargain with Russia, and the decision to abandon Mr Bushs missile-defence scheme was taken on its own merits.
Firstly, an unspecified fresh intelligence assessment concludes that the earliest Iran could develop long-range missileswhich Mr Bushs shield was designed to defeatis 2018 rather than 2015 as previous reckoned. Until then, the real Iranian threat comes from hundreds of short- and medium-range missiles.
So instead of having a large radar in the Czech Republic and powerful interceptors in Poland, Mr Obama says he will reconfigure the missile shield to establish smaller radars closer to Iran (perhaps in Turkey) and to deploy smaller interceptor missiles on board Aegis warships.
By 2015, more capable interceptors would be deployed at unspecified sites on land and by 2018 these would be replaced by even more capable ones that would provide coverage for all of Europe. Moreover, improvements in sensor technology and computer networks mean that the system would not need a large radar in central Europe. Instead the sensors would be mobile and dispersed on land, at sea, on aircraft and in space. Their information would be linked up by computer systems that could guide the interceptors. This, said Mr Obama, would offer stronger, smarter and swifter defences.
The West and Russia: Less chilly | The Economist
Less chilly
A slightly warmer relationship between the West and Russia
GEORGE BUSH'S planned missile-defence system in eastern Europe was always contentious: would it provoke Russia into an arms race, was the threat of Iranian missiles real and would the proposed shield even work? But President Barack Obamas decision to scrap it, arguably his biggest break yet with the foreign policy of his predecessor, is proving controversial too.
Allies in eastern Europe and Republican critics at home have been quick to cry treason and appeasement. Betratyal! The USA has sold us to the Russians and stabbed us in the back, screamed one Polish tabloid, Fakt. Senator John McCain, who lost the presidential race to Mr Obama last year, called the move seriously misguided. John Bolton, Americas tough ambassador to the UN under Mr Bush, declared: Russia and Iran are the big winners. I just think its a bad day for American national security.
In the view of Mr Obamas critics, America retreated in the face of Russian bullying, and its threats to aim nuclear missiles at eastern Europe. Allies who took the risk to back the project, and tried to convince their sceptical publics of its value, have been left exposed. The potential costs of Mr Obamas move are apparent. But what might he get in return? For now, little that is concrete: the hope that the gesture would help improve relations with Russia and unlock a host of foreign-policy issues, from arms-control agreements to enhanced sanctions against Iran and co-operation over Afghanistan.
President Dmitry Medvedev said there was no primitive bargain with America, but he dropped a tantalising hint: The fact that they are listening to us is an obvious signal that we should also attentively listen to our partners, our American partners. Yet Mr Medvedevs may not be the voice that matters. Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister and still the real power of the land, suggested that he wants more concessions. I do anticipate that this correct and brave decision will be followed by others, Mr Putin said, pointing in particular to the joint bid by Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan to join the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
An early chance to gauge Russias response will come on October 1st, at talks in New York between Iran and the permanent members of the UN Security Council (including America, which is seeking to engage Iran) as well as Germany. Iran has steadfastly refused to halt its nuclear-enrichment programme, which it says is to make fuel for civil reactors but which the West and others suspect is a cover to develop nuclear weapons. Russia and China have been most resistant to tightening economic sanctions against Tehran. Sanctions will not be on the agenda next month, but Western diplomats will be looking for signs of a change in Russias mood music, particularly whether it shares the same sense of urgency about the need to stop Irans nuclear work quickly.
What I would expect is that Russia will join us in putting maximum political and diplomatic pressure on Iran to stop Irans nuclear aspirations, declared NATOs Secretary-General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen on Friday. He said that the world may be at a nuclear tipping point. Irans unchecked enrichment work, along with North Koreas nuclear test this year, means that many other countries could soon seek to acquire nuclear weapons.
Still, the Obama administration has been at pains to say there was no bargain with Russia, and the decision to abandon Mr Bushs missile-defence scheme was taken on its own merits.
Firstly, an unspecified fresh intelligence assessment concludes that the earliest Iran could develop long-range missileswhich Mr Bushs shield was designed to defeatis 2018 rather than 2015 as previous reckoned. Until then, the real Iranian threat comes from hundreds of short- and medium-range missiles.
So instead of having a large radar in the Czech Republic and powerful interceptors in Poland, Mr Obama says he will reconfigure the missile shield to establish smaller radars closer to Iran (perhaps in Turkey) and to deploy smaller interceptor missiles on board Aegis warships.
By 2015, more capable interceptors would be deployed at unspecified sites on land and by 2018 these would be replaced by even more capable ones that would provide coverage for all of Europe. Moreover, improvements in sensor technology and computer networks mean that the system would not need a large radar in central Europe. Instead the sensors would be mobile and dispersed on land, at sea, on aircraft and in space. Their information would be linked up by computer systems that could guide the interceptors. This, said Mr Obama, would offer stronger, smarter and swifter defences.
The West and Russia: Less chilly | The Economist