Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing - Updates & Discussions

[Banglar Bir]

UNHRC to hold special session on Rohingya issue
Diplomatic Correspondent | Published: 00:22, Dec 04,2017 | Updated: 00:24, Dec 04,2017
The United Nations Human Rights Council is scheduled for Tuesday to hold a special session in Geneva on the human rights situation of the ethnic minority Rohingya Muslim population and other minorities in the Rakhine State of Myanmar.
The special session is being convened following an official request by Bangladesh and Saudi Arabia, supported by 73 UN member states, according to a release.

This will be the 27th special session of the council.

In order for a special session to be convened, the support of one-third of the 47 members of the council – 16 or more – is required.

Thirty-three member states of the council supported holding of the special session. The countries are: Albania, Bangladesh, Belgium, Botswana, Côte d’Ivoire, Croatia, Egypt, El Salvador, Georgia, Germany, Ghana, Hungary, Indonesia, Iraq, Japan, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Netherlands, Nigeria, Panama, Paraguay, Portugal, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Slovenia, Togo, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain, Northern Ireland, the United States of America.
Forty observer countries of the UNHRC also supported holding of the special session.

The countries are: Afghanistan, Algeria, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Bulgaria, Canada, Cyprus, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Ireland, Italy, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Maldives, Malta, Norway, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Senegal, Slovakia, Spain, Sudan, Sweden, Turkey and State of Palestine.

Over 6,24,000 Rohingyas, mostly women, children and aged people, entered Bangladesh, fleeing unbridled murder, arson and rape during ‘security operations’ by Myanmar military in Rakhine, what the United Nations denounced as ethnic cleansing, between August 25 and November 26.

The ongoing Rohingya influx took the total number of undocumented Myanmar nationals and registered refugees in Bangladesh to over 10,44,000 till Sunday, according to estimates by UN agencies.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29689/unhrc-to-hold-special-session-on-rohingya-issue

Anger in Myanmar social media as Pope pronounces ‘Rohingya’
Agence France-Presse . Yangon | Published: 01:25, Dec 04,2017 | Updated: 01:37, Dec 04,2017

Pope Francis places his hand on a Rohingya orphan girl during an interreligious meeting in Dhaka on December 1. — AFP photo

Pope Francis’s embrace of the Rohingya during a trip to Bangladesh has sparked some angry comment on social media in Myanmar, where just days earlier he chose not to publicly air their plight.
On Friday the head of the Catholic church met a group of refugees from Myanmar’s stateless Muslim minority in the Bangladeshi capital Dhaka.

He referred to them as ‘Rohingya’ – a term unacceptable to many in Myanmar where they are reviled as alleged ‘Bengali’ illegal immigrants rather than as a distinct ethnic group.

During his public addresses on the previous leg of his trip in mainly Buddhist Myanmar, Francis did not refer to the group by name or directly allude to the crisis in Rakhine state, from where over 623,000 Rohingya have fled since August.

His caution initially won applause from Myanmar’s tiny Catholic minority – who feared a nationalist blowback – as well as from Buddhist hardliners, who are on the defensive after a global outcry about the treatment of the group.

A deadly attack by Rohingya militants on police posts in late August sparked a ferocious crackdown in Rakhine by the Myanmar military, which the US and UN describe as ethnic cleansing.

As he arrived back at the Vatican, the pontiff said he had taken up the Rohingya cause in private in Myanmar, also describing how he wept after meeting the group of refugees.

‘I wept: I tried to do it in a way that it couldn’t be seen,’ he told reporters. ‘They wept too.’
The comments sparked a flurry of online anger in Myanmar, a country locked off from modern communications for five decades but which now has an active social media.

‘He is like a lizard whose colour has changed because of weather,’ said Facebook user Aung Soe Lin of the pope’s strikingly different stances on the crisis.

‘He should be a salesman or broker for using different words even though he is a religious leader,’ said another Facebook user called Soe Soe.

Myanmar’s Catholic church had advised Francis not to stray into the incendiary issue of the status of the Rohingya in Myanmar, in case he worsened tensions and endangered Christians.

In his public addresses he treaded softly on the topic, urging unity, compassion and respect for all ethnic groups – but not naming the Rohingya.

‘The Pope is a holy person... but he said something here (in Myanmar) and he said different in other country,’ another Facebook user Ye Linn Maung posted.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29648/anger-in-myanmar-social-media-as-pope-pronounces-

 

[Banglar Bir]

A solution that will not save lives
by Saira Rahman Khan | Published: 00:05, Dec 02,2017

A Bangladeshi man helps Rohingya refugees to disembark from a boat on the Bangladeshi shoreline of the River Naf after crossing the border from Myanmar in Teknaf on September 30. — Agence France-Presse/Fred Dufour
I HAVE spent the past two days pouring over the real-life horror stories that have come out from the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar. A hundred of them, to be precise. Incidents of young women and girls being carried off to army camps and being found raped and dead later on.

Of men being slaughtered in front of their families, of families being locked inside homes that were set on fire, of infants being snatched from their mother’s and killed, of homes being searched for arms and ‘terrorists’ and being looted and burnt instead.

Men and women being separated and ‘selected’ for torture, death, enforced disappearances and rape. Testimonies from young widows, orphaned children, old men and women weeping over dead children and grandchildren. Lamentations of those who left families, husbands and sons behind.

Much has been written about the tragedy of being born Rohingya. Of being rooted in a state that does not recognise your roots. With Bangladesh bursting at the seams hosting the Rohingyas fleeing further persecution, will the agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar, called the ‘Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State’ provide any solace — if the most persecuted of the persecuted even wish to cross back?

Non-refoulement is a fundamental principle of international law which forbids a country receiving victims of human rights violations from returning them to a country in which they would be in likely danger of persecution.

The principle is found in several international treaties and conventions, including the Convention against Torture, the Convention against Enforced Disappearances and the Refugee Convention. Have any measures been included in the said document that will ensure that the Rohingya wishing to return will not face further persecution?

The document states that Myanmar will not criminalise returnees for their illegal exit and return unless there are specific cases of their involvement in terrorist or criminal activities. It also states that both governments, Bangladesh and Myanmar, will refrain from implementing any policy that is discriminatory to a particular community and that violates ‘universally agreed principles on human rights as enshrined in the international human rights instruments to which they are parties’.

Let us tackle the last issue first. Bangladesh and Myanmar have both ratified the Genocide Convention, the latter ratifying it as early as 1956. They have also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the CEDAW. Neither is state party to the convention dealing with enforced disappearances nor is Myanmar a party to the Convention against Torture, the ICCPR and the ICESCR.

Despite such shortcomings, Myanmar and Bangladesh are both obliged under the basic principles of international human rights to respect fundamental rights. However, the fact that Myanmar has seemingly very little obligations, as it is not a party to some major conventions, makes it slightly easier for it to argue that it is not bound by any relevant international norms.

In fact, a majority of the international human rights instruments Myanmar has ratified deal with trafficking, women, children and persons with disabilities. The human rights violations it has committed, as based on the testimonies of the Rohingyas and the investigations carried out by the United Nations all fall under the conventions that Myanmar has not signed or ratified.

So, where the document between Bangladesh and Myanmar reads that both will refrain from implementing any policy that violates human rights enshrined in international instruments to which they are both a party — it is easy to see the glaring gaps.

Testimonies and reports have shown that both the Myanmar military and members of the civilian population took part in the burning of houses, torture, looting and rape of the Rohingyas. Given the circumstances of the whole issue, the continuing persecution and the eye-witness accounts, it might be safe to say that none of the civilians who took part in these crimes have been arrested or prosecuted. Furthermore, homes were robbed, vandalised and burnt under false pretexts of ‘arms searches’ and Rohingya men were arrested for being terrorists or for aiding criminals, by soldiers, with no evidence and with obviously ulterior motive.

The document states that Myanmar will not criminalise returnees for their illegal exit and return unless there are specific cases of their involvement in terrorist or criminal activities. It is obvious that given the persecution faced by the Rohingyas in the name of ‘terrorism’ and the arrests made with no evidence or grounds, as soon as they start returning there is the very real fear that the persecution and witch-hunt will start again. Under a repressive state, there is no need for evidence or proof to persecute the dissenters and the defenceless.

The criteria for eligibility for return, contained in this document, also raise questions. The first criterion is that the returnees must be residents of Myanmar. When a people have no citizenship they do not have passports or national identity cards either. When they are fleeing in fear, how many are in the frame of mind to remember documents relating to property, home or some form of identification?

Old or expired citizenship cards, legal documents, might well have gone up in flames as homes and villages were burnt or are in homes now taken over by others. The agreement does mention that other documentation or information indicating residence in Myanmar such as addresses, reference to household or business ownership, school attendance or other relevant information would also be accepted but if the papers/written proof is not there, it will be easy to dismiss claims and not allow entry.

The document clearly states that ‘bona fide evidence of residence in Myanmar’ is a must. The document does not give any alternative solution if such papers or documentation is unavailable. It does state that UNHCR-issued refugee documents will also be verified but since proof of bona fide evidence is made mandatory, such a UN document does not have much use alone.

Where are the checks and balances and security measures to ensure returning Rohingyas that they will be safe in Myanmar? That the agreement will not be breached? The document states that the UNHCR and other mandated UN agencies as well as ‘interested international partners’ would be invited to participate in the return and resettlement process ‘as appropriate’.

But nowhere does it state that in order to prevent further human rights violations, there will be in place UN mechanisms or any form of checks and balances to ensure effective implementation of the contents of the ‘arrangement’ that apply to resettlement, return of property and households and legal recognition of Rohingyas in Myanmar.

The language of this document, on a whole, is disappointing. The fact that it states that ‘Myanmar will not criminalise (ie prosecute or penalise) returnees for illegal exit and return…’ reeks of denial of atrocities perpetrated on the Rohingyas. Did the latter have any other choice but to flee the horrors? Even when they fled and hid in the jungles in Myanmar, they were chased down.

There is no mention of the persecution. There is no mention of measures to identify, arrest and prosecute those who have committed crimes against the Rohingyas. This is not an agreement to save lives and put an end to atrocities against human rights. It is not an agreement to recognise the Rohingyas as citizens of Myanmar. It is a scheme to push back a terrorised population.

There are no measures or guarantees in place to prevent further violations against the Rohingyas who return.

The fact that this document is called an ‘arrangement’ and not an ‘agreement’ shows that it is for a political and not a humanitarian purpose. There is high possibility that Bangladesh might be taking an awful risk and breaching the principle of non-refoulement if, by some miracle, the Rohingyas are convinced into going back based on this arrangement. After hosting a huge number of sacred, defenceless and violated people and giving them shelter and assistance, does the Bangladesh government want to see these people persecuted again and return?

It will seem as if it is contributing to the human rights violations on the Rohingyas. The United Nations can no longer sit back and let Bangladesh and Myanmar ‘deal’ with the issue. Human rights violations are not regional or ‘cross-border’.
They are international.
The plight of the Rohingyas has shaken the whole world.
They safety, security, dignity and rights must be of international concern too.

Saira Rahman Khan teaches law at BRAC University.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29561/a-solution-that-will-not-save-lives

 

[Bilal9]

Myanmar’s Catholic church had advised Francis not to stray into the incendiary issue of the status of the Rohingya in Myanmar, in case he worsened tensions and endangered Christians.

They're threatening the Pope!

And threatening repercussions on Myanmar Christians!

That's all we've got left to see...

 

[Banglar Bir]

They're threatening the Pope!
And threatening repercussions on Myanmar Christians!
That's all we've got left to see...

 

[Banglar Bir]

A solution that will not save lives
by Saira Rahman Khan | Published: 00:05, Dec 02,2017

A Bangladeshi man helps Rohingya refugees to disembark from a boat on the Bangladeshi shoreline of the River Naf after crossing the border from Myanmar in Teknaf on September 30. — Agence France-Presse/Fred Dufour

I HAVE spent the past two days pouring over the real-life horror stories that have come out from the Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar. A hundred of them, to be precise. Incidents of young women and girls being carried off to army camps and being found raped and dead later on. Of men being slaughtered in front of their families, of families being locked inside homes that were set on fire, of infants being snatched from their mother’s and killed, of homes being searched for arms and ‘terrorists’ and being looted and burnt instead.

Men and women being separated and ‘selected’ for torture, death, enforced disappearances and rape. Testimonies from young widows, orphaned children, old men and women weeping over dead children and grandchildren. Lamentations of those who left families, husbands and sons behind.

Much has been written about the tragedy of being born Rohingya. Of being rooted in a state that does not recognise your roots. With Bangladesh bursting at the seams hosting the Rohingyas fleeing further persecution, will the agreement between Bangladesh and Myanmar, called the ‘Arrangement on Return of Displaced Persons from Rakhine State’ provide any solace — if the most persecuted of the persecuted even wish to cross back?
Non-refoulement is a fundamental principle of international law which forbids a country receiving victims of human rights violations from returning them to a country in which they would be in likely danger of persecution.

The principle is found in several international treaties and conventions, including the Convention against Torture, the Convention against Enforced Disappearances and the Refugee Convention. Have any measures been included in the said document that will ensure that the Rohingya wishing to return will not face further persecution?

The document states that Myanmar will not criminalise returnees for their illegal exit and return unless there are specific cases of their involvement in terrorist or criminal activities. It also states that both governments, Bangladesh and Myanmar, will refrain from implementing any policy that is discriminatory to a particular community and that violates ‘universally agreed principles on human rights as enshrined in the international human rights instruments to which they are parties’.

Let us tackle the last issue first. Bangladesh and Myanmar have both ratified the Genocide Convention, the latter ratifying it as early as 1956. They have also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the CEDAW. Neither is state party to the convention dealing with enforced disappearances nor is Myanmar a party to the Convention against Torture, the ICCPR and the ICESCR.

Despite such shortcomings, Myanmar and Bangladesh are both obliged under the basic principles of international human rights to respect fundamental rights. However, the fact that Myanmar has seemingly very little obligations, as it is not a party to some major conventions, makes it slightly easier for it to argue that it is not bound by any relevant international norms.

In fact, a majority of the international human rights instruments Myanmar has ratified deal with trafficking, women, children and persons with disabilities. The human rights violations it has committed, as based on the testimonies of the Rohingyas and the investigations carried out by the United Nations all fall under the conventions that Myanmar has not signed or ratified.

So, where the document between Bangladesh and Myanmar reads that both will refrain from implementing any policy that violates human rights enshrined in international instruments to which they are both a party — it is easy to see the glaring gaps.

Testimonies and reports have shown that both the Myanmar military and members of the civilian population took part in the burning of houses, torture, looting and rape of the Rohingyas. Given the circumstances of the whole issue, the continuing persecution and the eye-witness accounts, it might be safe to say that none of the civilians who took part in these crimes have been arrested or prosecuted. Furthermore, homes were robbed, vandalised and burnt under false pretexts of ‘arms searches’ and Rohingya men were arrested for being terrorists or for aiding criminals, by soldiers, with no evidence and with obviously ulterior motive.

The document states that Myanmar will not criminalise returnees for their illegal exit and return unless there are specific cases of their involvement in terrorist or criminal activities. It is obvious that given the persecution faced by the Rohingyas in the name of ‘terrorism’ and the arrests made with no evidence or grounds, as soon as they start returning there is the very real fear that the persecution and witch-hunt will start again. Under a repressive state, there is no need for evidence or proof to persecute the dissenters and the defenceless.

The criteria for eligibility for return, contained in this document, also raise questions. The first criterion is that the returnees must be residents of Myanmar. When a people have no citizenship they do not have passports or national identity cards either. When they are fleeing in fear, how many are in the frame of mind to remember documents relating to property, home or some form of identification?

Old or expired citizenship cards, legal documents, might well have gone up in flames as homes and villages were burnt or are in homes now taken over by others. The agreement does mention that other documentation or information indicating residence in Myanmar such as addresses, reference to household or business ownership, school attendance or other relevant information would also be accepted but if the papers/written proof is not there, it will be easy to dismiss claims and not allow entry.

The document clearly states that ‘bona fide evidence of residence in Myanmar’ is a must. The document does not give any alternative solution if such papers or documentation is unavailable. It does state that UNHCR-issued refugee documents will also be verified but since proof of bona fide evidence is made mandatory, such a UN document does not have much use alone.

Where are the checks and balances and security measures to ensure returning Rohingyas that they will be safe in Myanmar? That the agreement will not be breached? The document states that the UNHCR and other mandated UN agencies as well as ‘interested international partners’ would be invited to participate in the return and resettlement process ‘as appropriate’.

But nowhere does it state that in order to prevent further human rights violations, there will be in place UN mechanisms or any form of checks and balances to ensure effective implementation of the contents of the ‘arrangement’ that apply to resettlement, return of property and households and legal recognition of Rohingyas in Myanmar.

The language of this document, on a whole, is disappointing. The fact that it states that ‘Myanmar will not criminalise (ie prosecute or penalise) returnees for illegal exit and return…’ reeks of denial of atrocities perpetrated on the Rohingyas. Did the latter have any other choice but to flee the horrors? Even when they fled and hid in the jungles in Myanmar, they were chased down.

There is no mention of the persecution. There is no mention of measures to identify, arrest and prosecute those who have committed crimes against the Rohingyas. This is not an agreement to save lives and put an end to atrocities against human rights. It is not an agreement to recognise the Rohingyas as citizens of Myanmar. It is a scheme to push back a terrorised population.

There are no measures or guarantees in place to prevent further violations against the Rohingyas who return.

The fact that this document is called an ‘arrangement’ and not an ‘agreement’ shows that it is for a political and not a humanitarian purpose. There is high possibility that Bangladesh might be taking an awful risk and breaching the principle of non-refoulement if, by some miracle, the Rohingyas are convinced into going back based on this arrangement. After hosting a huge number of sacred, defenceless and violated people and giving them shelter and assistance, does the Bangladesh government want to see these people persecuted again and return?

It will seem as if it is contributing to the human rights violations on the Rohingyas. The United Nations can no longer sit back and let Bangladesh and Myanmar ‘deal’ with the issue. Human rights violations are not regional or ‘cross-border’.
They are international.
The plight of the Rohingyas has shaken the whole world.
They safety, security, dignity and rights must be of international concern too.

Saira Rahman Khan teaches law at BRAC University.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29561/a-solution-that-will-not-save-lives



INDIA’S STAND ON ROHINGYA CRISIS
Such a strange silence
Published: 00:05, Dec 02,2017 | Updated: 21:49, Dec 01,2017

India’s reticence on the Rohingya crisis undermines its democracy and global standing, writes Suhasini Haidar
THE Pope has been in South Asia this week, with the focus of his stops in Bangladesh and Myanmar on the reconciliation and rehabilitation of more than 836,000 Rohingya (including 6,23,000 since August, according to the UN’s International Organisation for Migration) who have fled gruesome violence in Myanmar.

Flurry of diplomatic activity
THE Pope is by no means alone. In the past month, the US sent secretary of state Rex Tillerson to Myanmar, while a senior State Department team as well as the British and Canadian international development ministers travelled to Rohingya camps in Bangladesh’s Cox’s Bazar. Singapore’s foreign minister has made trips to Naypyidaw and Dhaka, exploring a role for ASEAN countries to help in the crisis. And earlier this month, Bangladesh foreign minister Abul Hassan Mahmood Ali took the European Union’s foreign affairs high representative along with the German, Swedish and Japanese foreign ministers for a survey of the refugee camps. No Indian leader has, however, visited them.

In a rare shift of position from not involving itself in the internal politics of another country, China decided to play a mediatory role in the issue, and foreign minister Wang Yi went to Dhaka to meet prime minister Sheikh Hasina on November 18, and then to Naypyidaw to meet president Htin Kyaw.

Within days, Bangladesh and Myanmar announced an agreement to begin the repatriation of Rohingya refugees back to Rakhine province in about two months, as part of what Wang called a three-phase solution. It is significant that within the same week, Myanmar army chief Min Aung Hlaing visited China for more talks on the Rohingya crisis, while the country’s other power centre, State counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, is now headed to Beijing for three days.

Biggest nation, smallest voice
IN THIS flurry of diplomatic activity, it would be natural to ask why India has been so soft-footed and silent in comparison. As the subcontinent’s biggest nation, neighbour to both Bangladesh and Myanmar, as well as the country most likely to be affected if the numbers of Rohingya refugees continue to grow, India in fact should be showing the most initiative in this crisis. Instead, through a series of blunders that began with prime minister Narendra Modi’s own visit to Myanmar, India has allowed its voice to be muffled.

Even as hundreds of thousands were fleeing violence at home, Modi refused to refer to the Rohingya in his press statements in Naypyidaw in early September. Nor did India refer to anything other than the terror strike by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army while discussing the violence in Rakhine.

It wasn’t until two days later, and after some prodding from Hasina, that the Indian foreign office even issued a statement of concern over the refugee crisis that had reached alarming proportions, something the U.S. has now called a clear case of ‘ethnic cleansing’. Moreover, in Bali, India refused to endorse a 50-nation parliamentarian conference’s declaration because it referenced the Rohingya. Every other South Asian country, including Buddhist-majority Bhutan and Sri Lanka, endorsed the Bali declaration.

Later in September, the government began to dispatch humanitarian aid in an operation rather grandly named ‘Operation Insaniyat (Humanity)’, but was only one of several countries including the US, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Malaysia and others to do so.

The government’s consignment to Myanmar of a mere 3,000 ‘family bags’ last week also slipped notice given the large numbers of those displaced inside Rakhine and in desperate need of assistance.

The Indian effort, coupled with foreign minister Sushma Swaraj’s visit to Bangladesh, where she didn’t even spare time for a trip to the camps, stands out not just in stark contrast to other nations, but to India’s own record.

In every way, the Rohingya crisis is mammoth, with around a million men, women and children in Bangladesh and Myanmar living perilously. India, which has a tradition of rushing humanitarian aid and medical assistance, doctors and volunteers to other nations — for example, after the 2004 tsunami, the 2008 Cyclone Nargis that hit Myanmar, and the 2015 Nepal earthquake — has been seen to visibly hold back during the Rohingya crisis.

Position at the UN
MEANWHILE, at the UN too, India’s voice has been consistently muted, ceding space to other countries to take the lead on the issue. The UK, for example, hosted a meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly with Myanmar’s National Security Adviser and Bangladesh’s foreign minister, attended by senior officials from Indonesia, Turkey, Australia, Canada, Sweden, Denmark and the US. At the UNGA’s Third Committee vote, India abstained on a resolution calling for an end to military action, one of 26 abstentions on the proposal to send a UN fact-finding mission to Myanmar — 135 countries voted in favour of the resolution.

While India’s vote is consistent with its position on interventionist resolutions, it doesn’t mark itself out for principled leadership of any kind. If anything, the votes have had a bearing on India’s standing in Bangladesh, one of its closest allies in the region, whose leadership is struggling to cope with the flow of refugees as Hasina braces for a tough election next year.
In short, all of India’s actions since the outbreak of this round of violence in Myanmar have negated its position as a regional, subcontinental and Asian leader. Regaining that stature will require a more proactive stance in being part of the solution to the crisis.

To begin with, the impression that the government’s decision to push out nearly 40,000 Rohingya living in India since 2012 is guided by its domestic political compulsions is not conducive to India’s international ambitions.

Therefore, it may be necessary for India to put its own concerns about repatriation on hold until it is able to work with both Bangladesh and Myanmar on the issue, preferably in a trilateral format. This should have been easier for India than for China, given it already works with them on regional issues as a part of BIMSTEC.

Spell out the refugee policy
THE government must also iron out internal contradictions on India’s refugee policy. Even though it is not a signatory to any UN refugee convention, India has a proud tradition of giving a home to neighbours in distress: from Tibetans in 1960s to East Pakistanis in the 1970s, from Sri Lankans in the 1980s to the Afghans in the 1990s.

More recently, the Modi government even changed its long-term visa rules to help minorities fleeing violence from neighbouring Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Pakistan. If India now says it cannot help Rohingya, who are a minority in Myanmar, it is either saying that Rohingya are not Myanmarese or that Myanmar is not a neighbour, both of which contradict previous positions.

The government’s argument in court that Rohingya refugees pose a terrorist threat wasn’t used for Sri Lankans or Afghans. India also has a unique position as a country that is home to every religion practised in the region and must play to this strength.

For all these reasons, India, which has high stakes in global and regional governance, must ensure its voice is heard on the Rohingya crisis. Mumbling as part of a chorus while one of the biggest human tragedies is unfolding across two of India’s borders does not behove a nation with global leadership aspirations.

Those questioning India’s push for a Security Council seat have often cited its record as a fence sitter at the UN. All those critics must be silenced now by clarity in India’s position on an issue where abstentions cannot suffice.

The Hindu.com, December 1.
http://www.newagebd.net/article/29564/such-a-strange-silence

Appeasing the neighbour
Kamal Ahmed | Update: 20:34, Nov 29, 2017

Bangladesh has signed a document with the Myanmar government for the ‘return of persons displaced from the Rakhine state’. Though it had been referred to as a Memorandum of Understanding, the document used the term ‘bilateral arrangement’.
It is doubtful whether such an ‘arrangement’ has ever cropped up in international law or diplomatic terminology and so the concerned diplomats of Myanmar and Bangladesh deserve special thanks for coming up with this innovation!

We are also grateful to the foreign minister Abdul Hassan Mahmud Ali for his frank and honest comments to the media after signing the document. After all, honesty is not a common trait when it comes to politics. He said that they had wanted to follow the 1992 agreement and that has more or less had been done. The important issue was to send back the Rohingyas.

Bangladesh won accolades from all over the world for displaying its generosity in providing shelter to one million Rohingyas. Isn’t it only natural that they will display similar largesse of heart towards a neighbour?

According to the foreign minister, the most important matter was to send back the Rohingyas. One cannot disagree. But the fact remains that in keeping with the 1992 agreement, a large section of the Rohingyas did not return to their homeland. So if the 1992 agreement is taken as a model, how could we not realise that this means a large number of Rohingyas will remain back in Bangladesh this time too?

Experience tells us that Myanmar is prone to go back on its word and so they generally don’t even sign the minutes of any bilateral discussions. If the objective of signing this document is to display one’s greatness, then we surely deserve a pat on the back. But there is no reason to believe that Naypyidaw will take the Rohingyas back and provide them with full security and dignity.

The Myanmar army began its operation against the so-called Arakan Salvation Army (ARSA) militants on 25 August. The international community, particularly the UN human rights commission, was alerted about the brutality of the operation and the ethnic cleansing launched against the Rohingyas.

Bangladesh had no alternative but to open its borders to the Rohingyas fleeing for their lives from their own land. And within a very short time the number of Rohingyas seeking refuge crossed 100 thousand.

They continued to pour in and on 21 September the prime minister put forward a five-point proposal to resolve the crisis:

1. Myanmar would have to unconditionally, immediately and permanently halt its violence and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingyas;

2. The UN secretary general should immediately send a investigation team to Myanmar;

3. Rules to protect people of all race and religion would have to be drawn up and a safety zone be set up in Myanmar under UN supervision;

4. Ensuring repatriation and rehabilitation of all Rohingyas forcefully driven out of Rakhine back to their own homes;

5. Unconditional, complete and speedy implementation of the Kofi Annan Commission recommendations.

While presenting the proposals, the prime minister mentioned that according to UN agencies, the number of Rohingyas arriving in Bangladesh had totaled 430 thousand. Certain western countries like France, UK, Sweden and the US, stressed that this was a humanitarian crisis.

The Security Council discussed the issue at least thrice and called for an immediate halt to the violence. Though no proposal could be passed due to opposition from Russia and China, everyone had called for an end to the brutality and for the Rohingyas to be returned.

The head of the Security Council would not have been able to make such a statement without the approval of Russia and China. A similar message was strongly issued by the UN human rights commission and the UN General Assembly’s Third Committee. Myanmar, however, has paid little heed to such proposals from the international community.

They continue with their crackdown and in the meantime, another 225 thousand Rohingyas have entered Bangladesh. Various human rights bodies, the UN and representatives of various countries have found evidence and proof of Myanmar’s planned and cruel ethnic cleansing. US secretary of state visited Naypyidaw and talked to the country’s military and civil leaders.

Upon his return to the US, he spoke of the ethnic cleansing being carried out there. Many others in the West are demanding the trial of the military officials who perpetuated the persecution. The UN human rights commission will shortly meet to determine steps against Myanmar.

When the international community is taking stern initiative against a racist government and military, Bangladesh is speaking of friendship with this neighbour and has made no mention of the brutality against the innocent people.

The prime minister appealed in the UN for the brutality against the Rohingyas to be halted. Our permanent representative in the UN repeatedly highlighted the violence against the Rohingyas. Yet none of this was mentioned in the document. It was just mentioned that a large number of Muslims and other communities who resided in Myanmar came and took shelter in Bangladesh after the terrorist attacks on 9 October 2016 and 25 August 2017.

Myanmar is the source of the Rohingya crisis but Bangladesh is bearing the brunt. It is clearly stated that the Muslims and others displaced from Rakhine have come to Bangladesh because of the terrorists, not because of the Myanmar government or the security forces. What a big relief that is for Myanmar! The foreign minister may understand between whether the cries from the outside world about ethnic cleansing and crime against humanity make any difference at all.

Yet just two months ago the foreign ministry had called for a UN inquiry into the matter. We have not reiterated the call for a safe zone within Myanmar. Myanmar can also be elated that the document nowhere mentions Rohingyas or even ‘citizens’ of Myanmar. They are called ‘residents’. There is no timeframe for the repatriation with a specific deadline. The role given to the court in Bangladesh regarding the repatriation may serve to create further delay.

Bangladesh signed the document on lines with the 1992 agreement because that is how Myanmar wanted it. The issue of the Rohingyas who came previously over the past two decades, has been left for discussion at a later date. A country which has suffered the anguish of genocide itself, is so silent about the genocide being carried out in a neighbouring state. All this has been done to maintain good relations with the neighbour. Is this a sign of greatness? Or aiding and abetting crime?

There are many Rohingyas in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps who had come here before and had gone back under UNHCR supervision, with assurance from officials from both countries. They have been driven from their homes and are back in Bangladesh. Some of them have lost family members, have lost their homes. Their grief knows no bounds.

No national or international organization has been able to draw up an estimate of how many people have been killed so far. The spies of the security forces had already identified those who had secretly taken pictures and gathered evidence of the brutality and managed to send this abroad. On 27 November the Guardian reported that these informal reporters had been picked up by the army and they had not returned. It is apprehended that they have been killed.

The UN human rights commission has expressed its fears and Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have stated, that the army has used rape as a tool of ethnic cleansing. On 27 November the UK government allocated a separate fund for around 2000 victims of sexual violence. It may take some time for the actual number of rape victims to be determined.

It will not be easy to complete the list of the atrocities committed by the Myanmar army. But it is no secret that they have a propensity for cruelty. Every time the Rohingyas have had to flee, there has been evidence of indiscriminate killing, rape, looting and arson. When you hear a neighbour has been murdered, what do you do? Your first reaction will naturally be to inform the police and ensure that legal action is taken against the killer. Why will this not apply to a country too?

* Kamal Ahmed is a senior journalist and Consulting Editor of Prothom Alo. This piece, originally published in Prothom Alo Bangla print edition, has been rewritten in English by Ayesha Kabir, Consultant (Content) Prothom Alo English Online.
http://en.prothom-alo.com/opinion/news/135505/Appeasing-the-neighbour

 

[Banglar Bir]

Analysis: Face-to-face with Rohingya, pope ditches diplomacy

Pope Francis interacts with a Rohingya Muslim refugee at an interfaith peace meeting in Dhaka, Bangladesh, Friday, Dec. 1, 2017. Pope Francis ordained 16 priests during a Mass in Bangladesh on Friday, the start of a busy day that will bring him face-to-face with Rohingya Muslim refugees from Myanmar at an interreligious prayer for peace. (AP Photo/Aijaz Rahi)
By NICOLE WINFIELD
Associated Press
December 3, 2017
Dhaka, Bangladesh -- Pope Francis has gotten into trouble before for ditching diplomatic protocol and calling a spade a spade, most famously when he labeled the Ottoman-era slaughter of Armenians a "genocide" from the altar of St. Peter's Basilica.
Francis took the hit — Turkey recalled its ambassador to the Vatican in protest — for the sake of standing up for an oppressed people who were nearly wiped off the map a century ago.
Given the opportunity to do the same in Myanmar, where the military has launched what the U.N. says is a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya Muslim minority, Francis opted instead for diplomatic expediency. He not only avoided the contested term "Rohingya" in his public remarks, he ignored Asia's worst refugee crisis in decades entirely and didn't call out his hosts for launching it.
Human rights groups complained. Rohingya complained. Journalists and pundits asked if Francis' legacy as a fearless crusader for the world's most marginal — the poor, homeless, refugees and prisoners — wasn't now in question.
By Friday, Francis' heart won out.
In an emotional encounter with 16 Rohingya refugees, Francis said what he probably wanted to say from the start. His voice trembling after he greeted the men, women and children who had been forced to flee their homes in Myanmar for wretched camps in Bangladesh, Francis begged them for forgiveness for what they had endured and the "indifference of the world" to their plight.
"The presence of God today also is called 'Rohingya,'" he told them.
And with that one word, Francis erased days of speculation that the tell-it-like-it-is, protocol-be-damned pope had sold out to the professional diplomats at the Vatican who were willing to deny a persecuted minority their very identity for the sake of global and local church politics.
Francis on Saturday explained his strategy: He said he would have never gotten his message across if he had launched into a public critique of the Rohingya offensive while on Burmese soil, saying doing so would have "slammed the door in their face" to any real dialogue.
"It's true I didn't have the pleasure of slamming the door in their face publicly with a denunciation," Francis told reporters en route home to Rome. "But I had the satisfaction of dialogue, and letting the other side dialogue, and in this way the message arrived."
The Vatican had defended Francis' initial silence as necessary for the sake of "building bridges" with Myanmar, which only established diplomatic relations with the Holy See in May.
"Vatican diplomacy is not infallible," spokesman Greg Burke told reporters in Yangon. "You can criticize what's said, what's not said. But the pope is not going to lose moral authority on this question here."
Burke added that the Catholic Church is a minority in Myanmar. The implication was clear: Catholics are already discriminated against in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar, and certainly didn't need any blowback from the vast majority of Burmese who recoil at the term "Rohingya" because it implies an official recognition of them as an ethnic group. The local church had urged Francis to refrain from using the term, and Francis obliged.
A pope is first and foremost a shepherd to his flock.
The Vatican also wanted to back its local church in supporting Aung San Suu Kyi, who many Burmese see as their only hope for forging a more democratic, inclusive society where basic rights are guaranteed for all minorities — Christians included.
And so when he arrived in Yangon and joined Suu Kyi at an official welcome ceremony, Francis behaved like a true diplomat.
He called for all ethnic groups in Myanmar to have their basic rights guaranteed — an important message to be sure but one that was clearly written by committee.
Francis upped the ante when he arrived in Bangladesh, where he acknowledged the "immense toll of human suffering" under way in the squalid, overcrowded refugee camps that are now home to more than 620,000 Rohingya who have poured across the border from Myanmar's Rakhine state.
In his official arrival speech, Francis demanded the international community take "decisive measures" to not only help Bangladesh provide for the refugees, but to resolve the underlying political causes in Myanmar that set off the exodus.
But he didn't say "Rohingya." Until he met them.
And when he did, when he clasped their hands in his and listened to their tragedies, he not only acknowledged their identity, he assumed responsibility for all the suffering they had endured.
"In the name of all those who persecute you, who have persecuted you, and those who have hurt you, above all in the indifference of the world, I ask you for forgiveness," he said. He repeated the word: "Forgiveness."
Francis was back.
http://www.rohingyablogger.com/2017/12/analysis-face-to-face-with-rohingya.html


Suu Kyi should heed Pope's suggestion on UN role
Pope endorses Suu's peace efforts
LARRY JAGAN FORMER BBC WORLD SERVICE NEWS EDITOR
4 Dec 2017 at 04:25

Catholic faithful watch a video of Pope Francis' meeting with Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi, during a mass at Kyite Ka San Football Stadium in Yangon on Friday. (Reuters photo)
Pope Francis' visit to Myanmar last week was an overwhelming success and may provide the much needed spark to ignite the government's peace process and its efforts to bring reconciliation to the country's violence-torn western region of Rakhine. The Pope's message was loud and clear: the only way forward for Myanmar was "love and peace", the title used for his visit.

"It's good that the Christian leader has come here and preached peace," said Win Lwin, a 40-year old taxi driver in Yangon, and a staunch supporter of Aung San Suu Kyi. "Pope Francis' visit was a clear endorsement of the government's peace process as defined by Aung San Suu Kyi," Denzil Abel, a Myanmar intellectual, former diplomat and Catholic told the Bangkok Post.

"The Pope's visit is exciting for both Christians and Buddhists," said Nay Aye, a former seaman, now earning his living driving a delivery van. "His words of tolerance and kindness were an inspiration to us all," he added. He was one of 200,000 people who crammed into the Kyaikkasan sports ground to hear his sermon in Yangon, on the penultimate day of his visit.

Larry Jagan is a Myanmar specialist and former BBC World Service news editor for the region.

Indeed the Pope's visit was a diplomatic triumph: by both example and words he showed that respect for others, tolerance and compassion should be the way forward. Apart from his speech in the capital Nay Pyi Taw to government officials, foreign diplomats, political parties and civil society, his key sermon in Yangon and a mass for the young people at St Mary's Cathedral, he met separately with the army commander-in-chief, Sen Gen Min Aung Hlaing, the senior leaders of the Buddhist and Christian faiths. He also had a private moment with the country's civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.

He stressed the similarities between religions, the shared goals and vision. "I know that many in Myanmar bear the wounds of violence, wounds both visible and invisible," he told his audience in Nay Pyi Taw. Resist the temptation to exact revenge, instead show "forgiveness and compassion" and allow these wounds to heal, he urged.

"He did not come to blame or lecture," Cardinal Charles Bo, the head of Myanmar Catholic Church told the Bangkok Post on the eve of his visit. "He is not here to convert or proselytise," he emphasised. "He doesn't want to anger any community; he is cautious not to divide or polarise."

And indeed the Pope continually stressed unity and diversity. "Even for non-Christians, the Pope's message was like a beacon, and his visit showed strong support for our leader, Aung San Suu Kyi," said Maung Maung Lay, vice-president of the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

His visit also helped the people of Myanmar see the country in a positive light, instead of the international condemnation that they have got used to, said a government insider.

But the Pope on this visit also tried to offer practical pointers to help the peace process and national reconciliation. The Pope was keen to stress the role the next generation will play in the country's evolution, saying the future of Myanmar will depend on the young people.

Their education must also be based on "ethical values" including diversity and tolerance and not technical training alone, he suggested, adding that education should teach "the ethical values of honesty, integrity and human solidarity that can ensure the consolidation of democracy and the growth of unity and peace at every level of society." This is an appropriate observation, as it comes at a timely moment for Myanmar's government and educators as they tackle the mammoth task of reforming and rewriting the national curriculum.

One area where the Pope and the Vatican could play a positive role is in fostering interfaith dialogue, a key recommendation of the Kofi Annan Commission for reconciliation in Rakhine. The Church has already laid out a framework for interfaith dialogue, adopted in Rome in 1965, in the Nostrae Aetate. It promotes discussion and sharing between all religions. At the time it was adopted, the synod urged all Catholics and Muslims to forget the hostilities and differences of the past and to work together for mutual understanding and benefit. This could also help in the Myanmar context.

The Vatican has previously intervened quietly in conflict situations in the past, at the request of the antagonists. The "good office" of the Vatican, not unlike the "good offices" of the UN secretary-general, has played an important role in the past, during the Colombian peace talks, and border disputes between Argentina and Chile. The advantage of their involvement is that it is extremely discreet and non-political. Some peace activists have suggested that the Vatican could play a role mediating between Myanmar and Bangladesh, and between the communities in Rakhine.

But the Pope also had some pointed advice for Aung San Suu Kyi. He advised her that she should not forget the UN, and allow them to play a role in Myanmar -- especially in Rakhine. Publicly he drew attention to the importance of the UN in promoting peace, development and human rights.

The UN, he reminded his audience in Myanmar, was formed at the same time as the universal declaration of human rights, in the aftermath of the two world wars. These reflected the "international community's efforts to promote justice, peace, and human development worldwide, and to resolve conflicts through dialogue, not the use of force".

Some analysts believe this was a gentle reminder to the State Counsellor that she should try to mend relations with the UN -- which are at an almost all-time low -- and allow them an important role in repatriation, reconstruction and reconciliation in Rakhine.

This was also the advice the former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan -- who headed the Advisory Commission whose recommendations are the basis of the Myanmar government's plans for solving the Rakhine crisis -- recently gave Surakiart Sathirathai, a former Thai foreign minister and chairman of a newly formed international advisory committee expected to be announced later this week.

The overriding importance of the Pope's visit was also the signal it sent to the international community, according to government insiders.

Whereas the West in particular points accusative fingers, is aggressive and threatening, the Pope came to talk and listen, and was supportive. This is an example of how the international community should act.

And if the West wants to maintain any influence with the Myanmar leaders -- which it is in danger of losing -- adopting the Pope's approach would be more helpful, and may even be more beneficial in solving the dilemmas in Rakhine.
https://www.bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/1371831/suu-kyi-should-heed-popes-suggestion-on-un-role

 

[Banglar Bir]

‘Bangladesh has proved that it has a big heart’
Tarek Mahmud
Published at 02:58 PM December 04, 2017

Bill Chambers, president and CEO of Save the Children, Canada Tarek Mahmud/Dhaka Tribune
'About 100 agencies, including Bangladeshi, UN and other international agencies, are working to meet the needs of the displaced people'
In an interview with the Dhaka Tribune’s Tarek Mahmud, Bill Chambers, president and CEO of Save the Children, Canada, talks about the ongoing Rohingya crisis.

How would you describe your experience of visiting the Rohingya camps here in Bangladesh?

I saw a large number of people living in terrible and traumatic conditions in the camps. They had arrived in Bangladesh in a terrible physical and mental state but were taken in and given the assistance needed in order to improve their physical and mental state.

It is a huge undertaking to welcome over 600,000 displaced people in three months. While visiting the camps, I realized that a lot of work has been done while more work is needed.

It is an ongoing crisis and we need a long-term solution for it.

What are the possible risks for children living at the refugee camp?

Such camps pose many risks for the children living in them. All the children are still suffering from trauma.

The children who came from different small villages of Rakhine are not used to living in such chaotic environment and this puts an adverse effect on them. Besides, a group of people are trying to exploit them. Some are even trying to traffic the children for child labour.

How do you feel about the support-providing systems at the camps? Are they sufficient?

It is a very large and complex exercise. About 100 agencies, including Bangladeshi, UN and other international agencies, are working to meet the needs of the displaced people. Some are working to feed them, some are working at the entry points of the borders, and some are conducting surveys and providing medical treatment. So far, they are doing their best, but it is a laborious task to provide aid to such a huge number of people.

The aid providing system in the camps is currently functional and will be improved for smoother functioning, but the credit for all these go to all the aid providers.

What are your thoughts about the security of the unaccompanied and orphaned children in the camps?

Almost 60% of the Rohingyas are children. Of them, many are unaccompanied and some of them became orphans after losing their parents or getting separated from their families while fleeing Myanmar. There is a chance of these children being exploited as there are some ill-motivated people who are trying to gain financial benefit from this situation.

There is a need to create children-friendly atmosphere in the camps. These children need a family environment so that they feel secure.

What kind of steps should be taken to educate the Rohingya children?

Save the Children believes in educating children all over the world. The right to education is a basic right of the children. We are now working to set up learning centres for them and the people of the community, who have experienced violence year after year.

How can the basic rights of the displaced children be ensured?

Save the Children is working with the Bangladesh government to ensure that the rights of all displaced Rohingya children are respected, so that they have access to the level of protection and assistance they need and are entitled to.

We asked the government [of Bangladesh] to work closely with UN agencies and international NGOs, such as Save the Children, to develop a response plan that adheres to humanitarian principles and make sure that human rights law is implemented with sufficient speed, considering the scale of need and worsening conditions of the displaced Rohingyas.

We are working to ensure that unaccompanied children receive the right care and protection, considering their highly vulnerable condition.

What is Save the Children’s plan for the Rohingya children?

Save the Children has reached over 250,000 Rohingyas in Cox’s Bazar by providing food, shelter and household items, medical care and malnutrition screening and treatment, and child protection activities.

Rohingya children have already suffered so much, with so many of them having witnessed violence and killings. Some children were shot while others had seen their homes being set on fire. Some have watched their parents being killed. The distress and trauma that can arise from experiencing these horrific events needs to be addressed.

Almost all Rohingya children who have fled to Bangladesh have fallen out of the education system because the schools are being used to house the displaced, and also because there is not enough humanitarian funding yet to focus on education, as immediate priorities are food, water, shelter and sanitation. Save the Children is urging all parties to do everything in their power to put an end to the violence in northern Rakhine State and to ensure the protection of all civilians, especially children.

We call for unhindered humanitarian access to northern Rakhine State, where the humanitarian situation will certainly worsen if relief organizations are unable to urgently resume their operations. We also urge the Myanmar authorities to guarantee the safety and security of all humanitarian staff and to allow them to continue their essential work to assist communities in Rakhine State.

We are also pushing members of key UN bodies like Human Rights Council, the Security Council and General Assembly to use their power to tackle the situation at the diplomatic level. We urge the effective implementation of recommendations made by the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, coordinated by Kofi Annan, which released its final report on August 23. The commission recommended a number of concrete steps that the Myanmar government can take to improve the situation for the Rohingya.

A long-term solution must be discovered for the displaced Rohingya who wish to return to Myanmar safely and voluntarily.

What are your observations on the Bangladesh government, the aid providers and the international community members who are supervising the Rohingya camps?

Bangladesh has proved that it has a big heart. It really is a courageous effort to accommodate thousands of people and feed them three times a day. Bangladesh has created an example across the world by helping others. Besides, the aid providers of Bangladesh and other countries should also be thanked for responding to the recent crisis as soon as it started. The international community, including Canada, is also supporting Bangladesh in this issue which is praiseworthy.

How can the Canadian government work more with Bangladesh to take care of the displaced people from Myanmar?

Canada is going to donate $25 million for the Rohingyas in Bangladesh and Myanmar. It is thinking of providing more funds to be spent mostly for the young girls, women and children. We are focusing on the worst victims of the violence to ensure needs and services. We are also focusing on children’s education so that they can connect with the world and raise a voice against the oppression they have been facing.

How do you think the ethnic community can raise their voice on the global stage to secure their rights?

To some extent, it is the responsibility of all of us to inform the world about what kind of lives the Rohingyas are leading amid many difficulties. The Rohingya people who are educated and informed, and are living in other countries, have to play a key role and raise their voice.

Rohingya rehabilitation plan in Bhasan Char at a glance
Md Shafiqul Islam
Published at 11:38 AM December 03, 2017
Rohingya rehabilitation plan in Bhasan Char at a glance
Bhasan Char- a remote island near Hatiya and the site for Rohingya rehabilitation projectBangla Tribune
On November 23, Dhaka signed a Rohingya repatriation deal with Naypyidaw, but the government is moving forward the rehabilitation project for the refugees in Bhasan Char
Thousands of displaced Rohingya, who entered Bangladesh escaping persecution in Myanmar over the years, are currently living in temporary shelters at Kutupalong and Balukhali refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar.
Many refugees are also living outside of Rohigya camps, and the number of Rohingya people has already exceeded that of the local population in Ukhiya and Teknaf.

On November 23, Dhaka signed a Rohingya repatriation deal with Naypyidaw, but the government of Bangladesh is moving forward with the rehabilitation project for the refugees in Bhasan Char- a remote island near Hatiya of Noakhali district.

In the same month, Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (Ecnec) approved a Tk2,312 crore project to rehabilitate 103,200 displaced Rohingya in 120 cluster villages in that island.
Read Also- Ecnec approves $280m Bhasan Char project for Rohingya relocation Under the repatriation deal, Myanmar has agreed to take back displaced Rohingya that entered Bangladesh during October of 2016 and since August 25 of 2017, after verifying their identity.

However, the repatriation process could take an unspecified amount of time, so it is no longer viable for the Bangladesh government to keep the refugees in makeshift camps.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, in an interview with Voice of America last September, revealed that the displaced refugees will be rehabilitated in Bhasan Char, until they could return to their homeland in Rakhine state.

Bangladesh Navy was tasked with the rehabilitation efforts in Bhasan Char.
The aim of the Bhasan Char rehabilitation project is to make the island environment habitable for people, building essential infrastructure and ensure security of its residents.

To this end, the Ecnec on November 28 approved Asrayon 3 – the rehabilitation of 100,000 forcibly displaced Myanmar nationals in Bhasan Char and essential infrastructure construction project.
Sources from the Planning Ministry confirmed that the government exchequer will bear the cost of the project, estimated to be around Tk2,312 crore.

The construction of the project started in July this year, under the supervision of Bangladesh Navy, and is set to be completed by November 30, 2019.

Read Also- How habitable is Bhasan Char?
Under this project, 102 cluster villages will be built for 103,200 Rohingya refugees. Land development and construction of embankment is also planned there, sources said.

1,440 barracks for housing and 120 shelters and several mosques will be built in Bhasan Char, along with an office building and living quarters for Bangladesh Navy officials.

Bhasan Char will also get roads, tube wells, ponds, water supply and sewage infrastructures.
Perimeter fencing and watch towers will be built to ensure security of the rehabilitation project. A fleet of vehicle, comprised of a microbus, 12 motorcycles, 23 human haulers, 40 pushcarts, 43 rickshaw vans, 4 LCUs and 8 speedboats, will be deployed in the project area for monitoring.

There are plans to build warehouses, fuel tanks, helipads, channel markings and mooring buoys, a boat landing site, mobile phone towers, a radar station and a power substation.

A CCTV network, solar panels and backup generators will also be installed there.

Bhasan Char is located 21 nautical miles away from Noakhali, 11 nautical miles from Jahajir Char, 4.2 nautical miles from Sandwip, 28 nautical miles from Patenga Point, and 13.2 nautical miles from Hatiya.
The impact of Rohingya on Cox’s Bazar
Sources from the Ministry of Planning and the Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief told the Bangla Tribune that the influx of thousands of Rohingya refugees is severely impacting both the national security and the natural environment of Bangladesh.

It is getting more and more difficult to accommodate the ever-increasing number of displaced Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar. The refugees have already destroyed a significant stretch of hilly lands and forests.

According to Cox’s Bazar district administration, the local population of Teknaf and Ukhiya is around 500,000 to 700,000, while more than one million Rohingya have taken shelter in the region.
The tide of forcibly displaced Rohingya is impacting in the economic, social and environmental sectors of Cox’s Bazar, which is a top tourist spot in Bangladesh.

To bring the refugee crisis under control Bangladesh Navy began to work the rehabilitation project in Bhasan Char since September this year.

A firm was tasked with creating a master plan for the project.
Read Also- Is Bhashan Char off the table?
To implement the master plan, Bangladesh Navy had recommended that the project construction must be begin in November this year, as the most of the island goes under water during monsoon season.
The Bangladesh Navy proposal also pointed out that if the project construction delayed, the rehabilitation effort may have to be postponed for up to one year.

In could be noted, acting Finance Secretary Mohammad Muslim Chowdhury had sent a project summary to Finance Minister AMA Muhith, asking for Tk25 crore for initial funding of the rehabilitation project.

The summary also mentioned that the prime minister has approved the Bangladesh Navy in principal to carry out project supervision in Bhasan Char. The Ministry of Land also gave its consent regarding the project.

Responding to query, Muhith said: “There are rules and regulations to allocate funds for a project. The Rohingya rehabilitation project will also receive its funding through these regulations.

“There is no room for confusion regarding this issue,” he concluded.
The article was first published on Bangla Tribune
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/nation/2017/12/03/rohingya-plan-bhasan-char-glance/

 

[Banglar Bir]

2:10 PM, December 04, 2017 / LAST MODIFIED: 02:56 PM, December 04, 2017
Dhaka seeks Phnom Penh's support for ‘durable solution’ to Rohingya crisis

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina shakes hands with her Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen at his office in Phnom Penh, Cambodia on Monday, December 4, 2017. Photo: Reuters
BSS, Phnom Penh
Bangladesh today sought Cambodian support towards a "durable solution" to Rohingya crisis as Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina held official talks with her Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen.
"As we continue our bilateral negotiations with Myanmar for Rohingyas' safe return back to their homeland, I requested Prime Minister Hun Sen for his support towards a durable solution of the crisis," Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina said while delivering her joint press statement with the Cambodian premier at the Peace Palace after the official talks between the two countries.

Also read: Dhaka, Phnom Penh sign 10 deals

The Bangladesh prime minister said during the talks they discussed some of the emerging security challenges facing the region and expressed their common resolve to fight terrorism and extremism.

"We've also discussed the Rohingya crisis that threatens peace and stability of our region. Bangladesh continues to shelter more than 1 million Rohingyas, among them around seven lakh Rohingyas fled atrocity in Myanmar and took shelter in Bangladesh recently.

Read more: World treats Bangladesh with respect

The Cambodian prime minister said they discussed the issue of Rohingya people from Myanmar which is really a burden for Bangladesh.

Hun Sen also expressed his hope that both Bangladesh and Myanmar would work together smoothly for the safe return of the refugees back to Myanmar.

"We highly appreciate Bangladesh for giving shelter to the Rohingya people even though Bangladesh has a population of over 160 million. Bangladesh took the issues of refugees on its shoulder," he added.

Describing Cambodia as a close regional neighbour of Bangladesh, the Bangladesh premier said the two countries share common aspirations to promote peace, security and development. "We cooperate closely in many regional and global fora, including at the ARF, ASEM, ACD and the UN," she said.

She termed her visit to Cambodia has been extremely fruitful and said Prime Minister Hun Sen and she remain committed to taking Bangladesh-Cambodia relations to all new heights and dimensions.

The premier commended Hun Sen for the robust growth and development of Cambodia. "During our official talks this morning, we discussed the entire gamut of our bilateral relations in a warm and cordial atmosphere," she said.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is given guard of honour when she reached her Cambodian counterpart Hun Sen’s office in Phnom Penh, Cambodia on Monday, December 4, 2017. Photo: BSS

Sheikh Hasina said a major focus for Bangladesh this time was to intensify trade, economic and technical cooperation. "We have signed 10 bilateral agreements and MoUs during this visit," she said.

The prime minister said Bangladesh has proposed holding of the first Joint Commission to be headed by two Foreign Ministers in Dhaka next year. "We have decided to hold the first meeting of the Joint Trade Council (JTC) to be headed by two Commerce Ministers next year," she said.

Sheikh Hasina said Bangladesh and Cambodia are also considering a proposal for opening of resident diplomatic missions in each other's capital. "I believe that signing of the MOUs on the JTC, on investment promotion, and the agreement between our two apex chambers, will contribute to boosting of bilateral trade and investment," she said.

She said the MoUs signed on technical cooperation in the areas of labour and vocational training, ICT, fisheries and aquaculture and tourism will foster multi-dimensional cooperation.

Pointing out that regional cooperation has also received major focus in today's discussions, she said she is happy to receive Prime Minister Hun Sen's assurances of support to Bangladesh's Sectoral Dialogue Partnership aspiration with ASEAN.

"As a Ganges basin country, Bangladesh also looks forward to working with Cambodia towards our membership aspiration at the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation Forum," she said.

Sheikh Hasina said the people of two great nations endured similar sufferings of mass atrocities and genocide. "Bangladesh peacekeepers were among the first to stand next to the Cambodian people during their post-conflict peace-building," she said.

The premier said the Bengali and the Khmer nations share ancient cultural linkages, a Sanskrit and Pali inspired script, and a common new year in the month of April.

Mentioning that she paid respects to the Norodom Sihanouk Memorial, she said the King Father of Cambodia is held in high esteem in Bangladesh. "I'm very happy to announce that my government is naming a prominent street in our capital Dhaka as a mark of respect to Late King Norodom Sihanouk."

Extending her sincere thanks to Prime Minister Hun Sen for his hospitality, she said this visit would go a long way in taking Bangladesh-Cambodia relations to new heights. "I offer my very best wishes for his good health, long life and happiness, and continued peace, progress and prosperity of the friendly people of Cambodia," she said.

The Cambodian prime minister said, "In the bilateral discussions, we've a very fruitful result in which we're looking forward to work together to becoming developing countries."

He said that Cambodia supports the request from Bangladesh to be the sectoral dialogue partner of ASEAN while Phnom Penh will also work to achieve this goal.

Hun Sen expressed his heartfelt thanks for all the support that Bangladesh extended to the people of Cambodia.

He also noted that through this 2nd official visit of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to Cambodia after her first one in 2001, the bilateral relations of the two countries would be further strengthened.

The Cambodian prime minister also expressed his gratefulness to Sheikh Hasina for the invitation extended to him for the return visit to Bangladesh saying, "I accepted it with pleasure."

The Bangladesh side that took part in the talks included Civil Aviation and Tourism Minister Rashed Khan Menon, Foreign Minister AH Mahmood Ali, State Minister for ICT Division Zunaid Ahmed Palak, PM's Principal Secretary Dr Kamal Abdul Naser Chowdhury, Chief Coordinator on the SDG Affairs at the Prime Minister's Office Md Abul Kalam Azad, Foreign Secretary M Shahidul Huq and PM's Press Secretary Ihsanul Karim.
http://www.thedailystar.net/rohingy...able-solution-myanmar-rohingya-crisis-1499938

 

[kingQamaR]

This is sadly the awful truth coming out from Myanmar . Dismissing these voices coming from out their as crazy for attacking the pope and others has a constant sad message for you , their way of saying no return for Muslim Royingas to Myanmar ever . They have been refusing to recognise them as a indigenous ethnic group . The whole society is in a agreement their in this
I see no return for our Muslim brother and sisters to their homeland diplomacy has failed decades ago with this anti Muslim state . There’s only one way to reverse this and we all know what that is ?

 

[Skull and Bones]

BD need to begin arming and training the rohingya.

Pakistan did the same with Afghan Mujahideens, and is paying the price for 2 decades, and will for forseeable future.

 

[Centaur]

The south Asian countries are champion for erasing history bro, so don't be upset.

 

[Indian Jatt]

The south Asian countries are champion for erasing history bro, so don't be upset.

We saved you from getting erased, what do you say about it?

 

[Centaur]

We saved you from getting erased, what do you say about it?

I am truly grateful for such loving act of India. I want to say that please make an idol of yours and 130 crore indians too separately and send to me.
I will worship your idol every day in return of this great lovely favour.
Please send okay?

 

[Indian Jatt]

Up

I am truly grateful for such loving act of India. I want to say that please make an idol of yours and 130 crore indians too separately and send to me.
I will worship your idol every day in return of this great lovely favour.
Please send okay?

Here you go....
I'll send 1.3 billion idols to you but make sure you have enough money to pay shipping charges, your foreign reserves too will dry up paying for the idols delivery charges.....

 

[Centaur]

Up
Here you go....
I'll send 1.3 billion idols to you but make sure you have enough money to pay shipping charges, your foreign reserves too will dry up paying for the idols delivery charges.....

Give us one more favour please, make idle with gold and pay the shipping charge too. Atleast gods shouldn't ask money from poors.
They should pay instead!

After all those gods' saved our entity.